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Corporation 


33  WIST  MAIN  STRKT 
WHSTIR,N.Y    USaO 

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CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICMH 
Collection  de 
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Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 


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Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notas/Notas  tachniquas  at  bibliographiquas 


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original  copy  availabia  for  filming.  Faaturaa  of  this 
copy  which  may  ba  bibliographically  uniqua, 
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raproduction,  or  which  may  significantly  changa 
tha  usual  mathod  of  filming,  ara  chackeo  baluw. 


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Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 


rri    Covers  damag^id/ 


Couverture  er.dommagte 

Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
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D 
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Additional  comments:/ 
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L'exemplaire  filmi  fut  reproduit  grAce  d  la 
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Biblic^hique 

Affaires  Indiennes  et  du  Nord 

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d'impression  ou  d'iiiustration,  soit  par  le  second 
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originaux  sont  filmte  en  commen^ant  par  la 
prem!4re  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'iiiustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  derniire  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaTtra  sur  la 
derniire  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbols  — ►  signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbols  y  signifie  "FIN". 

Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  dtre 
fiimAs  A  des  taux  de  reduction  diffdrents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  dtre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  clich6, 11  est  film*  A  partir 
de  I'angle  sup6rieur  gauche,  de  gauche  A  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  preiiant  le  nombre 
d'im&ges  nicessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  m6thode. 


1 

2 

3 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

and 
the 
tun 


1 


I  i 


HISTORY 


OF  THB 


INDIANS  OF  CONNECTICUT 


waoM 


THE  EARLIEST  KIS^OWJST  PERIOD 


TO 


A.    D.    18S0. 


By  JOHN  W.  Db  FOREST. 


Oar  inheritance  is  turned  to  strangers,  our  houses  to  aliens.    We  are  orohans 
and  fatherless,  our  mothers  are  a,  widows.    The  elders  have  ceased  ^^the  gat  e 
he  young  men  from  their  music.    The  joy  of  our  hearts  is  ceased    rrdanS  is 
turned  into  mourning. "-Lamentations,  Chapter  V 


1! 

raffl^K 

1 

PI 

1 
1 

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t 

• 

1 

■E 

» 

• 

ALBANY: 

J.  MUNSELL,  83  STATE  STREET. 
1871. 


'm^i'."  iWiiiiuii.imiiniiMa.,!,,.^ 


"-"iiwifiwiiiiii 


The  remainder  of  the  edition  of  this  work  ho  • 
Hands,  I  have  added  a  new  title  pa^!  wilL  7- ^^"^  ^"^  '"^ 
of  that  of  a  fpnner  publisher.  '      "  ""P""*  '""''^^^ 

J.  M. 


! 

TESTIMONIAL  FROM  THE  CONNECTICUT  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY. 


ome  into  my 
iprint  instead 

J.  M. 


This  work  having  l^en  submitted  in  manmcripi  ,<,  ,he  Hi„„ri,.,  g„,.,„ 

.l.es:rr  ""'"■■"'"'""■°"  ">--  -»'ned  „.,e  adopted  b, 

Jtt?aT'"\T°-'''''^  February  5.h,  1850,  by  the  Con- 
necticut  H.stoncal  Socety,  to  examine  a  manuscript  history 
De  ror!!r"  "■"''»  "fConuecticut,  prepared  by  Mr'john  w' 
De  Fore,,,  and  to  give  an  opinion  whether  it  should  be  nub 
..hed  under  the  patronage  of  the  Society,  would  respeltj^t 

That  they  have  read  the  manuscript  referred  to.  with  as 
much  a„e„.,on  as  time  and  circumstances  would  a  loT  and 
fluJ  ...  ..  abundant  evidence  of  labor  and  research  and  a  col 
lect.o„  of  facts  which  they  think  highly  imp„r.tt  for  a  fuU 
e  ucdatton  of  the  history  oftheState.^  They  have  no.  though 
.necessary  to  look  at  the  authorities  on  whfch  Mr.  De  FoS 
rel.es  for  h.s  statements,  a,  it  is  understood  that  he  wishes  ,1 

.re'dtr  wtr  "'^°"* '-  '"^  ^»-  -"  »p'r»° . 

The  Committee  recommend   that  the  Society  should  en 

re;x^i^drh2p— :------r 

J.  L.  KINGSLEY, 
LEONARD  BACON 

N.W  H„..,  Conn..  March  ..d,  ,8^-  ™''^''''- 


1 


it 


I 


PREFACE. 


The  advice  of  friends  whose  judgment  I  highly  respect  induces 
me  to  give  a  brief  account  of  my  course  of  investigations  with 
regard  to  the  subject  treated  in  the  present  volume,  and  of  the 
authorities  upon  which  the  narrative  principally  relies.     It  was 
no  intention  of  becoming  an  author,  but  a  real  love  of  the  subject, 
which  first  led  me  to  pay  attention  to  the  story  of  the  aborigines 
of  Connecticut.     As  was  natural,  therefore,  I  first  read  for  infor- 
mation those  works,  which,  being  the  most  common,  were  most 
likely  to  fall  in  my  way.     The  most  important  of  these  were, 
Trumbull's  History  of  Connecticut,  Barber's  Historical  Collec- 
tions of  Connecticut,  and  Thatcher's  Indian  Biographies.    When, 
however,  I  had  once  formed  the  resolution  of  writing  upon  the 
subject,  I  could  not,  of  course,  be  satisfied,  without  going  back  to 
the  sources  from  whence  these  authon?  drew  their  narrations.     A 
large  portion  of  these  sources  were  kindly  opened  to  me  in  the 
Library  of  Yale  College ;  and,  with  my  writing  materials  con- 
stantly before  me,  I  commenced  availing  myself  of  their  contents. 
Having  gone  through  with  the  printed  matter  which  I  found  there, 
having  read  Winthrop  and  Hazard  and  their  host  of  associate 
worthies  as  closely  as  seemed  to  be  necessary,  I  proceeded  to 
Hartford  and  commenced  with  the  shelves  full  of  manuscript 
volumes  preserved  in  the  office  of  the  Secretary  of  State.     The 
Colonial  Records,  the  State  Records,  the  Papers  on  Indians,  on 
Towrs  and  Lands  and  on  Ecclesiastical  Affairs,  although  they 
occupied  me  a  long  time,  were  at  last  finished.     Next  followed  a 

J* 


VI 


PftEFACE, 


scrubs  of  journeys,  m  which,  visiting  the  primitive  townships  of  the 
feci  n?.      '"TV  f  ^""^  ^'  whatever  existed  in  their 

till        T    7    "''^  """^  °'  •"'°™^*'''"  ^-hausted  ;  and 
from  the  nr,atenals  now  lying  before  me  began  to  arrange  and 

wnte  out  my  history.     Many  new  examinations  and  additions, 

however  were  made  after  I  had  commenced  my  narrative  ;  and 

eou  Iw  H     ;u      '^'7  °f  ^^"-^-"'  ^'^hough  it  may  not  hav 
equalled,  has  fallen  not  far  behind,  the  labor  of  compositL.     It  is 
upon  the  toundation  laid  in  this  manner  that  the  suoerstructure 
contained  m  the  present  volume  has  been  erected.     It  may  be 
interesting,  however,  to  students  cf  Connecticut  histoiy,  to  receive 

works  whose  authority  on  this  subject  is  of  the  most  importance. 

The  Collections  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  „ow 
amoun  mg  to  thuty  volumes,  is  the  first  which  I  shall  notice! 
This  adm.raole  repository  the  best  of  its  kind  in  the  United  States, 
consists,  to  a  considerable  extent,  of  reprints  of  old  a.d  rare  his- 
onca  works  relatmg  to  the  early  ages  of  our  country,  and  par- 
ncularly  of  New  England.     In  this  precious  libnu-y  of  antiques 
are  to  be  found,  iSew  England's  Plantation,  and  Roger  Williams' 
Key  mto   the   Indian   Languages,  from   which   I   have  drawn 
rny  bnef  account  of  the  anci.nt  appea,.nce  and  productions  of 
Connecticut.     In  the  Key  also,  and  in  Gookin's  Historical  Col- 
lections  of  t.e  Indians  of  New  England,  likewie.  presei.ed  in  the 
name  repository,  may  be  found  most  of  my  .naterials  fo.  the  sketch 
ol  the  people,  their  customs,  language  and  institutions. 

The  position  and  relative  importance  of  the  various  tribes  is  too 
apparent  H  om  the  whole  course  of  Connecticut  history  t-  need 
much  citation  of  authorities  ;  yetdolthink  that  I  have  disco-'ered 
a  number  of  .ew  facts  with  regard  to  thes.  subjects  .y  an  exami- 
nation  of  the  ancient  recoitls  of  the  towns. 

For  my  account  of  she  intercourse,  whether  peaceable  or  hostile 
between  the  Indians  of  Connecticut  and  the  Dutch.  I  am  indebted 


:> 


I 


il 


Ik 


PREFACE.  ^jj 

to  O  CaHaghan's  minute  and  admirable  Histoiy  of  the  Colony  of 
Ne  w  Netherland.    For  the  early  dealings  between  the  Indians  and 
the  English,  the  principal  and  the  best  authority  is  the  well 
known  Journal  of  John  Winthrop,  as  presented  in  the  admirable 
edition  of  Savage.     Winthrop  carries  us  from  1630  to  1649,  with 
general  accuracy,  and  with  the  impartial  spirit  of  a  Christian  gen- 
tleman.     The  Pequot  war  is  related  by  Winthrop,  who  was  a 
cotemporary,  and  by  John  Mason,  John  Underbill,  P.  Vincent  and 
Lyon  Gardiner,  who  were  all  actors  in  the  struggle.     Of  these 
narrations,  Mason's,  especially  when  taken  in  conjunction  with 
Prince's  introduction  to  it,  is  by  far  the  fullest,  the  best  written 
and  the  most  satisfactory.     Leaving  the  Pequot  war  we  depend 
once  more  principally  upon  Winthrop,  until  the  second  volume  of 
Hazard's  Collection  of  State  Papers  takes  us  up  in  1643,  and  does 
not  fairly  set  us  down  until  1678.     Potter's  Early  History  of  Nar 
ragansett,  also,  is  not  to  be  forgotten,  as  affording,  especially  in 
Its  appendix,  much  interesting  matter   concerning  the  Indians 
After  ihe  period  when  Hazard  closes,  the  printed  materials  for 
aborigmal  history  become  much  less  voluminous,  and,  in  their 
nature,  much  more  fragmentary,  than  before.     Those  of  which  I 
have  most  availed  myself  are,  Trumbull's  History  of  Connecticut, 
Barber's  Historical  Collections  of  Connecticut,  Miss  Caulkin's 
Hietory  of  Norwich,  M'Clure's  Life  of  \^heeIock  and  the  Memoirs 
of  Mrs.  Sarah  L.  Smith.     To  these  may  be  added  Morse's  Re- 
port  on  the  Indian  Tribes,  Dwight's  Travels,  Tracy's  History 
of  American    Miasions,    Allen's   Biographical    Dictionary,   the 
American  Archives  and  the  printed  volumes  of  Executive  Docu- 
ments issued  by  the  jreneral  government. 

Although  I  have  hitherto  hardly  alluded  to  the  manuscript 
materials  which  exist,  yet  are  they  deserving  of  the  most  serious 
attention.  The  ouly  private  authority  of  this  kind  worthy  of  note 
18  the  Itinerary,  and  some  of  the  other  papers,  of  President  Stiles 
of  Yale  College,  all  of  which  are  now  preserved  in  the  library  of 


that  institution  of  whifh  hn  xvna  ^..»»  >u 


-  I  sit; 


i.  nat  pait 


r 


vm 


PKEFACE. 


which  is  the  result  of  the  President's  own  observations  is  accurate 
and  valuable  ;  but  the  remainder  is  far  from  reliable,  as  depending 
too  much  on  the  reminiscences  of  aged  men  and  women,  unac- 
customed to  making  statements  for  publication,  and  within  whose 
recollections  the  slender  numbers  of  the  Indians  multiplied  as 
wonderfully  as  the  two  buckram  men  of  Falstaff. 

Of  public  papers  the  records  of  the  ancient  towns  are  highly 
important ;  not  only  as  determining  the  positions  and  connections 
of  the  tribes,  but  as  narrating  the  time  and  manner  of  the  sales 
by  which  they  parted  with  their  lands.  Another  set  of  papers,  of 
considerable  importance,  is  a  number  of  Indian  petitions  and  a 
Defense  of  the  Colony,  referring  to  the  long  law  suit  between  the 
Mohegans  and  Connecticut,  and  lately  brought  from  England  and 
deposited  in  the  Yale  College  Library. 

But  by  far  the  most  extensive  and  important  range  of  manu- 
scnpts  is  to  be  found  in  the  office  of  the  Secretary  of  State  at 
Hartford.     The  Colonial  Records,  consisting  of  eleven  volumes 
and  extending  from   1636  to  1676,  contain  a  largo  quantity  of 
matter.      The  twenty-seven  volumes  cf  State    Records  present 
a   smaller   amount,  and   of  a  less   interesting  nature.     Various 
deeds  given  by  the  Indians  may  be  found  in  the  ten  volumes 
of  papers  on  Towns  and   Lauds;  and,  thinly  scattered  throu^rh 
the    fifteen    volumes    on    Ecclesiastical   Afiairs,    are    notices  tf 
efforts  mn^),.  inv  th.>ir  civil  improvement  and  conversion.    Lastly 
but  more  ir.iporrant  than  any  ..f  the  others,  come  two  volumes  ot 
papers  relating  to  the  Indians  alone  ;  containing  nearly  siv  hun. 
dred  documents,  and  stretching  in  a  series  of  letters,  petitions  and 
reports  of  committees,  from   1647   down   to   1799.     From  the 
manuscripts  thus  named  is  drawn  a  very  largo  portion  of  my 
history;  and  to  the  reading,  thnngh  not  to  the  antiquarian,  public 
this  portion  will  he  almost  entirely  new.     And  thus  clones  a  l.ri,.f 
review  of  the   prin.-ipal  materials,  .,.hi..ny,  it  will   be  observed, 
cotemporary,  on  which  the  sub.se.pient  narrative  is  founded. 
My  dates,  for  the  sake  of  uniformity,  I  have  reduced  entirely  to 


i 


I 
m 


PREFACE. 


IX 


i 


the  mode  of  notation  now  in  use.    The  difference  between  the 
old  and  new  styles  is  at  present  twelve  days;  but  as  we  go  back- 
*   wgrd  in  time  this  difference  gradually  diminishes,  until,  at  the 
Council  of  Nice  in  325,  it  ceases  altogether.    Consequently,  from 
all  dates  in  my  authorities  previous  to  1710, 1  have  retrenched 
ten  days ;  and  from  all  subsequent  to  that,  but  previous  to  Sep- 
tember, 1752,  when  the  change  to  new  style  was  effected  in 
England,  eleven  days.     Thus,  the  first  Court  of  Connecticut  in 
1636  was  held,  by  old  style,  on  the  twenty-sixth  of  April ;  by  new 
style  on  the  sixth  of  May.    Thus,  also,  the  second  Commissioners' 
Court  on  the  disputed  lands  of  the  Mohegans  in  1738  was  opened, 
by  old  style,  on  the  twenty-fourth  of  May;  by  new  style  on  the 
fourth  of  June. 

Respecting  the  map  which  precedes  the  work  a  few  wonls  will 
suffice.     It  was  meant  to  be  a  sketch  of  the  political  divisions  of 
Connecticut  previous  to  its  settlement  by  Europeans ;  and  it  is  my 
belief  that  the  positions  of  the  tribes  which  then  existed  are  laid 
down  with  correctness.     This  was  my  chief  object;  and  for  any 
thing  further  than  this  I  have  made  no  great  research,  and  lay 
claim  to  no  extraordinary  accuracy.    It  is  pretty  certain  that  some 
of  the  "Indian  names"  of  our  ponds  and  streams  are  not  the 
names  which  the  Indians   themselves  applied  to  them.     Thus, 
Naugatuc  was  not  anciently  the  name  of  the  river  to  which  it  is 
now  attached,  but  of  a  place  on  the  banks  of  that  rivei      The 
same  assertion  is  probably  true  of  the  Mattabesett,  a  stream  which 
empties  into  the  Connecticut  near  Middletown.    The  largest  river 
in  the  western  part  of  our  State  is  now  invariably  known  as  the 
Ilousatonic  ;  but,  if  wm  may  believe  the  early  reconls  of  Stratford, 
It  was  in  ancient  times  "commonly  called  the  Paugussett."    There 
18  a  small  stream  in  New  Milford  styled  the  Aspetuck,  or  Ash- 
petuck,  which  I  have  little  doubt  was  named  thus  after  the  Aspe. 
tuck  in  the  ancient  township  of  Fairfield.     In  like  manner,  the 
Mystic  between  Groton  and  Stonington  was  so  designated  by 
emigrants  who  came  from  the  banks  of  that  Mystic  which  empties 


■*  PREFACE. 

into  Massachusetts  Bay.  To  this  stream  it  will  be  observed  that 
I  have  restored  the  ancient  name  of  Sickenames,  or  Siccahams, 
which  is  applied  to  it  in  the  early  maps  and  relations  of  the  Dutch. 
From  these  circumstances  it  will  justly  be  inferred,  that,  to  con- 
struct a  correct  catalogue  of  the  ancient  nomenclatures  of  our 
rivers,  ponds  and  mountains,  would  be  not  simply  difficult,  but 
absolutely  impossible. 

The  four  landscape  illustrations  in  the  volume  are  copied,  it  will 
be  observed,  from  Barber's  Historical  Collections  of  Connecticut. 
The  original  of  the  likeness  of  Occom  is  a  very  defaced  portrait 
of  him,  taken  while  he  was  in  England,  and  found  by  Miss  Sarah 
L.  Huntington  in  1830,  at  Mohegan.  Miss  Huntington  having 
placed  it  in  the  care  of  Col.  John  Trumbull,  the  distinguished 
Connecticut  painter,  he  laid  it  before  Miss  Murray,  a  benevolent 
lady  of  New  York,  who  had  two  hundred  and  fifty  lithograph  copies 
of  it  struck,  to  be  sold  for  the  benefit  of  the  tribe.  It  was  from 
one  of  these  copies,  furnished  me  by  the  aged  and  now  deceased 
mother  of  Miss  Huntington,  that  the  engraving  presented  to  the 
reader  was  designed. 

Of  the  merit  of  tho  five  fancy  pieces  by  Darley,  an  artist  known 
and  admired  in  Europe  as  well  as  in  America,  it  is  unnecessary 
to  speak.  It  may  be  observed,  however,  that  the  costumes  are 
imitated  from  cotemporary  pictures  of  the  dress  of  our  colonial 
period ;  and  that  the  designs  are  thus,  not  only  spirited  and  ex- 
pressive,  but,  in  a  true  sense,  illustrations. 

J.  W.  Di^  F. 
New  Haven,  October,  1850. 


observed  that 
or  Siccahams, 
3  of  the  Dutch. 
3,  that,  to  con- 
latures  of  our 
y  difficult,  but 

copied,  it  will 
r  Connecticut, 
sfaced  portrait 
)y  Miss  Sarah 
ngton  having 
distinguished 
a  benevolent 
ograph  copies 
It  was  from 
low  deceased 
sented  to  the 

artist  known 
unnecessary 

costumes  are 
our  colonial 

rited  and  ex- 

V.  Dr;  F. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

InTBOI.UCTI0K.-ThK    COtrNTnv.-MANK.KS  AND  CUSTOMS.  IN.TZTUTXOKS  AKD 

LANGUAGE. 

Introduction, Page 

Appearance  and  condition  of  Conn,  when  inhalated  by  iteabori^nes"'' 

Appearance  and  piiysical  qualities  of  the  Indians, ' 

Agriculture, '       

Hunting,  


Fish 


ing, 


Clothing  and  ornaments, , 
Houses  and  furniture,.,.. 
Food 


Wandering  habits  of  the  Indians,. 

Fortified  villages, 

The  public  square, 

Dances, 


Gaming, 

The  fnmily 

Courtship  and  marriage, 
Morals  and  character,... 
Diseases, 


Treatment  of  them, 

Funeral  ceremonies, 

Religion, 

Kiehtan,  the  Good  Spirit, 

HobbamocKo,  the  Evil  Spirit, 

Infrior  Gods 

No  images 

Ideas  of  the  creation, 

Belief  in  a  daily  providence, . 
Ideas  of  futurity, 


8 
9 
12 
13 
14 
15 
15 
16 
16 
17 
17 
18 

20 

20 

21 

23 

23 

24 

24 

25 

26 

26 

95 


'h'  ■ 

^^  CONTENTS 

Namee  for  the  soul, **•■ 

The  powwows,  or  priesthood, ..*.!..*'".!" **  ""* ^^ 

Religious  dances, ' '" ^7 

Grades  of  society, * "^^ 

The  sachem  and  his  councilors, ' ^* 

Hereditary  nature  of  the  sachemship,  .'.".'...* fj 

Power  of  the  sachem, ^" 

The  sagamores,  or  inferior  chiefe, .,.,,[ *^^ 

Revenues  of  the  sachem, ..."1. ^* 

His  duties, ^^ 

Love  of  the  Indians  for  war, ..".".. ^^ 

Ceremonies  before  commencing  it, .."!..',7....'.". o' 

Mode  of  conducting  it, 

Sea  fights, ..7.....!!!..."... ^^ 

Faie  of  prisoners, 

The  Lord's  Prayer  in  the  Pequot  tongue, ..".7. 

In  the  Massachusetts  tongue, 

Indian  vocabularies.  . ,.  

'     • • ••.••••..••,,,  Afi 

Capacities  of  the  Indian  languages, 

Their  power  of  combining  words, ..."" 

Observations  on  these  languages, , 

Observations  on  the  subject  of  the  chapter, ....'.......".7..'7    '    43 


CHAPTER  II. 

NaMKS,  NUMBEB8,  POSITIONS  AND  POUTICAl  B.LATIONS  OF  TRI  DIFFM.NT  TBIBKS. 

Usual  estimates  of  the  aboriginal  population  of  Connecticut  exaggerated,  45 

Observations  on  Trumbull's  estimates, 

Proofs  of  the  paucity  of  the  population, .- 

Small  clans  along  the  western  part  of  the  coast, 49 

Paugussetts  and  Wepawaugs  the  same  people, 49 

Their  territory,  numbers  and  fortresses, ,,'"' 50 

The  Potatucks  of  Newtown  and  Woodbury, SI 

The  northwestern  part  of  the  State  a  desert,  . 5, 

The  Quinnipiacs  of  New  Haven,  Branford  and  Guilford,  .......... ......1.*  53 

The  Hammonassetts  of  KilUngworth  and  Saybrook,. .'.'.*........*  62 

The  TunxiB  of  Farmington, ""[ .„ 


.  27 
..  27 
..  28 
.  29 
.  30 
.  30 
.  31 
.  31 
.  32 
33 
33 
34 
35 
37 
37 
38 
38 
39 
39 
40 
41 
41 
42 
43 


I     I 


CONTENTS.  _.•. 

All! 

Close  connection  among  the  Connecticut  River  tribes  ^To 

The  Windsor  Indians, ' ^^ 

■    The  great  sachem  of  the  Connecticut  "valley, .' .' ^^ 

The  Wangunks  of  Middletown  and  Chatham ^'^ 

Identity  of  their  sachem.  Sowheag.  with  Sequi^.'sVchVm'aVwJt'hVrifSeVd"     54 
Sachemdom  of  Montowese,  son  of  Sowheag  ^'t'^ersheld,     54 

The  Podunks  of  East  Hartford  and  East  WiD'''oV S 

The  Machemoodus  of  East  Haddam, ' 

The  "  Moodua  noises," * ^^ 

The  western  Nehantics, * " ' ' " ^^ 

The  Nipmucks, ^'^ 

The  Pequots, ....'.*.*.".*. ' '  *.' ^"^ 

Observations  on  their  numbers, ,][[[ ^^ 

The  Mohegans  a  clan  of  the  Pequots",' ^^ 

pequots  descended  from  the  Mohegans  of"  New*  Yo'rk f o 

Other  tribes  of  Connecticut  related  to  the  Narraganse.ts*  * "  *  * Z 

Settlement  of  the  Pequots  in  Connecticut, ^" 

Their  wars  and  conquests, 

Their  constant  enmity  with  the  Naira"ga'ns'e"tts" .' tl 

Numbers  of  the  Narragansetts, 

Their  character, ^ 

The  western  tribes  of  Connecticiu  "o"pp"ress"e"d  b^  't'he'ir'o'q'u'ois', 6= 

Character  and  conquests  of  the  Iroquois, 

Early  sachems  of  the  Pequots, '   ^^ 

Relation  of  Uncas,  sagamore  of  Mohega"n".wi"th  thi",;;;;;i;;;f;he'p'eq;;;s"     66 
Important  place  of  this  man  in  the  subsequent  narrative,  n 

Observations  on  the  decline  of  the  Indians  ^l 

67 

CHAPTER  III. 
Fbo»  the  fihst  mscovERT  OK  Connecticut  m  1614  to  the  eweditiox 

AGAINST    THE   PeUUOTS  IN  1637. 

The  Dutch  discover  and  explore  the  coast  of  Connecticut.. . .  *« 

tiStnblish  a  large  trade  there, 

-Purchase  at  the  mouth  of  the  Connecticut",.' .....[ l^. 

Purchase  land  at  Hartford 

Make  war  with  the  Pequots, [[[[] ^^ 

The  English  settlements  on  Massaohuse'tts  jg'a'y 11 

Waghinacut  urges  the  English  to  settle  in  the  Co'n'n'ect'ii^m ;;;;;' 73 

English  adventurers  explore  Connecticut, , . .  ^ " 

a       '4 


*^  CONTENTS. 

English  found  a  trading  house  at  Windsor, ^'^  y"! 

Give  cause  of  complaint  to  the  Pequots, ** 

Pequots  murder  Stone, 

Pequot  affairs  on  the  wane, 

They  send  to  Boston  for  peace, "'' ' 

Make  a  treaty  with  Massachusetts, [ 

With  the  Narragansetts, 

English  found  settlements  in  Connecticut, !.!!!.*!!! 82 

Sequassen  sells  a  large  tract, 

Windsor  Indians  sell  land, 

Uncas  rebels  against  Sassacus,  the  Pequot  sachem,.'.'.'.*.'."  *.'.'.'*.'.".' '.'.*'     94 

He  is  defeated  and  banished, 

Person  and  character  of  Uncas, 

Treaty  ill  observed  by  both  English  and  Pequots, qq 

Oldham  killed  by |he  Block  Islanders, 87 

Gallop  revenges  him, 

Endicott's  expedition, 

English  ravage  Block  Island, 

Go  to  the  Pequot  country 

Skirmish  whh  the  Pequots, 

Pequots  endeavor  to  form  a  league  with  the  Na'rra'gan's'etis",." .'.'.'.'.'.'.['.'  m 

Roger  Williams  prevents  it, 

League  between  the  English  and  Narragansetts',.' 104 

Pequots  waylay  and  kill  numbers  of  English, ." " ' jor 

They  parley  with  Gardiner,  commander  of  the  fort  at  Sa'y'b'rook Jn 

Quarrel  of  the  Wethersfield  people  with  Sowheag,. ...  ' jio 

Pequots  attack  Wethersfield, 

Reflections, ^^^ 

115 

CHAPTER  IV. 

The  overthrow  op  the  Pequots. 

Sufferings  of  the  Connecticut  colonists  by  the  war, 117 

Meeting  of  the  General  Court, '[[ „ 

War  declared  against  the  Pequots, 

John  Mason,  the  commander-in-chief, 

Uncas  joins  the  English, 

Massachusetts  and  Plymouth  raise  troops  for  the  w'aV,.' .' .'  .* .' .' .'  .* .' .....    [  120 
Mason  sets  sail  down  the  Connecticut, [ joq 


t 


^ 


ti« 


jji   I 


i 


CONTENTS.  XV 

Faqe. 

Uncas  defeats  two  parties  of  Pequots, 120,  121 

Mohegans  torture  a  prisoner, 121 

The  Dutch  ransom  two  English  girls  from  the  Pequots, 121 

Mason  sails  from  Saybrook  to  Narragansett, 125 

Begins  his  march  against  the  Pequots, 126 

Is  joined  by  numbers  of  Nehantics  and  Narragansetts, 126 

Attacks  a  Pequot  fort, 131 

Massacre  of  the  Pequots, 132 

English  retreat,  with  difficulty,  to  Saybrook, 134 

Reflections  on  this  enterprise, 138 

Pequots  disperse, 140 

Main  body  retreats  to  Sasco  or  B'airfield  swamp, 141 

Capture  and  massacre  of  Pequot  warriors, 143 

English  pursue  the  refugees, 144 

Sachem's  Head, ^t^  - I45 

Jack  Etow's  exploit, 146 

Pequots  overtaken  and  defeated  at  Fairfield, 147 

Death  of  Sassacus, I5I 

The  wife  of  Mononotto, I5I 

Pequots  seek  refuge  with  other  tribes, 153 

Massachusetts  reproaches  Ninigret  with  harboring  Pequots, 153 

Quarrels  with  Uncas  for  the  same  reason, 153 

Duplicity  of  Uncas, 254 

The  Pequot  remnant  surrenders, 155 

Growing  hostility  between  Uncas  and  Miantinomo, 156 

Tripartite  treaty  between  Connecticut,  Mohegans  and  Narragansetts, . .  159 


t 


<t 


CHAPTER  V.  *- 

Fbom  the  division  of  the  Pequots  in  1638  to  the  death  of  Miantinomo 

IN  1643. 

English  prosecute  their  settlements  in  Connecticut, 161 

Indians  receive  them  willingly, 261 

Quinnipiacs  sell, 262 

Montowese  sells, 265 

Wepa waugs  sell  part  of  Milford, 2  66 

Fairfield  Indians  sell, 267 

Guilford  Indians  sell, 267 

Difficulties  with  Sovvheag, 268 

Difficulties  with  the  Pequots, 169 


ft 


CONTENTS. 

Nepaupuck  a  Pequot  sagamore,  tried  and  executed  ^^" 

Tunxis  sell  Farmington,. . . .  "executed, ^^^ 

Law  against  private  purchased  Vr^m  'th^  lii'ia'n'J '  ^'^ 

Norwalk  and  Stamford  Indians  sell  ^76 

Observations  on  the.e  early  purchase^;.* ^^7 

Death  of  Wequash,  the  first  Indian  convm ' ^'^ 

Increasing  power  of  Uneas,.  ' • 178 

Sells  rhe  country  of  the  Hamm^nas^et'ts,' ^^l 

His  deed  to  the  English  in  1640 182 

He  is  hated  by  Sequassen  and  the  NVr'r^,^." .' ^^J 

Ao„..„    ,,„„  mu.IXzIZ.ZT'" '^ 

He  clears  himself, ^""egans, jg^ 

Narragansettsattemp'tVo" murder  Unias ^^^ 

Mjantinomo  carries  the  would-be  assassin' t;*B;s't;n ''' 

Kills  him  on  the  way  home, ' 186 

Sequassen  attacks  Uncas,. .'.'.'.'/. 187 

Uncas  invades  and  defeats  him, 187 

Miaminomo  obtains  permi^ion'lo  make  'war  on  n ^^^ 

Invades  the  Mohegan  country,. .  "  ^"'"' 188 

Is  defeated  and  taken, '. .  _ 189 

Uncas  places  him  in  the  hands  of'thl'r " 191 

He  .  .H.a  b,  .He  C.^.i:LVi  ^Z^Zr''' "' 

Is  condemned, ew  £.ngland, j^^ 

'  Uncas  puts  him  to  death,  ..*.*.'.* 195 

Observations  on  the  transaction 197 

Message  to  the  Narragansetts,...!.'.' 198 

199 

CHAPTER  VI. 

From  the  MEctmoN  of  Miantinomo  m  im  to  x„. 

Laws  of  Connecticut  concerning  the  Indians, 

Wr  between  the  Indians  and  the  Dutch        ^01 

gallantry  and  doa  th  of  the  sachem  May^  Mn":;;; ^04 

Fruitless  expedition  against  his  tribe  ' 205 

Expedition  of  the  Dutch  against  a  viHage'  near  Stn^V  '  i ^^^ 

20!» 


P.Aoa 

172 

175 

176 

177 

177 

178 

181 

189 

18.? 

184 

184 

185 

• • • •  185 
• • • •  186 

187 

....  187 

188 

....  188 
....  189 
...  191 
...  193 
...  194 
. ..  195 
...  197 
...  198 
...  199 


!NT 


.  201 

.  204 

.  205 

205 

207 

208 

209 

209 

20? 


CONTENTS.  jjyJI 

Crime  and  execution  of  Busheag, „' 

Narragausetts  attack  Uncas  and  the  English  defend  him, .' .' .' ' ' ' '  gu 

Narragansetts  and  Mohegans  before  the  Commissioners'  Court,'.'. '.*.*.".'..'  212 

Narragansetts  agree  to  a  truce, *    '      "  oio 

Break  it  and  re-commence  the  war, j,io 

Uncas  besieged, 

Thomas  Leffingwell  relieves  him, "*      '  oia 

Narragansetts  defeat  the  Mohegans, [    g.^ 

English  resolve  on  war  against  the  Narragansetts, .'.".*_  2I6 

The  latter  obtain  peace  on  hard  conditions, ] '      *  217 

Strange  conspiracy  of  Sequassen, "  nio 

He  is  imprisoned  by  the  English, !..*.'.'.'.'.'.'.'' 222 

Allowed  to  return  to  his  country, "  "  nnn 

Wepawaugs  disturb  the  people  of  Miiford, !!!!!!!!!!!!!!*  2  '2 

Defeat  a  party  of  Mohawks, "  * ' ' " oqo 

John  Whitmore,  of  Stamford,  murdered  by  the  Indians,.'.'^ .' .'  .* ." .' ." .' .  224 

Useless  investigations  concerning  the  outrage, .'^, ....  224 

Tyrannical  conduct  of  Uncas, * nni^ 

Two  bands  of  Pequots  collect  in  their  ancient  country, 226 

Uncas  beats  and  abuses  Pequots  who  were  hunting  for  the  English',." .' '. '.  227 

Commissioners  investigate  the  case, '  nna 

Other  complaints  against  Uncas,... g^g 

Pequots  fly  from  his  authority, „lf. 

Petition  to  be  delivered  from  his  rule, * n-.t 

Foxon's  defense  of  Uncas, 2S1 

Uncas  fined 

JPequots  resolute  in  disobeying  him 233 

Narragansetts,  Pocomtocks  and  Mohawks  league  against  him',.'  .* .' .' ."  .* ." ."  234 

English  interfere  and  the  coalition  breaks  up, .'...!!.'.*"  235 

Narragansetts  attempt  to  assassinate  Uncas, .'.*.',"."*  236 

Proceedings  of  the  Commissioners  on  the  case, '     236 

Uncas  quarrels  with  a  Long  Island  sachem, '.'.'.*.'.!   237 

Why  Uncas  was  hated  by  the  other  sachems, .'.*.'.'.**     238 

Uncas  complains  that  Ninigret  and  the  Dutch  aie  conspiring  agdn'st  him",  239 

Rumors  of  a  Dutch  and  Indian  league  against  the  English, '  240 

Secohd  agreement  of  the  Farmingion  people  with  the  Tunxis,. . .'.'..'.'.'  [  240 

Pequots  petition  to  be  governed  by  the  English, 043 

Pay  tribute .......[. 243 

The  English  quarrel  with,  and  invade,  the  Nehantics,.  ...*"]]  *. ...... '.  244 

Pequots  leave  the  Nehantics  and  place  themselves  under  the'  English'   ' '  245 

2* 


"  CONTENTS. 

Petition  again  to  be  under  the  English,  and  are  received..  ''Tr 

Indian  governors  are  commissioned  for  them  

Laws  for  their  regulation  enacted  by  the  Co;mi;«;n;;s;; .'  [ '.  [  [  [  \  ][[[  [  g'' 

CHAPTER  VII. 
Fkom  xhk  BK.n^o^  OK  XHB  PK,ooxs  rs  1655  to  th.  bk^xh  o.  U^c,  „.  1C83 

Quarrel  of  Uncas  and  Sequassen  with  the  Podunks 

John  Ehot  preaches  to  the  Podunks,. ...  ^*^ 

Narragansetts  defeated  by  the  Mohe'gans ^^^ 

Pocom.ocks,  Tunxis  and  Narragansetts  invad'e  'thi 'Mo'hegVnV Jf! 

Invaders  fined  by  the  Commissioners,  ®      ' ^^^ 

Mohegans  kill  some  Indians  subject  to  Massach«;;tts.V  '. lit 

I'lunder  some  subjects  of  Massasoit,  

Quarrel  of  Uncas  with  Arramament, ^^^ 

WillofArramamem, "''■ ^57 

Pequots  begin  to  desert  their  governors', ." '.  [ ..".'.'. ^^^ 

Pequot  tributes  in  1658  and  1663, ...'.' ^^^ 

Pequots  quarrel  with  the  Montauks,'.  *.'.'.'. ..." ^^^ 

Overseers  appointed  for  the  Pequots,.'.'.'. ^^^ 

New  London  Pequots  settled  at  Mushanluxe't ^^* 

Tunxis  fined  for  a  murder, ' ^^^ 

Their  reservation  confirmed  to  them,      ^^^ 

Golden  Hill  set  off  to  the  Paugussetts',.' '.'.'.[.', ^^^ 

Wangunks  sell  a  large  tract, "  " ^^^ 

Nassahegon  sells  in  Windsor  ^^'* 

Chapeto  sells  sixty-four  square  miles  on  the  C:m;;;t'i,;ut;; f' 

The  same  tract  sold  five  years  after  by  Captain  Sannup,'     ''' 

Nipmucks  sell  at  Plainfield, ^^^ 

War  between  the  NiDmurks  nn^  ful'ivr* ^^^^ 

w.    u       T    ..         P'""'^'^^ '^"'' tne  Narragansetts, „„- 

Waterbury  Indians  sell, 267 

Various  sales  by  the  Stratfo'r'd'and'Milf^id'lndians T 

Reservation  for  them  in  Huntington, ' ^^^ 

Acts  concerning  the  Indians  * "'" 

Fitch  preaches  to  the  Mohegans, ..'..* ^'^ 

His  success, 274 

275 


M 


Paob 
.  246 
.  246 
•  247 


. ..  24a 
..  252 
..  253 
..  254 
..  256 
..  856 
..  256 
..  257 
..  258 
. .  259 
. .  260 
•  261 
.  261 
.  262 
.  263 
.  263 
.  264 
.  264 
.  265 
.  265 
,  265 

266 

266 

266 

267 

268 
269 


CONTENTS.  xij. 

Qncas  opposes  the  missionaries, q^I 

Religious  character  of  Uncas, \[[ „-„ 

Philip's  war  opens, 

Uncas  gives  hostages  to  the  English, * gso 

Pequots  and  Mohegans  assist  the  English, 280 

Gverthi-ow  of  the  Narragansetts, !.'.'.'.'.*.'!!.'.' 281 

Death  of  their  sachem,  Canonchet, ' g£^„ 

English,  Mohegans  and  Pequots  ravage  the  NiiragVn«;U  country  '.'.'.  283 

HoKfible  torture  scene, 

A  Pequct  Achilles. ............[....... Tat 

Death  of  Philip  and  end  of  the  war, .!*.'!!.*.!! 287 

Singular  tradition, "    ^„. 

Lands  on  the  Shetucket  assigned  to  the  captive  Indians,  qrt 

WillofAttawanhood, ^ 

Mohawks  invade  Mohegan, 

Continual  sales  of  Mohegan  lands,.  .'.'.'.!*.'.'.'.!*.'!.'.*. ^ opo 

Oweneco  trustees  his  land 

View  of  Mohegan  land  affairs  from  1640  lo  1683,.* oq,' '  oo« 

Uncas  dies ^ai— -iyo 

Situation  of  the  Mohegans  at  this  time,.".'  .*.'.'.*  .'*.'.*.'.'* f!? 

Of  the  Stonington  Pequots, 

Of  the  New  London  Pequots, ^^^ 

Of  other  tribes, ^^^ 

Physical  and  moral  condition  of  the  Indians,'.'. '.*.". Ill 

Observations  on  the  numbers  of  the  Indians, '**.'.'  *  *.' ." .'  [[  ['"  "  gj^ 

CHAPTER  Vm. 

HisTonr  of  the  Mohegans  fho«  the  death  op  Uncas  m  1683  to  th. 

CLOSE   OF  the  COUHT   ON  THEIK    DISPUTID  LANDS  IN  1743. 

Division  of  the  remainder  of  the  narrative,. 

Remarks  on  the  decline  of  the  Indians, Jz 

Oweneco  becomes  sachem  of  the  Mohegans,  .....* ,": 

Confirms  a  large  tract  to  the  tribe, 

Trustees  his  land  to  the  Masons, .'.'.*.*.'.'.'! ^^^ 

Continues  to  sell  land, .' ^^^ 

James  Fitch  attempts  to  usurp't'he'  'she'tii;!;;; ^es'er^at'l^n', '.'.[. 306 

The  General  Court  grants  a  large  tract  of  Mohegan  territory  to'l*;;';  ' '  307 
Oweneco  deeds  away  various  extensive  tracts,  Zl 

Mohegans  quarrel  with  the  people  of  Colchester  and  New  "Lo'n'do'n, 308 


CONTENTS. 

srr^^-:r:r::--'- "» 

i>-dley'8  court, ' - 310 

r)eci8ion  against  the  colony,*. 310 

Connec.ic-jt  appeals. '[" ....  3li 

Commission  of  review  granted ••••  3^2 

Mason  resigns  his  guardians;,,,',', 312 

I^rotest.&cofBenUncasandothe'rs' 313 

Oweneco's  death  ;  anecdotes  of  him     ' ' 3^3 

Succeeded  by  his  son.  Cesar  ' 314 

Thei/„.::rL  ,%*°';::':.  ■■!"  ^•"'''  -"■ :.z:^ 

En-.ctments  for  their  benefit     316 

Death  of  Cesar, " 316 

Sachemship  usurped  by  Ben  UncnV 318 

John  Mason  petitions  to  be  repa,d  ihe  cos'ts'  of'n  V. '  *. ^18 

Be-mes  school  teacher  among' the  Mohegant  ''  ''''"^' ^19 

Petitions  again, ^""^' 330 

o-  to  England  Ja:;::!:it^r  "^  "^^^-^^ '-  '^^  -'-- 3^1 

Takes  with  him  Mamohet,  the  rightful  sadle'in. ' '^'' 

Mason  and  Mahomet  die  in  England,.  ' 323 

Commission  of  review  granted,.". . .. ' 323 

Pi-pa,ations  of  the  colony,. . . ' 325 

The  court  opens  at  Norwich'jVts  sirangVp^oJeVd'i;,- ^^^ 

Decision  in  favor  of  the  coiony, . .  P'^^'^'^^'^'ng" 327-331 

Remarks  upon  the  proceedings',.*.".'.' 331 

Items  in  the  costs  for  the  colony 332 

The  Masons  appeal, .  333 

New  commission  granted, .' 334 

Court  opens  at  Norwich, .'.'_,' 334 

The  Commissioners, [ ■ 335 

The  arguments  for  the  colony'.' 335 

For  the  Mohegans,  . . . .  336 

A  majority  of  the  Court  dedd'e' for*  ihe* 'c'oio'n; ^^^ 

Morrjs  and  Horsmanden  give  their  opinions,. 339 

^e^Maso„^,.p^,,^^ 

343 


tr' 


1^ 


'4^ 


I 


f1* 


«l 


CONTENTS.  3QJJ 

Laws  concerning  the  Mohegans  from  1722  to  1743, .'343 

Efforts  for  their  educution  and  conversion, .'.'..'..' 343 

Their  condition  in  1743,.  „ 

346 

CHAPTER  IX. 

HlSTCr   OF  THK  PBrMITIVE   TRIBES  IN  THE  WESTERN  AND  NOBTHEKN  PAKT8 

OF  THE  State  fbom  1683  to  1849. 

Subject  of  the  chapter, 

Features  of  this  period, "    

Of  tlie*  diminution  of  the  Indians, [ '   „ 

A  messenger  belt, 

T,    ...  .  ,  '    349 

Kestrictions  withdrawu  from  the  Indians, 349 

Ccntiibution  for  their  beneiit 

Mohawk  hunting  pa,  ty  in  Connecticut, '!."..'.."..' 350 

Indian  census  of  1774, 

Regulations  concerning  overseers, 

Potatuciis  sell, ' ^^^ 

Their  situation  in  1710.  .  

352 

Great  powwowing  among  them, 

Appropriation  made  for  them  by  the  colony, ,][[ «cq 

Their  numbers  in  1761  and  1774  '  

Death  of  Konckapotanauh,  sachem  of  the  Paugussetta, 354 

Number  of  the  Milford  Indians  in  1V74. [\ „ 

Number  of  the  Golden  Hill  Indians  ii  1765,  ....'.'.'  '  .*.'.*.'.'." gfj 

Aggressions  upon  them, 

Receive  relief. •••• 

Milford  Indi  ins  complain, 

Their  present  situation, 

Present  situntijn  of  the  Golden  Hill  Indians, okj 

The  Woodhridge  Indians, '/'" 

History  of  the  sagamore  ChickenB, [[ -.„ 

Indians  of  Greenwich,  Stamford  and  Norwalk,  oeQ 

Ridgefield  Indians  sell, ."..!.!!! t 

New  Fairfield  Indians  sell, .'  i  1  !!.!.'!!!.! .' 360 

The  Quinriipincs, 

Their  reservation, ..'.*.*..'.'..'.**,' ^^'^   w 

Their  last  sachem, ...  »•••.. 360    - 

Their  numbers  about  1730, -J " 

uinnipiacs  remove  to  Farmington, ,gj 


* 
xzii 

CONTENTS. 

Number  of  Guilford  Indiana  in  1774, .  .  ''^"• 

Indian  graves  opened  in  East  Haven' ^^* 

Other  Indians  of  New  Haven  County  ^^^ 

Dispersion  of  the  Windsor  Indians, .'^*'. ^^^ 

Disappearance  of  the  Podunks,  ^^^ 

rndian  census  of  1774  for  HartVoidy  Wind;o;;„d  Eas't  Windso"; T^ 

For  Suffield.  Glastenbury  and  East  Haddam ' l^ 

Ihe  Wangunks,  their  reservations  "^ 

Labors  of  Richard  Treat  for  their  con  version,!.".".  ".■.." If, 

Numbers  and  condition  in  1764..  

Sale  of  their  lands  and  dispersion  "of "the "irib," ■".".■.■ •'"  IZ 

Indian  graves  opened  at  Chatham,..  ..  

Disappearance  of  the  Simsbury  Indians,.".'.!.'.". ^^ 

Indian  school  among  the  Tunxis  .  "^ 

Some  of  the  Tunxis  become  freemen,  som'e 'p;ofess"o';:f;;Hg;o'n',' In 

Aggressions  upon  their  property,  and  proceedings  thereupon  ...    37 

Numbers  in  1761  and  1774, ^'^ 

Receive  a  copy  of  the  colonial  laws,....!!!.,..." ^^^ 

Their  dispersion  and  sale  of  their  lands,..!!!!!!."!!!!!!!!!! II] 

Some  remaining  in  1804, 

Total  disappearance, ^^^ 

Monument  to  their  memory, !!".!! ^^^ 

The  Nipmucksand  Quinnebaugs,. ....!.. ^^^ 

Tradition  concerning  Alexander's  Lake 'in"Ki'l'h'n"giy f!! 

Intercourse  between  the  Nipmucks  and  the  first  settlers',!!.'!!!!!!"'! tl 

Jtfcob  Spalding's  adventures  with  an  Indian  creditor,  Ill 

Revival  among  the  Quinnebaugs, ^^ 

Numbers  of  the  Nipmucks  in  1774,....!..!!!."!!.!!!!. ^®° 

Their  present  condition, ^^^ 

The  western  Nehantics, !!!!!!!!! ^^^ 

Their  reservation ^^' 

Aggressions  of  the  whites, !!!...!!!..! ^®^ 

Their  situation  in  1734  and  1736,...'!!!!.'.!!!.'.' ^^^ 

Efforts  for  their  religious  benefit, Z/........', ^^^ 

Religious  interest  among  them, ..!!![. ^^^ 

Difficulties  with  the  whilei, !!! ^^'* 

Lose  part  of  tlinr  land, ]['    ^^'* 

Numbers  in  1761,1774  and  1788,.!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! ^^^ 

Present  nitiintion, ^®^ 

Indian  remains, .'.  .  ^^^ 

386 


K 


..  361 
....  362 
...  362 
....  363 
....  363 
...  363 
...  363 
...  363 
...  3G4 
r.  367 
...  368 
...  363 
...  369 
..  370 
..  371 
..  371 
..  373 
..  373 
..  374 
.  375 
.  375 
.  375 
.  376 
.  377 
.  378 
.  379 
.  380 

381 

381 

381 

381 

382 

383 

383 
334 
384 
385 
385 
386 
386 


CONTENTS. 


XXIU 


<>' 


CHAPTER  X. 

HlSTOBT  OF  THK  NKW  TBIBKS  FORMED  IN  THE  NOBTI,  AND  WIST  O,  COMWOnoUT 
FBOM  THEIR  OaiOIN  TO  1849. 

Subject  of  the  chapter. -  ^^°' 

•^     '     , 38Q 

Formation  of  the  clan  at  New  Milford, ggg 

Observations  on  the  numbers  ascribed  to  it, ..*.'.'...'.*.'.' 309 

Sell  the  greatest  part  of  their  country, !!!!".!!  !.'!.* 391 

Probable  loss  of  Indian  deeds, 

Sale  of  the  "Indian  fields"  in  New  Milford,  ...!......".'.7. 390 

Weraumaug,  the  sachem,  sells  twenty-five  square  mileB,'".'.'.".'.".".'.' 300 

Weraumaug's  palace, 

Connections  of  the  New  Milford  Indians  with  other  "tribes,.'."*..'! 393 

Indian  telegraph  down  the  Housatonic, oq. 

Conversion  and  death  of  Weraumaug, '."'.'.7. gg 

Contest  between  Rev.  Daniel  Boardman  and  a  powwow  .' 305 

Anecdotes  of  Chere,  son  of  Weraumaug, gg- 

Part  ot  the  tribe  migrate  to  Scatacook, ggg 

The  remainder  obtain  an  appropriation  from  the  Asse'm'bl'y' ,07 

Another  migration, 

Numbers  in  1774 ^^^ 

Indian  cemeteries  in  New  Milford, .......'. l^^ 

Formation  of  the  clan  in  Salisbury  and  Sharon..!.'.*."'.'!'.'.'".*. -ll 

Indians  sell  a  large  tract  in  Salisbury, „qq 

Metoxon,  the  sachem,  sells  another  tract, .'!!.!.*.'!!!*" qqq 

He  sells  a  tract  in  Sharon, 

Complaints  of  the  Indians !!!!!] ^^^ 

The  colony  purchases  all  the  land  rem'ni'nin'g'in  "sali'sbuii!!!!!!! T. 

Indians  gradually  leave  Sharon, ^ 

Two  of  them  sell  out  the  remaining  rights  "of 'u'l'eola'n,'.'!! am 

Return  and  complaints  of  Timotheus, *„! 

Mysterious  nocturnal  disturbances !!!!!! " 

Timotheus  is  bought  out  and  the  disturb'ancescease,'.'!'"'!'! tnl 

Chu^e  forms  a  band  at  Humphreysville  in  Derby, '. .n. 

Traditions  concerning  him 

Removes  to  S.atacook  and  dies;  his  land  sol'd"! Ull 

The  Scutncooks, '  ■*"' 

Wanderings  of  their  founder  and'8a'c*h'e'm!"Mi;u"v;;h*u";.'.'.*!.!"*;'"* 40! 

bettlcs  at  Scatacook  in  Kent,  and  forms  a  tribe  there !!...'.'!!!!1'!!!!!  408 


^^^^  CONTENTS. 

Moravian  miseion  among  the  Indians  of  this  region  .  *"?" 

Its  great  success, "^^^ 

The  missionaries  persecuted  and  driven  away'  by'thV  white's;.' l\n 

Consequent  partial  dispersion  of  the  Scafacooks,  I,. 

A  "  talli"  with  the  Scatacooks  and  River  Indians,. /,, 

Reservations  of  the  Scatacooks, '     

Sell  part  of  their  territory, ' '^^^ 

Encroachments  of  the  whites, .' ^^^ 

Assembly  gives  land  to  the  tribe, "  .' ' ^^^ 

Continued  difficulties  with  the  settlers,.' f^^ 

Overseer  chosen  for  the  tribe  in  1757,.  ..'.".'.'.'.'.*.*."." 

Curious  petition  of  the  Scatacooks,. ..  ^... ^!^ 

Numbers  in  1774, 

Lands  of  the  tribe  leased  in  1775, 

Condition  and  numbers  in  1786, 

A  large  part  of  the  reservation  sold  in  1801, .'.'.'.'.'.*.'.'." 419 

Present  numbers  and  condition,  '      

420 


CHAPTER  XI. 

HlSTOET  OF  TUB  PEquOTS  PBOM  1683  TO  1849. 

Melancholy  character  of  the  Pequot  history, 

Observations  on  their  diminution, ' 

Early  governora  of  the  two  bands, ..,,'.* ^^^ 

Quarrels  between  the  governors  and  the  people!!.....' 403 

Groton  appropriates  Nawyonk,  and  the  Pequots  complain'."."!."".' 40, 

Nawyonk  confirmed    o  Groton, 

Encroachments  on  the  Groton  Pcquo't"s'!'p;;;:*e'e*dings*;h'e';;'n'po',;!!''!  4^5^ 

Condition  and  numbers  of  the  Groton  band  in  1731 

Renewed  encroachments,  and  consequent  enactment's!"."'"! 408 

Western  half  of  the  Groton  reservation  leased  to  white  tenant;!!.'.".".".".".'."  428 

Quarrels  and  dismissal  of  the  overseers, 

Death  of  Scndaub,  the  last  governor  of  the  Gro't"o"n" 'pequois 4^0 

Religious  interest  among  the  Stonington  Pequots '   400 

Ara»Dgthe  Groton  Pequots, 

Niimbem  of  the  Stonington  Peqnotsin  1749, !!...".!.!".!! 430 

Attempted  usurpation  of  their  lands, T,q 

Dishonest  claim,  of  the  tenants  on  the  Groion'"res"ervaUon.!!!!!! 43, 

Assembly  revokes  die  leases, , 

^  "••• 434 


Paox 

..  409 
.  410 
.  410 

.  4n 

.  411 
.  413 
.  413 
.  414 
.  415 
.  415 

415 

416 

417 

417 

417 

418 

420 


CONTENTS.  jjjy 

Proeecution  of  William  Williams, ^^"' 

Tenants  petition  for  a  division  of  the  disputed  lands, ."!!.'!!!!!  1 1  435 

Uuiuet  decision  of  the  Assembly, .„« 

Number  of  the  Groton  Pequots  in  1762, [[ ^o- 

Efforts  for  their  religious  and  educational  benefit, .* 437 

Numbers  of  the  two  bands  in  1774, * .„q 

Many  Pequots  move  to  the  Oneida  country, *  * "  aaq 

Renewed  difficulties  concerning  the  reservation  in  Groton,.* 440 

These  difficulties  settled  in  1800, 

President  Dwight's  account  of  the  Stonington  Pequots,*. *.'."..* 44, 

Their  situation  in  1820, 

Condition  and  numbers  of  the  Groton  or  Ledyard  Peiuote  in  '1832* 443 

Of  the  Stonington  Pequots  in  1848, '         '  AAt 

Of  the  Ledyard  Pequots  in  1849..    .  ^, 

* 444 

CHAPTER  XII. 

HiSTOET   OF  THE   MOHEOAWS  FROM  THE    CLOSB   OF  THE    COUBT  ON  THEU 
DISVDTKD   LANDS  IN  1743  TO   1849. 

Death  of  Ben  Uncas  ;  his  will, 

His  son,  Ben  Uncas,  chosen  by  the  tribe  as*his*succ*eMor*.*.*. 4^8 

Mohegans  join  the  colonial  ranks  in  the  war  of  1755, 450 

The  Mason  party  still  existent, * .,- 

Messrs.  Adams  and  Jewet  preach  to  the  Mohegans,. ....  .*  .*  [  * ." ." '.  * ' .' " "  451 

They  are  supplied  with  a  schoolmaster, '.'.'..[ 450 

Troubles  of  the  master  in  collecting  his  scholars,. .... .. '. '  .* .'  .* ......[,  453 

Appropriations  to  aspjst  him, 

Elcazer  Wheelock, . . 

• ^  ^  453 

Converpion  and  education  of  Samson  Occom, , . . ,     ,"'454 

Becomes  a  missionary  among  the  Long  Island  Indians,".*.*.*...']*]''.']*.'  455 

Is  licensed ' 

455 

Is  ordained  a  member  of  the  Suffolk  Presbytery  on  Long  Island 455 

Wheolock'a  Indian  school  opened  at  Lebanon 455 

Inefficient  contribution  to  assist  it,. ...  f . rn 

Occom  and  Rev.  Mr.  Whitaker  go  to  England,*.'.*.*.]]]]]]  ]]]]]]]]]]]  457 

Success  m  obtaining  funds  for  the  school, 453 

School  removed  to  Dartmouth,  New  Hampshire,. ..]]]]]]]]]]' "v"  459 

Its  slight  connection  with  the  Indians  of  Connecticat.]  ]]]]]]]*]]]]]]'  459 

Continued  divisions  among  the  Mohegans, ]]]]]]**  '^'F-"  450  * 

Death  of  Ben  Uncas,  last  sachem  of  Mohegan,'.*.'.".]]  ]]]]]]]]]]  ]]«]^ ]]  4^0 

3  s# 


^ 


^^^^  CONTENTS. 

^effectual  efforts  of  the  Assembly  to  make  Isaiah  his  successor.  . . .        ^':^tl 

Hostihtyoft.hegreat<r  part  ofthe  tribe  to  the  colony  1® 

Letter  of  Occom  on  the  result  of  the  Mason  lav.  suit,. T,l 

Death  of  Isaiah  Uncas, ^^^ 

Willard  Hubbard,  school  t;;;h;;  'amoiig  'th'e'MohVga'nV. '. i^ 

Execution  of  a  Mohegan  for  murder, ^^* 

Sermon  of  Occom  on  the  occasion, " "^^^ 

Joseph  Johnson,  another  Mohegan  preacher ^^^ 

His  efforts  to  induce  the  New  England  tribe;  U'migr;;;;;'!^;;'^;,^  " "  tl 
His  appeal  to  the  Assembly  of  Connecticut  "  *  ^'^^ 

Moves  to  the  country  of  the  Six  Nations,  ' ''^^ 

Washington's  letter  to  him, '  "^^^ 

Confusion  among  the  Mohegan^.  .'.......*.'* "^^^ 

Their  numbers  in  1774, 471 

Mohegans  fight  for  the  colonies'  in  'ti^  Ve'vilutlor].' Vt 

home  emigrate  to  New  York, "^"^ 

Death  of  Occom, [ 476 

Anecdote  of  Zachary  Johnson,. . . ..' 476 

Smgular  memorial  of  the  MohegVnV,.* .".".'.' ^^^ 

Their  condition  in  1 790, ' 479 

Two  of  the  Uncas  famiMJeabour/sOO '^^^ 

Efforts  of  Miss  Huntington  for  the  benefir'  nf  '.k '  Vr  l ^^^ 

A  s.bu,K  ^ .,,  „L  j^:::z  ZT'""' ^«^ 

Money  raised  for  a  chape!  489 

Appropriations  by  ,he  gen;;^' g;;;;,;„Vc;;,;* ; -^^s 

The  chapel  completed  and  a  minister  hired         '**''* 

Views  of  the  Mohegans  on  these  changes    ' "^^^ 

Report  of  Mr  Gleason,  the  chaplain,  in  18427  in'  i845 ''' 

Present  numbers  and  condition  of  the  tribe  "^^^ 

Concluding  remarks  on  the  subject  of  the  volume" ^^^ 

' 489 

J,-  1. 

^  ^w         APPENDIX. 

A«T.  I,     Indian  vocabularies, 

Art-  II,   On  the  battle  at  Mystic  Fort '*^* 

Art   V  '^tr.    r*"?""  "^''^'"^  """^  -eaniore  .. Z 

ART.  V.  The  deed  of  1640  by  Uncas  ^^"^ 

Art.  VI.  The  Mohegan  cemetery  at  Norwic'h ^^^ 

f^,  ' 496 


CHAPTER   I. 

INTKODUCTION-THE    COUNTRY-THE    PEOPLE-MANNERS 
AND    CUSTOMS— INSTITUTIONS    AND    LANGUAGE. 

It  is  but  a  little  more  than  two  hundred  years  since  the 
State  of  Connecticut,  now  inhabited  by  a  populous,  civil- 
ized and  Christian  community,  was  entirely  possessed  by 
a  few  barbarous  tribes  of  a  race  which  seems  to  be  steadily 
fadmg  from  existence.     Their  origin  was  Asiatic ;  their 
language  was  totally  unlike  any  European  tongue  ;  their 
government  was  rude  and  founded  solely  upon  custom  • 
their  religion  was  a  singular  system  of  paganism  without 
idolatry;  their  character  was  ferocious,  yet  not  undistin- 
guished by  virtues ;  and  their  mode  of  life  was  precarious 
and  unsettled,  dependent  almost  wholly  for  subsistence 
upon  fishing  and  the  chase.     Some  of  these  tribes  are 
already  laid  in  the  grave ;    some   have  broken  up  and 
wandered  away  from  the  land  of  their  fathers;  and  some, 
reduced  to  mere  fragments,  still  cling,  like  ghosts,  around 
their  ancient  habitations.     Rude  in  manners  and  feeble  in 
number  as  this  people  has  always  been,  there  are  yet 
many  passages  in  their  history  which  are  curious,  some 
which  are  instructive,  and  some  which  are  in  a  high  de- 
gree touching  and  pathetic.     The  subject  also  opens  to 
us  two  inquiries  of  real  importance :  one  relating  to  the 
treatment  of  these  tribes  by  the  white  settlers ;  the  other 
asking  for  the  cause  of  their  steady  and  apparently  irre- 

1 


M0 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 

mediable  decline.  I.  will  be  my  effort  in  the  following 
F«eMo  narrate  the  ia...  relating  to  these  qnestions  if 
such  a  manner  that  the  reader  may  see  how  far  they  are 

elhgen   decision  w«h  regard  to  each.     For  the  plan  of 

count  y,  the  manners  and  institutions  of  the  inhabitants, 
the  situation,  and,  as  near  as  possible,  the  strength  of  the 
various  .„bes ;  and  shall  then  take  up  their  hist'ory  a  he 
earliest  known  period,  and  conduct  it  down  to  the  present 


THE    COUNTRY. 

Connecticut  presented  no  such  appearance  as  it  exhibits 

piac,  the  Tunxis,  and  the  Hammonasset.     A  continuous 
forest  overspread  nearly  the  whole  landscape,  adorning 
the  hilU  with  Its  verdure,  darkening  the  valleys  with  its 
deep  shadow  and  bending  solemnly  over  the  margins  of 
the  rivers.    No  thickets  choked  up  the  way  through  these 
endless  woodlands,  for  the  underbrush  was  swcpVaway 
every  year  by  fires  kindled  for  this  purpose  by  the  in- 
habitants.    Paths  led  through  them  here  and  therlno" 
paths  of  iron,  such  as  those  over  which  the  steam-horse 
now  flies ;  but  winding  foot-ways,  along  which  the  wild 
beast  and  the  wild  man  alike  travelled  in  single  file     The 
roots  of  the  smaller  kinds  of  herbage  were  destroyed  by 
.the  annual  conflagrations;  and  a  coarse  and  long  grass 
waved  m  the  salt  meadows,  along  the  low  banks  of  the 

r?:,       7''"''™'  "■"  ^""""^  ^^  "<"  'hickly  over- 
■haded  with  trees. 


or    CONNECTICUT.  O 

The  forests  were  filled  with  animals ;  some  of  them 
beasts  of  prey,  others  suitable  for  food,  others  valuable  on 
account  of  their  furs.     Flocks  of  wild  turkeys  roamed 
through  the  woods  ;  herons  fished   in  the  marshes  or 
along  the  banks  of  the  rivers ;  quails,  partridges,  and 
singmg  birds  abounded,  both  in  the  forests  and  open 
country ;  and,  at  certain  times  of  the  year,  the  pigeons 
collected  in  such  numbers  that  their  flight  seemed  to  ob- 
scure the  light  of  the  sun.     The  ponds,  creeks  and  rivers 
swarmed  with  water-fowl,  and  various  kinds  of  shell- 
fish were  found  in  profusion  along  the  shores  of  the  sound. 
The  waters   seemed  everywhere  alive  with  fish;  and, 
every  spring,  great   numbers  of  ^nad  and  lamprey  eels 
ascended  tie  rivers,  furnishing  a  seasonable  supply  to  the 
natives  when  their  provisions  were  exhausted  by  the  long 
and  severe  winter.     Such  was  the  appearance  and  con- 
dition of  CJonnecticut  when  it  first  became  known  to 
Europeans  ;  and  such  were  its  capacities  for  supporting  a 
people  who  depended  almost  wholly  for  subsistence  upon 
fishing  and  the  chase.* 

THE    PEOPLE. 

Tiplexion,  our  uncivilized  predecessors  were  of 
the  I.  J  color,  inclining  to  red,  which,  diflfering  from 

the  complexion  of  every  other  portion  of  the  human 
family,  seems  peculiar  to  most,  if  not  all  of  the  aboriginal 
American  race.  Their  cheek  bones  were  high  and  promi- 
nent; their  eyes  widely  separated;  their  noses  usually 

•  Sec  New  England's  Plantation.     Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  I,  pp.  117—122 ; 
and  Roger  WilliamB*  Key.    Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  219—225. 

3* 


4 

HISTORT   OF    THE    INDIANS 

iT^fT  f  ™  """''  '"  """'"« '  -J  'he  ordinary 
cast  of  .he,r  features  was  eoarse  and  often  inexpressTve 

Tv.«  „  corpulent,  or  in  any  manner  deformprl 

wrrre^rr:  r.- "  -^  ^'•"'*  ^-^  ^'--^  ™^ 

feminine!  ^etvht"     "'  '"""'"'"^'  """  "'''" 
bodilv  I»h;         u     '^         ™'®"'''  '''°"  obliterated  by  hard 

but  their  mldToffr      1"'  T""'"  "•">  ^"-P-"^.' 
tion,  gave^hem  a  5  '         T'^P'  'heir  natural  oonstitu^ 

'  ^""h  as  the  latter  could  seldom  rival      Wh. 
sary  they  would  hunt  f„    j  "'=''■  """"s- 

from  hunVo  ..^rf!  7  ?"  '°^°"'"'  ^^ile  suffering 
With  no  o  :rXs  ™e tl'^T'^ '"'""'''  ">^  ^--'^ 
water.  Roger  W  I  ams  .et"  '  L"'"  ^"'"'  =''™  ■"«• 
Indian,  with  nomhrZdt  "!.  "'  "^^  '""'^™  «» 
miles  in  a  day  •  and  baT  .     '  '"'™'  ""^  hundred 

days.     We  o^Ut  1        '  T  "•"  ^"^  S™™''.  *«  'wo 

'hii  -.en,e:"tat';r„r:;  .r  T  ^"  ^-^'"-'-^ 

«ed  after  a  very  loose  fashtn      d  ht  thT  T  ""'"^■ 
commonly,  as  we  now  find,  mufh  etggeratr""  """ 

AGRICULTURE. 

'^o'- 1,  p.  m. ,  °""^  ""'"  Wf  '!>.■  number.    Wi„,hr«p, 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


5 


vated  by  women  and  children  •  thP  tnK.  , 

nd,a„s  seem  .0  have  used,  were  spades  mdelycrnt'ced 

wnen  a  family  wished  to  break  up  a  new  field  all  if, 
foonds  and  ne^hbors  came  ,o  assist  so  that  as  ma  "  ^ 

y  idii,e  in  a  single  season  two  or  three  hpan«  «r 

and,  If  ,hey  had  children  or  friends  ,o  assist  Lmani 
he  crop  was  not  injured  by  wild  beasts,  or  des  royek  b^ 

.e^r::x^:,:-;^-:-».-^ 

elt  r'::  ^''  ^"'^"'-"^  «  Tas^t^int' 
earth,  and  thus  preserved  for  the  winter's  subsistence  f 

HUNTING. 

The  invention  of  the  bow  and  arrow  is  one  of  ,1. 
earliest  circumstances  which  enables  malto  „Ii:I  s't 

•  Roger  Willi.™,.  Key.    M.„.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol  m  „  »„ 

t  Rog.,  Willi.™.  Key.  M.».  Hi.,.  Co,,.;;:',;  Sf^; 


6 


HISTORY    OF   THE    INDIANS 


ZTll '"  '  ■"""'"  ^'"^  ""^  »-™'«  "'nation.  Scarcely 
any  barbarous  people  has  no.  either  invented  or  imited 
*.s  weapon,  and  n,ade  it  a  principal  ™ea„s  of  car~„ 

tlemtt  ''"°"""'"''"^""">"--'''  I' -as,  accordingly, 
the  most  ™po«ant  among  the  weapons  of  tLe  aborigine 

^o™  the  wood  of  the  hicW,  wL'^X^^^a^r 
to  four  feet  long,  and  so  powerful  that  nothing  but  lonl 
practice  could  enable  a  man  to  bend  i.      Ti,  ^ 

-de  of  reeds,  elder  s.ic.s,  ^ ::?J:J^:Z7:Z 
"toa^'^T^'^'"'"'^''  "'"•  «''"-'»-  f-h^-d 
1  ^ey  hunted  various  species  of  wild  fowl  ■  ni~on<, 
-quads,  turlceys  and  partridges,  in  the  forests ;  clanef::!' 

marshes.     In  the  streams  they  also  found  the  otter  n„r 
sumg  h.s  solitary  trade  of  fishing,  and  the  beav     JaZ" 

rir:;;"' '"  '^-^  ^'"'  ""--■  »^  ^-^"l  i; 

winter.  Both  these  ammals  were  eaten  by  the  Indians  • 
but  they  were  hunted  chiefly  for  the  sake  of  tl  e  Zk 
wann  furs  with  which  nature  has  fitted  them  for  their 
mode  of  existence.    I„  the  forests,  raccoons,  i^bbi  s  and 

of  the  common  deer,  the  moose  and  the  bear.     The  e^ 
mverous  animals,  whose  flesh  was  never  eaten,  but  wh„4 
furs  rendered  them  an  object  of  the  chase,  wer    wulcl 
wolves  and  foxes  *  wuucais, 


f 


*  Key.     Mass.  Hist,  Coll    Vnl  Ttt    «   onn      «      -, 
Mass.  Hist.  CoU.,  Vol.  I,  p  lil         '  ''  '''*    ""^^  ^"«''"''^'-  ""»«'<>»• 


¥ 


OF    CONNECTICTJT.  f 

The  Indians  did  most  of  their  hunting  alone,  each  man 
supplying  himself  and  his  family ;  but  occasionally  they 
united,  and  pursued  the  chase  with  twenty-five  or  thirty, 
or  even  two  or  three  hundred  in  company.     These  grand 
hunts  were  seasons  of  diversion  as  well  as  labor ;  and  they 
scarcely  ever  failed  of  bringing  in  great  quantities  of  game. 
Another  method  of  hunting  was   as    follows:    having, 
during  the  coring,  taken  notice  of  the  haunts  of  the  deer,' 
they  repaired  to  them,  in  bands  of  ten  or  twenty,  after  the 
harvest  was  over  in  the  fall.     They  carried  their  traps, 
and  sometimes,  if  the  distance  was  not  too  great,  they 
were  accompanied  by  their  women  and  children.     On  ar- 
rivmg  at  the  localities  already  marked,  each  man  selected 
a  district  of  two  or  three  miles  in  extent,  and  built  for 
himself  a  small  hunting  house  of  bark  and  rushes.     His 
traps,  thirty  or  forty  in  number,  he  set  in  the  deer  paths, 
and  near  the  springs  in  his  district ;  and,  every  two  days 
went  the  rounds  to  visit  them.     Sometimes  he  was  anti- 
cipated by  those    hereditary  thieves  and  prowlers,  the 
wolves,  who,  arriving  first  at  the  trap,  thought  themselves 
fortunate  in  finding  a  breakfast  there  without  having  had 
the  trouble  to  catch  it.     In  this  case  the  disappointed 
hunter  usually  revenged  himself  by  setting  a  separate  trap 
for  the  robbers,  in  which  one  or  more  of  them  were  often 
caught  and  crushed  by  a  weight  of  large  stones.     The 
Indians  were  exceedingly  careful  as  to  what  can.e  in  con- 
tact with  their  traps ;  and,  noticing  that  the  deer  often 
avoided  them  with  singular  dexterity,  they  used  to  say 
that  there  was  a  divine  power  in  the  animals  wliich 
enabled  them  to  perceive  whatever  was  out  of  the  com- 
mon way.     When  winter  came  on,  the  trappers  left  their 


8 


HISTOKF    OF    THE    INDIANS 


m  h  houser,  shouldered  the  dried  meat  which  they  had 
collected  du„„g  their  stay,  and  returned  to  their  wi^ 
warns  or  vdlages,  sometimes  travelling  fifty  or  sixty  miles 
through  the  snow.*  ^ 


FISHING. 

They  fished  in  various  ways:  with  hooks,  spears  and 

th    Lr"7  "'  ^°"^  ""'  '"""'■'  "»  "-  -«.  »d  in 

trnir   n  ?    '""'■     "^^'^  ''P'"'"^'  ^""">«    much 
rouble  all  the  smaller  kinds  of  fish  ,•  and,  in  their  canoes! 

made  iJ  mT"'  "'  ''"'''""'  '"  '^"''  ^""»  nets  stoutly 
made  of  w,ld  hemp.  Sometimes  porpoises  got  amone  the 
rocks  or  shallows,  and  afforded  a  glorious  sceueTf  slsh 

aud  dispatched.     Occasionally,  ,00,  whales  wereZown 

a?d  LI  dan?:  ;;     ^Tl'/T"  "  "^^  ^™'^' 
w^r»  ,1,      7  '^P  '^'  "'^  '""'^  '"  'he  inhabitants.    Pish 

V     n     e  E  Tor™/'™'""'"  '""'"  "'  ">«  P--"'  "-! 
>™en  the  European  ha^  diminished  their  number  hv  h;. 

mechamcal  contrivances,  checked  their  hbcr  y  by  ht  ^ 

..fical  waterfalls,  and  perhaps  frightened  them  awa' ^J 

1  oinieu  s.ick  as  they  swam  fearlessly  bv 
ofTwrrr  """  *■"  '^"'"^"'"^  ""-"  mswere 

•Key.     Masa.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  I,  p.  833. 


ch  they  had 
>  their  wig- 
r  sixty  miles 


,  spears  and 
sea,  and  in 
lout  much 
leir  canoes, 
lets  stoutly 
among  the 
5  of  splash- 
erpowered 
re  thrown 
ed  with  a 
V  variety, 
nts.    Fish 
sent  time, 
5er  by  his 
i)y  his  ar- 
away  by 
e-wheels. 
hem,   by 
i»g  them 


ses  were 
ight  and 
iratively 


.J 

< 
H 

< 


-ripm'1ll«limiiaMTifM"r--mitfnT--"lV'- 


mm. 


^rl^^^i^^^' ■'■*'-  • 


.J 

'/     ' 

3 

J,r 

•«( 

\''r 

b. 

i'y. 

a 

''>'/ 

< 

H 

0 

2 

k 

l/ 

1 

r 

u 

1 

'  I 


i 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


9 


heavy  and  strong,  constructed  of  the  trunks  of  large  trees. 
In  building  the  latter,  the  trees  were  felled,  the  branches 
cut  off,  and  the  excavation  accomplished,  chiefly  by  fire  • 
shells  and  stone  hatchets  being  also  used,  but  simply  to 
cut,  or  rather  scrape  and  knock  away,  the  charred  portions 
of  the  wood.     In  this  rude  method  they  finished,  with 
considerable  neatness,  canoes  of  forty  or  fifty  feet  in 
length,  and  capable  of  carrying  twenty  men.*     Winthrop 
says  that  they  sometimes  made  those  which  would  carry 
sixty  or  eighty  men  ;  but,  if  this  was  ever  done,  it  could 
not  have  been  often  ;  because  the  trees  in  New  England 
seldom  grew  to  so  large  a  size  as  such  a  canoe  would 
demand ;  and  because  the  Indians  could  not  shape  and 
move  such  heavy  masses  of  timber  without  the  greatest 
difficulty.  ^ 

CLOTHING    AND    ORNAMENTS. 

The  clothing  of  the  Indians  was  composed  of  skins, 
cured  so  as  to  be  soft  and  pliable,  and  sometimes  orna- 
mented with  paint  and  with  beads  manufactured  from 
shells.  Occasionally  they  decked  themselves  in  mantles, 
made  of  feathers  overlapping  each  other  as  on  the  back  of 
the  fowl,  and  presenting  an  appearance  of  fantastic  gayety 
which,  no  doubt,  prodigiously  delighted  the  wearers. 

The  dress  of  the  women  consisted  usually  of  two  arti- 
cles :  a  leather  shirt,  or  under  garment,  ornamented  with 
fringe ;  and  a  skirt  of  the  same  material,  fastened  round 
the  waist  with  a  belt  and  reaching  nearly  to  the  feet.  A 
spendthrift  husband  would  sometimes  sell  his  wife's  pet- 

•  Oookin's  Hi.,.  Coll.  of  ,h.  Indians  in  New  England.    Maa..  Hist.  Coll. 
Vol.  I,  p.  153, 


10 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


ticoat,  or  gamble  it  away ;  but  custom  would  not  allow 
him  to  seize  upon  the  shirt,  and  the  woman  always  held 
stoutly  on  to  it  until  she  was  provided  with  another.* 
Their  hair  they  dressed  in  a  thick  heavy  plait  which  fell 
down  upon  the  neck ;  and  they  sometimes  ornamented 
their  heads  with  bands  of  wampum  or  with  a  small 
cap.f 

The  men  went  bare-headed,  with  their  hair  fantasti- 
cally trimmed,  each  according  to  his  own  fancy.     One 
warrior  would  have  it  shaved  on  one  side  of  the  head  and 
long  on  the  other.     Another  might  be  seen  with  his  scalp 
completely  bare,  except  a  strip  two  or  three  inches  in 
width  running  from  the  forehead  over  to  the  nape  of  the 
neck.     This  was  kept  short,  and  so  thoroughly  stiffened 
with  paint  and  bear's  grease  as  to  stand  up  straight,  after 
the  fashion  of  a  cock's  comb,  or  the  crest  of  a  warrior's 
helmet.     The  legs  were  covered  with  leggins  of  dressed 
deer-skin,  and  the  lower  part  of  the  body  was  protected 
by  the  breech-cloth,  usually  called  by  the  early  settlers, 
Indian  breeches.     Moccasins,  that  is,  light  shoes  of  soft 
dressed  leather,  were  common  to  both  sexes ;  and,  like 
other  portions  of  the  attire,  were  many  times  tastefully 
ornamented  with  embroidery  of  wampum.     The  men 
often  dispensed  with  their  leggins,  especially  in  summer  ; 
while  in  winter  they  protected  themselves  against  the 
bleak  air  by  adding  to  their  garments  a  mantle  of  skins. 
The  male  children  ran  about  until    they  were  ten  or 
twelve  years  old  in  a  state  of  nature  ;  the  girls  were  pro- 


•  Key.     Masa.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  111,  pp.  225—234. 

t  (yCallaghan'a  Hist,  of  N«w  NetheriandB,  Vol.  I,  p.  63 


«.. 


not  allow 
vays  held 
another.* 
vhich  fell 
namented 
a  small 

fantasti- 
;y.  One 
head  and 

his  scalp 
nches  in 
)e  of  the 
stiffened 
^ht,  after 
warrior's 
r  dressed 
jrotected 

settlers, 
!  of  soft 
and,  like 
astefully 
'he  men 
ummer  ; 
in  St  the 
)f  skins. 
!  ten  or 
'^ere  pro- 


Or    CONNECTICDT. 


11 


vided  with  an  apron,  though  of  very  economical  dimen- 

sions.* 

^  Like  our  British  ancestors,  and  some  other  very  bar- 
barous nations,  the  Indians  were  much  in  the  habit  of 
pamtmg  themselves  with  various  colors.     The  women 
were  most  given  to  this  custom,  and  used  the  paint  as  an 
ornament ;  while  the  men  seldom  applied  it,  except  when 
they  went  to  war  and  wished  to  appear  very  terrible  in 
the  sight  of  their  enemies.f     Sachems  and  great  men  had 
caps  and  aprons  heavily  wrought  with  different  colored 
beads.     Belts  were  also  worn  of  the  same  material,  some 
of  which  contained  so  great  a  quantity  of  wampum  as  to 
be  valued  by  the    English  colonists   at  eight   and  ten 
pounds  sterling. 

These  wampum  beads  formed  the  currency  as  well  as 
the  ornaments  of  the  Indians ;  were  used  in  their  trade 
and  in  paying  their  tributes;  and  were  manufactured  into 
belts  to  be  given  as  pledges  in  au  national  dealings  with 
other  tribes.     They  were  of  two  kinds,  the  black  and 
white  :  the  former  were  made  out  of  mussel  shells :  the 
latter  from  the  inside  of  the  conch  shell.     Both  sorts  were 
carved  and  perforated  with  no  better  implements  than  sharp 
stones ;  yet  were  they  shaped  and  finished  with  a  great 
deal  of  neatness  and  delicacy.     Small  quantities  of  wam- 
pum have  occasionally  been  found ;  and  a  few  strings  of 
It  are  preserved  in  the  rooms  of  the  Connecticut  Historical 
Society  at  Hartford.     The  material  of  the  white  must 
nave  been  more  common  or  more  easily  worked  than  that 


•  Key.    Mass.  Hist.  Coll..  Vol.  Ill,  p.  225. 
t  Gookin.    Moss.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  I,  p.  153. 


13 


HISTORY   OF   THE    INDIANS 


HOUSES    AND    FURNITURE. 

solelnri  '"'■  "■'  '"*™^  "PP*"^''  ''^'^""'ly  rude  ,o 
sc  bed  them  to  their  friends  at  hom„  •;  .   jn.  «verv 

^d  th,       .  .    T"^  '"'  ''•'"^  "'="'«  "f  "alted  bough., 
and  the  roof  thatched  with  reeds  and  rushes.t    Gook' 
however,  wnting  in  I674,  speaks  of  them  as  bein  gfrom 
twenty  to  forty,  and  even  one  hundred  feet  in  Ien2  and 
m  he  latter  case,  thirty  fee,  in  breadth.     H    sfys  also' 

ofLn  sepln  .r"'.      "'■■  ™'  "'^''  "aving  himself 
wa  m  111  I  '7'  ""  •""""  '^^'"'y  •"  'heir  being  as 

The  Indians  had  advanced  far  enough  in  luxury  to  u.p 
bedstead,  which  they  n.ade  of  light  frLeCkXu  a 

^1  Deddnig.     The  remainder  of  their  household  furniture 
was  sufficiently  simple  ;  consisting,  for  the  most  m        f 
~  dishes  for  the  holding  o'r'  prepaLroHood 
Theie  vvere  wooden  bowls,  dug  out  of  the  knots  of  pep- 

•  Key.     Maw.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  III.  p.  231 

t  New  England's  Plantation.     Mass.  Hiat.'coll..  Vol.  I.  p  ,23 

i  Gookm.    MaB3.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  I.  p.  ir,0. 


or    CONNECTICUT. 


13 


pe^ge  or  other  hard  trees  ;  huge  wooden  spoons,  of  a  size  • 
sufficient  to  put  to  shame  the  puny  silver  ones  which 
have   succeeded   them;    baskets   made   of  woodsplints 
rushes  or  long  grass ;  pails  ingeniously  constructed  of 
birch  bark,  and  pots  made  of  baked  earth  and  shaped  like 
the  larger  half  of  an  egg.     In  the  Historical  Rooms  at 
Hartford  are  preserved  two  or  three  stone  bowls,  or  mor- 
tars, found  at  Farmington ;  and  at  Norwich  I  have  seen 
two  bowls  carved  from  pepperage  knots,  each  holding 
about  three  pints,  and  said  to  have  been  once  the  prop- 
erty of  the  great  Uncas  *     The  pails  above  mentioned 
had  handles  by  which  they  could  be  carried ;  and  the 
bark  of  which  they  were  made  was  fitted  so  nicely  that 
these  primitive  vessels  were  capable  of  holding  water 
The  baskets  varied  in  size  from  a  pint  up  to  four  bushels 
They  were  neatly  finished,  and  were  often  painted  with 
the  images  of  flowers,   birds,  fishes  and  beasts.     The 
mats  and  baskets  were  made  by  the  women;  the  pots 
dishes  and  spoons,  and  probably  the  stone  vessels,  by  the 
men.f 

FOOD 

The  most  famous  dish  of  the  Indians  was  succotash,  a 
mixture  of  corn  and  beans,  which  they  boiled  in  their 
earthen  pots,  and  sometimes  seasoned  with  fish,  either 

•  These,  with  a  curious  staff,  also  said  to  have  belonged  to  the  old  sach-  i 
descended  for  a  long  time  in  the  Uncas  family,  and  were  finally  given,  by  a 
Mohegan  squaw,  to  Mrs.  J.  B.  Goddard.  who  resides  next  to  the  Mohegan 
cemetery,  and  in  whose  possession  I  saw  them.     One  of  the  bowls  is  circular 

handles  like  the  heads  of  dogs  facing  each  other, 
t  Gookin.     Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  I,  p.  151. 


14 


HISTORY   OF    THE    INDIANS 


fresh  or  dried.  In  dressing  a  fish  or  an  animal  they  sel- 
dom gave  themselves  the  trouble  of  taking  out  the  bones 
or  entrails :  in  fact,  like  all  savages,  they  were  very  little 
solicitous  about  the  cleanliness  of  their  food,  and  were 
more  apt  to  be  anxious  concerning  its  quantity  than  its 
quality.  Still,  they  sometimes  attempted  to  render  their 
succotash  more  savory,  by  mixing  in  ground  nuts  and 
artichokes,  and  thickening  the  mess  with  flour  made  by 
reducing  walnuts,  chestnuts  and  acorns  to  a  powder. 
They  also  made  cakes  of  Indian  corn  meal,  wrapping 
them  in  leavres,  and  roasting  them  in  the  ashes.  Straw- 
berries, blackberries  and  whortleberries  were  extremely 
abundant ;  and  those  who  lived  on  the  sea-shore  still  fur- 
ther furnished  their  tables  with  all  kinds  of  shell-fish, 
sometimes  fresh,  and  sometimes  dried.* 


PLACES    OF    RESIDENCE. 

Although  the  Indians  tried  to  make  themselves  thus 
comfortable  in  their  houses,  they  were  by  no  means  fixed 
to  them,  but  often  wandered  from  one  place  to  another. 
In  summer,  as  I  have  already  mentioned,  they  sometimes 
removed  a  distance  of  many  miles  to  their  hunting 
grounds.  In  winter  they  often  left  the  exposed  sea-coast, 
or  the  banks  of  the  rivers,  and  retreated  into  some  wooded 
and  sheltered  valley,  where  they  could,  at  once,  be  pro- 
tected from  the  winds,  and  plentifully  supplied  with  fire- 
wood. If  an  enemy  approached,  they  fled  to  their  forts, 
or  took  refuge  in  some  swamp  or  thicket.  If  one  of  the 
family  died,  they  sometimes  deserted  the  house  in  which 

•  Gookin,  p.  150.     Key.     Maen.  Hist.  Coll ,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  208. 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


15 


the  death  had  occurred,  though,  whether  to  avoid  infec- 
tion, or  to  fly  from  the  remembrance  of  the  loss,  is  un- 
certain. Thus  they  lived  a  wandering  and  unsettled 
life,  thinking  chiefly  of  the  pleasures  and  troubles  of 
the  present,  and  bestowing  but  little  anxiety  on  the 
future.* 

A  part  of  the  population,  especially  among  the  larger 
and  more  warlike  tribes,  seems  always  to  have  inhabited 
the  fortified  villages.  These  were  almost  invariably 
situated  on  some  prominent  hill,  which  would  be  easy  of 
defense,  and  would  command  an  extensive  prospect  by 
which  the  approach  of  an  enemy  might  be  perceived. 
Ihe  ground  occupied  by  a  village  varied  from  a  very 
small  space  up  to  two  or  three  acres.  The  houses  were 
closely  packed  together,  but  an  open  place  was  left  in  the 
center,  which  was  used  for  amusements,  for  ceremonies, 
for  idling,  and  for  the  transaction  of  public  business.  The 
whole  village  was  surrounded  by  a  fortification,  made  of 
the  trunks  of  young  trees,  firmly  planted  in  the  earth, 
and  forming  a  close  fence  or  palisade  ten  or  twelve  feet 
high.  Where  the  entrance  was  left,  the  two  ends  of  the 
fence  overlapped  each  other,  and  made  a  narrow  passage 
which  was  closed  at  night  by  being  lulled  up  with  brush- 
wood.f  Here,  in  these  fortresses,  lived  the  grand  sachems 
of  the  tribes ;  here  the  great  councils  were  held  which 
decided  the  business  of  the  nation ;  here  Kiehtan  was 
honored  and  Hobbamocko  was  pacified  by  frantic  dances  ; 
and  here  the  war  parties  gathered  themselves  together, 
and  sang,  and  boasted,  and  prepared  to  go  forth  to  battle. 

•  Key.     Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  213. 

t  P.  Vincent's  Peouot  War.     Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  XXXVI,  pp.  38, 39. 

4* 


16 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


i 


AMUSEMENTS. 

The  dances  performed  by  the  Indians  were  of  various 
kinds :  some  were  merely  for  amusement ;  others  were 
ceremonial ;  others  in  celebration  of  some  important  event. 
They  danced  in  the  public  square  above  mentioned,  or  in 
their  large  wigwams,  or  on  the  green  sward  without  the 
walls  of  their  fortresses.     The  most   popular   of  their 
dances  affords  a  striking  illustration  of  that  improvidence 
and  love  of  excitement  which  prevails  so  strongly  in  the 
character  of  uncivilized  man.     To  perform  it  they  assem- 
bled in  one  of  their  largest  wigwams,  and  stood  or  sat  in  a 
circle,  so  as  to  leave  ah  open  space  in  the  center.     All 
being  ready,  one  of  the  company  entered  the  circle  anc" 
commenced  the  game.    Dancing  alone,  he  flourished  some 
valuable  article  in  his  hands  until  one  of  the  bystanders 
came  forward  an.?  begged  for  ;t,  saying,  "  I  beseech  you." 
The  dancer  immediaitl-  gave  it  to  him ;  then  took  up 
some  other  article,  and  so  continued  his  performance,  until 
he  was  thoroughly  fatigued,  or  had  danced  himself  out 
of  all  his  property.     Another  now  supplied  his  place,  and 
in  this  merry  and  heedless  style  ^ach,  in  turn,  divested 
himself  of  his  worldly  goods,  going  away  at  the  end  with 
whatever  he  had  been  able  to  beg  from  others. 

With  bits  of  rushes  the  Indians  played  a  game  resem- 
bling cards;  and  they  al.-  made  use  of  rude  dice,  con- 
sisting of  pebbles,  or  other  small  objects,  painted  so  as  to 
render  the  different  sides  distinguishable.  On  these 
games,  and  on  that  of  football,  they  sometimes  staked  and 
lost  their  whole  property ;  and,  if  unmarried,  they  were 


or    CONNKCTICUT. 


ir 


even  known  to  hazard  their  own  persons,  and  thus,  if 
chance  turned  against  them,  reduce  themselves  to  slavery. 
In  such  cases  the  same  results  followed  as  among  civilized 
gamesters ;  for  the  unfortunate  player  became  melancholy, 
dispirited,  and  ready  to  put  an  end  to  his  sorrows  by  self' 
murder.* 

THE    PAMILT. 

The  Indians  treated  their  children  with  affection  and 
extreme  indulgence,  never  beating  them  when  they  did 
wr.-ng,  but  reasoning  with,  and  endeavoring  to  persuade 
them  into  what  was  right.  Such  a  system  of  govern- 
ment produced  its  natural  effects;  and  parental  authority 
among  the  Indians  was  little  better  than  a  name.f  A 
distinction,  however,  was  doubtless  made  between  the 
boys  and  the  girls  ;  for  to  be  in  subjection  was  considered 
the  province  of  the  latter,  while  every  encouragement 
was  given  to  the  bold  and  independent  spirit  of  the  for- 
mer. The  women  Avere  an  inferior  race,  whose  proper 
business  it  was  to  plant  and  gather  the  crops,  to  erect  the 
wigwams,  to  cut  and  haul  firewood,  to  prepare  food  and 
to  carry  burdens, 

COURTSHIP    AND    MARRIAGE. 

When  an  Indian  youth  wished  to  obtain  a  girl,  whom 
he  fancied,  in  marriage,  he  made  her  presents  of  orna- 
ments wrought  in  wampum,  and,  if  she  accepted  them,  it 

*  Key.  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  234,  235.  Gookin.  Mass.  Hist. 
Coll.,  Vo!.  I,  p.  153. 

t  Key.  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol,  HI,  p.  211.  "  This  extreme  affection,  to- 
gether wilh  want  of  learning,  makes  their  children  saucy,  bold  And  undutiful." 


mmt 


18 


HISTORY   OP    THE    INDIANS 


was  considered  as  a  pledge  of  betrothal.  The  consent 
of  the  sachem  was  then  obtained;  and  he  having  joined 
their  hands  together,  they  were  looked  upon  as  husband 
and  wife.  In  general,  the  husband  seems  to  have  obtained 
his  wife  of  her  parents,  by  making  them  a  present  of  from 
nve  to  ten  fathoms  of  wampum.* 

The  number  of  wiv     was  not  limited  by  public  opin- 
ion; yet  a  man  seldom  had  more  than  one  at  a  time 
unless  he  was  a  sachem,  or  a  person  of  wealth.     Custom 
allowed  either  party  to  put  an  end  to  the  connection  if 
the  other  was  unfaithful ;  and  separations  sometimes  took 
place  for  other  causes  than  adultery.     Occasionally  it  hap- 
pened  that  a  woman,  to  escape  from  a  husband  whom  she 
disliked,  would  run  away,  and  take  refuge  with  the  ene- 
mies  of  her  tribe,  among  whom  she  was  always  sure  of  a 
welcome.     Yet,  notwithstanding  this  laxity  of  the  mar- 
riage bond,  Roger  Williams  informs  us  that  he  was  ac- 
quainted with  couples  who  had  lived  together  for  twenty, 
thnrty,  forty  and  fifty  years. f 

MORALS    AND    CHARACTER. 

As  may  be  inferred  from  what  has  just  been  narrated, 
unfaithfulness  m  marriage,  among  the  Indians,  was  looked 
upon  as  a  crime.  The  husband  usually  punished  his 
guilty  wife  before  witnesses  with  blows  and  wounds  • 
and.  If  he  even  inflicted  death  by  his  violence,  custom 
would  not  allow  any  one  to  interfere.^    As  for  ordinary 

•  Trum.  Vol.  I,  p.  38. 

t  Key.     Mass.  Hist.   Coll.,  Vol.  III.  p.   231. 
Young's  Chronicles  of  Plymouth,  p.  364. 
t  Key.    Mass.  Hi.ct.  Coll.,  p.  230. 


Winslow's  Relation   in 


( 
met 


or    CONNECTICUT. 


19 


n 


licentiousness,  we  have  the  testimony  of  most  of  the  early 
writers  of  New  England,  that  it  was  almost  entirely  un- 
restrained, and  hardly  considered  a  shame.     This,  how- 
ever, agrees  so  little  with  what  is  now  ascertained '  to  be 
the  character  of  the  Indian  race,  that  we  must  make  great 
allowance  for  the   strong  expressions  of  these  puritan 
writers,  and  for  their  deep  abhorrence  of  even  the  slightest 
deviation  from  the  path  of  virtue.     It  is  certain  that  the 
Indians  in  those  early  days  were  not  licentious  as  the  na- 
tives of  the  South  Sea  Islands  are  ;  and  it  is  very  possible 
that,  in  this  respect,  they  would  compare  not  unfavorably 
even  with  the  civilized  and  christianized  race  which  has 
succeeded  them. 

Robberies,  the  Indians  seldom  committed;  and  murder 
for  the  sake  of  robbery  was  very  rare  indeed.     They 
often  stole,  however ;  and,  by  their  daily  practice,  showed 
that  they  had  little  idea  of  the  beauty  and  value  of  truth.* 
Revengeful  by  nature,  custom  had  made  vengeance  with 
them  a  matter  of  duty  and  honor.     Impatient  of  bodily 
labor  and  indisposed  to  thought,  they  naturally  turned  for 
pleasure  lo  those  coarse  gratifications  of  the  senses  which 
were  within  their  reach.     They  were  indolent  when  not 
strongly  incited  to  exertion  ;  they  were  gluttonous  when 
supplied  with  an  abundance  of  food  ;  and  they  became 
intemperate  as  soon  as  the  means  of  intemperance  were 
placed  within   their  reach.     These  characteristics  they 
possessed  in  common  with  all  races  of  men  whose  natures 
have  not  been  refined  by  civilization,  nor  restrained  and 
elevated  by  religion.     Their  virtues  were,  in  like  manner, 

•  "  Lying,  stealing,  idleness  and  uncleanness.  the  Indiana'  epidemical  Bine.- 
—Letter  of  Soger  Williams  to  Governor  Winthrop. 


20 


BISTORT   OF    THE    INDIANS 


the  products  of  the  state  of  society  in  which  they  lived 
They  were  grateful  for  favors,  hospitable  both  to  straii^ 
gers  and  friends,  and  disposed  to  share  with  each  other 
m  abundance  and  good  fortune. 


SICKNESS,    MOURNING    AND   BURIAL. 

The  diseases  of  the  Indians  were  few  but  severe  in 
heir  nature,  and,  for  want  of  proper  treatment,  very  apt 
to  be  fatal.     They  consisted  of  quinsies,  pleurisies,  rheu- 
matisms, quick  consumptions,  and  such  others  as  would 
naturally  be  produced  by  their  exposures  and  hardships, 
and  by  their  irregular  mode  of  life,  now  suffering  with 
hunger,  and  now  stuffing  themselves  to  repletion.    Tooth- 
ache seems  to  have  been  common  j  and  Roger  Williams 
records  the  ludicrous  fact  that,  while  they  could  endure 
every  other  pain  with  fortitude,  this  was  too  much  for 
their  resolution,  and  would  make  them  cry  and  groan 
after  a  most  piteous  fashion. 

For  curatives  they   sometimes   used    sweating,    and 
sometimes  purged  the  system  with  herbs  which  thev 
knew  how  to  select  for  that  purpose.    One  mode  of  produ- 
cing perspiration  was  to  stand,  closely  wrapped  up,  over 
a  hole  in  the  earth  containing  a  heated  stone.     Aiiother 
was  to  remain  an  hour  or  more  in  a  little  cabin,  about 
eight  feet  over,  which  had  been  strongly  heated.     These 
sweating  huts  were  always  on  the  banks  of  some  river  or 
pond,  so  that,  wlien  the  patient  had  perspired  sufficiently, 
he  could  finish  the  prescription  by  rushing  out  suddenly 
od  plungmg  into  the  water.* 

•  Key.    MaBi.  IIi«t.  Coll.,  Vol.  HI,  p.  236. 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


21 


But  there  was  another  mode  of  treatment,  which,  as  it 
depended  upon  supernatural  means,  was  universally  re- 
garded as  vastly  more  efficacious.     The  practitioners  on 
this  system  were  a  set  of  men  called  powioows,  who  acted 
the  part  in  the  community  of  doctors  of  medicine,  magi- 
cians and  priests.    Before  the  powwow  would  commence 
his  incantations  he  required  a  present ;  and  it  is  probable, 
that,  according  to  th3  value  of  this,  he  proportioned  the 
length  and  earnestness  of  his  exercises.     Having  received 
what  he  considered  a  suitable  gift,  he  attired  himself  so 
as  to  resemble  a  wild  beast  or  some  nondescript  monster, 
and  entering  the  presence  of  the  sick  man,  commenced 
invoking  the  deities.     He  began,  at  first,  in  a  low  tone, 
accompanying  his  song  with  strange,  extravagant  and 
often  ludicrous  gestures.     As  he  went  on,  his  motions 
became  violent  and  frantic,  and  his  voice  grew  louder  and 
louder,  until  it  ended  in  furious  howls  and  shouts.     Now 
and  then  the  sick  man  uttered  a  word  to  show  his  concur- 
rence in  the  petition;  and  occasionally,  too,   his  voice 
was  heard  joining  in  the  song.     When  the  powwow  had 
exhausted  himself,  or  thought  that  he  had  worked  out 
the  value  of  his  present,  he  breatiied  a  few  times  in  the 
face  of  the  patient  and  took  his  leave.     The  success  of 
this  extraordinary  mode  of  treatttj-^nt  was  fully  propor- 
tioned to  its  nature ;  and  the  Indians  recovered  or  died 
under  it,  according  as  their  constitutions  or  the  disease 
proved  to  be  most  powerful. 

After  the  death  of  an  individual,  the  relatives  rcmnined 
at  home  a  few  days,  receiving  the  consolatory  visits  of 
their  friends,  who  came  into  the  wigwam  of  the  bereaved 
family,  and  stroking  the  mourners  softly  on  the  cheek  or 


22 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


head,  said  to  them,  «  Be  of  good  cheer."    Some  wise  and 
grave  man,  of  respctability  in  the  tribe,  commonly  had 
the  office  of  conducting  the  ceremonies  of  the  funeral 
Havmg  adorned  the  neck  and  arms  of  the  corpse  with 
such  ornaments  as  the  relatives  could  afford,   he  next 
swathed  it  in  a  covering  of  mats  and  skins.     With  their 
rude  wooden  spades  they  dug  a  shallow  grave ;  and,  having 
covered  the  bottom  with  sticks,  they  bore  the  deceased 
thither  and  laid  him  in  his  resting  place.     They  placed 
him,  sometimes  in  a  sitting,  sometimes  in  a  reclining 
posture ;  and  by  his  side  they  laid  implements  of  war  and 
hunting,  and  dishes  of  food,  for  the  use  of  the  disembodied 
spirit.     During  this  ceremony,  ihe  relatives,  with  their 
faces  painted  black  in  token  of  mourning,  stood  by  the 
grave.     When  it  was  finished  they  sat  down  around  the 
body  of  their  departed  brother  and  wept.     Tears  flowed 
down  the  cheeks,  even  of  men  and  warriors,  and  the  wo- 
men exhibited  their  grief  by  doleful  howls  and  shrieks. 
After  some  lime  the  grave  was  filled  with  earth ;  upon 
which  they  broke  forth   into  renewed  lamentations,  as 
being  now  completely  separated  from  the  object  of  their 
love.     Such,  according  to  the  descriptions  which  have 
been  left  us,  appears  to  have  been  an  Indian  burial. 

Sometimes  a  mat  and  dish  which  the  deceased  person 
had  need  were  laid  on  the  grave,  and  one  of  his  garments 
w.;-^  hung  on  the  branch  of  a  neighboring  tree.  There 
they  remained,  unt.iuched  by  friends  or  enemies,  the 
sport  of  winds  and  storms,  until  decay  had  mingled  them 
with  the  dust.  No  Indian  would  meddle  u^ith  them,  for 
they  were  consecrated  to  the  use  of  the  dead,  and  if 
they  should  bo   taken  away,  the  departed  spirit  might 


I 


I 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


e  wise  and 
ntionly  had 
le  funeral, 
orpse  with 
,  he  next 
tVith  their 
id,  having 
!  deceased 
ley  placed 
reclining, 
f  war  and 
embodied 
nth  their 
)d  by  the 
ound  the 
rs  flowed 
I  the  wo- 
[  shrieks, 
h;  upon 
tions,  as 
of  their 
ch  have 
al. 

i  person 
:arments 

There 
ies,  the 
id  them 
lem,  for 
and,  if 

might 


23 


be  compelled   to   go  naked  and   hungry  in  the   other 
world.* 

But  the  funeral  ceremonies  of  the  Indians  were  not 
always  alike  ;  and  they  sometimes  differed,  in  various 
particulars,  from  those  which  I  have  just  described. 
When  a  person  of  rank  died,  large  sacrifices  of  property 
were  often  made,  either  as  a  solemn  memento  for  the 
deceased,  or  to  appease  the  anger  of  God,  who  was  sup- 
posed to  have  sent  the  calamity.  Thus,  on  the  death  of 
a  son  of  Canonicus,  grand-sachem  of  the  Narragansetts, 
the  bereaved  father  set  fire  to  his  palace  and  consumed  it 
with  all  its  furniture  and  goods.f 

RELIGION. 

Few  portions,  if  any,  of  the  human  race  are  without 
some  system  of  religion ;  yet,  in  barbarous  countries,  these 
systems  are  almost  always  extremely  crude  and  indefinite. 
Thus,  although  the  religious  dogmas  of  the  aborigines  of 
New  England  were  sufficiently  numerous,  the  accounts 
which  have  reached  us  of  them  are  so  various  and  even 
conflicting,  that  it  is  difficult  to  compile  from  them  a 
satisfactory  summary.     It  is  certain,  however,  that  they 
believed  in  one  great  and  invisible  deity,  who  was  va- 
riously  known,   in   difl-erent   tribes,  by   the   names  of 
Kiehtan,t   Woonand  and   Cautantowit.      He   lived  far 
away  to  the  southwest,  and  concerned  himself  little  with 
the  affairs  of  men  in  this  life.    His  nature  was  benevolent, 

•  Key.  MasB.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  237. 

t  The  nbove  section  ia  compiled  chiefly  from  Roger  Willinm»*  Key  and 
from  descriptions  of  Indian  graves  which  have  been  opened  in  varioua  parts  of 
Connecticut. 

t  Winalow'a  RclaUon,  in  Young's  Chronicles  of  Plymouth,  p.  355. 

6 


S4 


HISTOM   or   THE    INDIANS 


fl 


first  obtained  their  corn  and  beans.  But,  as  they  feared 
h.m  not,  he  reeeived  little  of  their  veneration;  and  th"r 
0  d  men  to  Id  the  English  colonist,  that  the  wor'shipo  the 
good  Kiehtan  had  declined  among  them,  even  within 
their  remembrance.  >v"nm 

SDi^!?  "^f  T'"^  """^  ""^'''  '»  Hobbamoeko,*  the 

many  daZ  '"'''"'''  ''"  '"''^'^^'^  «''-'  veneration: 

sacrmces  offered  to  appease  his  wrath. 

But  there  was  likewise  a  race  of  inferior  deities  who 

srrd^':^^^^^r''---'"-o^-:us;:;! 

Williams  t^nU^f  t::^— ;«  "  '^•"^^^ 

.he  south,  a  god  of Z   a     :\"o?  /tTf;  "  '1  1 
.He  house,  a  god  of  women,'  a„f  a  .I  'o'^/cj:!  L^.  ^h" 

::'e:rv::.t-::::,:«":i--". 

oDject  01  sacrifice  and  adoration      Rrxror  Wiir- 
disputed  with  some  Narragansetts  ab!uf  ih  "'  """' 

Yotaanit,  their  god  of  firf    T„  h  """""^  °^ 

plied  •  "  Wh„,  I        .  ^'^  arguments  they  re- 

vhiity^    T"    "       """'""^  """  ""■'  fi'"  -  '-.  a  di- 

d^lgofh  nirVr  "'r  ■=•'"' ^""'^'  i.-cs„sfro„ 
/    g      hunger  ,  if  a  single  spark  falls  into  the  dry  wood 


...4«ij».iinM  «l  iiiini;«iini:  ji<r.i  t^iujlnmmm 


jmmmm,mmmeimm&^:.^ 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


25 


* 

M 


I 


it  consumes  the  whole  country.     Can  anything  which  is 
so  powerful  be  other  than  a  deity  >"• 
But,  although  the  Indians  believed  in,  and  worshined 

VIS  blc  form.  Smgular  stones,  bearing  a  faint  resemblance 
to  the  human  head  and  bust,  have  indeed  been  found  and 
have  sometmres  been  designated  as  Indian  god  .  TW 
are  however,  evidently  the  productions  ofLture  and 
as  they  were  not  shaped  by  the  hand  of  man  the're"  J 
mams  not  even  the  presumption  that  they  wer^  ever  the 
objects  of  his  worship. 

When  the  Indians  were  questioned  as  to  their  creation 
-me  of  the  inland  tribes  easily  disposed  of  the  sulTcbv 

f  :Sr  '"7  -  V^-Oed  rrom  the  inhaCt 
01  tne  seacoast.     As  to  when  or  how  the  inhabitants  of 
the  seacoast  came  into  being  they  pretended  no  t   av 
Ano  her  story  was,  that  two  young  squaws  C  r    ole 
wadu,g  or  sw,mmn.g  i„  ,he  sea:  the  foam  touched  their 
bodies  and  they  became  pregnant:  one  brought  forth  a 
boy  and  the  other  a  girl :  .he  two  women  the^  died  and 
.he,r  ehddren  became  the  nrogenitors  of  the  hun,ZrJet 
Roger  W,  hams  says  that  the  Narragansetts  would  allow 
.      e  er„  .hatGod  made  all  things;  but  stUl  insisted 
that  tlH,  sk,es,  and  earth,  and  people  of  England,  were 

and  earth'"  '^"^'f  «<"^' -""«  'hey,  wuh'.he,;  sj 
and  earth,  were  made  by  their  own  gods.     They  also  told 
htm  that  Cautantowit,  the  great  god  of  the  southwest, 
made  a  man  and  woman  of  stone;  but,  not  liking  them. 
•  Key.  Ma™.  III,,.  Coll.,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  aae-sas 

t  Gookin'.  Hi,,.  Coll.    M.M.  Hi«.  Coll.,  Vol.  I,  p.  !«. 


26 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


he  broke  them  in  pieces,  and  made  another  pair,  of  wood, 
from  whom  all  human  bemgs  were  descended. 

If  the -Indians  were  favored  with  any  good  fortune,  they 
acknowledged  it  as  coming  from  the  deity.     If  any  ca- 
lamity or  accident  overtook  them,  although  no  more  than 
a  common  fall,  they  were  accustomed  to  observe  that  God 
was  angry  with  them.     If  a  man  even  had  a  dream  which 
seemed  to  portend  misfortune,  he  would  rise  in  the  dark- 
ness and  pray  that  the  threatened  calamity  might  be 
averted.     Williams  relates  that  an  Indian  child  having 
died  during  the  night,  its  father,  on  discovering  his  loss 
at  daybreak,  called  up  the  family.     All  began  to  weep 
and  lament,  while  the  bereaved  parent  exclaimed  with 
many  tears,  «0  God,  thou  hast  taken  away  my  child 
Thou  art  angry  with  me.     O  turn  away  thy  wrath  and 
sf  re  the  rest  of  my  children."* 

On  another  occasion  the  same  author,  while  gazing 
With  unavailing  pity  upon  a  young  Indian  who  was  dying 
of  a  wound,  observed  that  in  his  agonies  he  often  called 
upon  Muckachuckwand,  the  god  of  children.     The  na- 
tives who  stood  round  informed  him  that,  many  years 
before,  Muckachuckwand  had  appeared  to  the  young  man 
m  a  dream  and  told  him  to  call  upon  him  for  help  when 
he  was  in  distress.     Thus  the  poor  Indian,  in  his  bereave- 
ments and  his  dying  hour,  called  for  mercy  and  assistance 
to  those  gods  in  whom  he  had  been  taught  to  believe. 

They  held  that  the  soul  existed  after  death,  and  that 

he  spirits  o.  the  good  would  go  to  the  house  of  Kiehtan, 

far  away  ni  the  warm  regions  of  the  southwest.     There 

•  Key.  Mass.  Hist.  Coll..  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  209.  226. 


OP    CONNECTICUT. 


27 


they  would  be  delivered  from  all  sorrow  and  preserved 
from  all  misfortune ;  and  they  would  enjoy  pleasures  sim- 
ilar to  those  which  are  to  be  met  with  here,  only  in 
exhaustless  abundance,  and  in  complete  perfection.  The 
wicked,  too,  would  go  to  the  door  of  Kiehtan  and  knock 
for  admittance ;  but,  upon  his  telling  them  to  go  away, 
they  would  be  obliged  to  wander  abroad  forever  in  a  state 
of  horror  and  restless  discontent.  The  Indians  placed 
their  heaven  in  the  southwest,  because  the  wind  from 
that  quarter  is  the  warmest  and  pleasantest  that  blows  in 
this  climate,  and  usually  brings  fair  weather  in  its  train.* 
The  soul  was  called  by  the  Narragansetts  cowwewonck, 
a  word  derived  from  sleep:  "because,"  said  they,  "it 
works  and  continues  in  motion  while  the  body  sleeps." 
They  had  also  another  name  for  it,  signifying  "  a  clear 
sight  or  discernment."! 

All  over  New  England,  and,  indeed,  throughout  all  the 
region  covered  by  the  United  States  and  Canada,  existed 
that  class  of  priesthood  whom  I  have  already  mentioned, 
the  poiowows.  The  individuals  who  composed  this  pro- 
fession were  usually  devoted  to  it  from  childhood,  and 
were  tried  by  painful  ceremonies,  by  fasting  and  by  want 
of  sleep.  Their  object  in  these  austerities  was  to  attain 
to  a  converse  with  the  gods ;  yet  it  was  not  every  one, 
they  imagined,  who  made  this  attempt,  that  succeeded ; 
and,  of  those  who  did  succeed,  some  were  far  inferior  in 
influence  and  familiarity  with  supernatural  beings  to 
others.     To  confirm  the  idea  of  their  inspiration,  the 


•  Key.  Mass.   Hist.   Coll.,   Vol. 
Chronicles  of  Plymouth,  p.  356. 
t  Key,  p.  228. 


III.      Winslow's  Relation  in  Young's 


28 


HISTORr    OF    THE    INDIANS 


powwows  seem  to  have  practiced  some  of  the  arts  of  jug- 
gling or  natural  magic.  A  number  of  the  tricks  which 
they  thus  performed  were  so  wonderful  and  seemingly- 
unaccountable,  that  many  of  the  English  colonists  verily 
believed  them  to  be  accomplished  by  the  special  assist- 
ance of  Satan.  But,  more  than  this,  the  powwows  pre- 
tended to  fall  into  trances,  to  be  favored  with  visions 
which  foretold  future  events,  and  to  behold  fearful  and 
mysterious  apparitions  of  the  deity.* 

It  is  probable  that  these  men  deliberately  imposed  many 
times  upon  the  credulity  of  their  countrymen ;  but  it  is 
also  probable  that  they  often  believed  themselves  to  be 
seized  and  impelled  by  the  irresistable  force  of  some  super- 
natural impulse.     It  is  unquestionable  that,  under  the  in- 
fluence of  super^^tition,  the  human  mind  may  work  itself, 
by  its  own  efforts,  into  such  a  degree  of  excitement,  as  to 
dethrone  reason  for  a  time  and  wrest  from  it  its  power 
over  the  body.     The  actor,  in  such  a  case,  will  foam 
at  the  mouth,  fall  writhing  and  struggling  on  the  ground, 
and  even  remain  for  a  time  in  complete  insensibility  to  ex- 
ternal objects.     The  howling  dervishes  of  Turkey  the 
pagan  priests  of  the  South  Sea  Islands,  and  the  religioi- 
enthusiasts  who  have  sometimes  appeared  in  the  Christian 
world,  are  all  examples  of  this  fact,  and  may  be  com- 
pared with  the  Indian  powwows  of  Connecticut 

On  occasion  of  any  great  public  calamities,  such  as 
siccness  and  drouth,  war  and  famine,  the  Indians  per- 
formed religious  dances  to  appease  the  anger  of  their 
gods.     Ihey  also  made  use  of  the  same  ceremonies  to 

Vclmt"^,?"^';''""''^"'''''-^''^-     ^^y-     Mass.  Hist.  Coll.. 
p  357    '  '•       '•      "^""^"'^  ^^^''*^''"'   Y"-«'«  Chronicles  of  PlymouiK 


--^i^fc'-^swswegy^'-'W^Hwnww.;-' 


ii'iiiqWapwip!i«ill!»i 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


29 


testify  their  gratitude  for  any  unusual  good  fortune,  such 
as  a  successful  hunt,  or  an  abundant  harvest.     Building 
large  fires  in  the  center  of  their  wigwams,  or,  still  oftener, 
in  the  open  air,  they  danced  round  them  in  a  circle,  with 
wild  and  frantic  gestures.     They  accompanied  their  mo- 
tions with  loud  songs  and  dissonant  howls,  shaking,  at 
the   same   time,  their  rattles   of  shells,  and   thumping 
heavily  on  their  sullen  drums.     The  dance  was  led  by 
the  powwows,  fantastically  painted,  and  dressed  in  skins 
so  as  to  resemble  bears,  wolves,  and  other  savage  beasts. 
Around  the  performers  was  gathered  a  vast  crowd  of  men, 
women  and  children,  collected  from  the  whole  neighbor- 
ing country,  all  gazing  with  deep  interest  upon  the  frantic 
ceremonies.     The  powwows  at  intervals  continued  the 
dance  alone,  varying  it  with  furious  starts  and  invoca- 
tions, while  the  dense  crowd  responded  with  groans  and 
dolorous  shouts.     At  these  times  they  brought  their  furs, 
their  wampum,  and,  it  was  told,  even  their  children,  and 
throwing  them  upon  the  fire,  sacrificed  them  to  Hobba- 
mocko,  the  author  of  evil.     On  the  green  meadows  and 
ni  the  leafy  forests,  these  wild  assemblages  might  then  be 
seen,  where  now,  perhaps,  rises  the  spire  of  the  village 
church,  or  is-heard  the  lowing  of  cattle,  or  the  hum  and 
clatter  of  machinery. 


•       SOCIAL    DISTINCTIONS. 

According  to  Cotton  Mather,  society  among  the  abo- 
rigines was  divided  into  three  classes.  The  highest  was 
that  of  the  "  nobles,"  comprehending  all  those  who  were 
descended  of  the  blood-royal,  those  who  were  invested 
with  authority  by  the  sachem,  and  those  whose  families 


30 


HISTORY    OP    THE    INDIANS 


had  been  considered  noble  from  time  immemorial.     Next 
to  these  came  the  "yeomen,"  or  sannops,  who  formed  the 
mass  of  the  community,  possessed  a  right  in  the  lands  of 
the  tribe,  and  might  claim  the  privilege  of  attending  the 
sachem  m  his  excursions.     The  third  class  consisted  of 
strangers  and  descendants  of  foreigners,  whom  Mather  is 
pleased  to  distinguish  by  the  old  English  title  of  "vil- 
lains," or  serfs.     They  had  no  property  in  the  land ;  they 
could  not  attend  on  the  chief,  except  by  permission  ;  and 
they  were  m  some  degree  subject  to  the  sannops,  or 
ordinary  citizens.* 

GOVERNMENT. 

The  government  was  vested  in  a  head  or  chief,  called 
sachem,  and  in  a  body  of  men  who  acted  the  part  of  ad- 
visers and  councillors.    It  is  quite  certain  that  the  sachem- 
ship  was  not  elective,  nor  to  be  attained  merely  by  superior 
talenvs  and  courage.f     On  the  contrary,  it  was  entirely 
hereditary,  descending  regularly  from  father  to  son,  and 
devolving.  If  male  heirs  were  wanting,  upon  the  females. 
So  .trxt  was  this  reverence  to  birth,  that  it  was  demanded 
that  the  mother  should  always  be  noble:  for,  said  the 
Indians  If  the  mother  is  noble  the  son  will  be  at  least 
half  noble;  but,  if  the  mother  is  ignoble,  the  son  may 
not  have  a  drop  of  noble  blood  in  him.     The  point  of 
this  reasoning;  is  easily  perceived ;  and  w^  are  at  liberty 
to  consider  it  as  either  a  severe  commentary  on  the  faith- 
lessness of  Indian  wives,  or  a  curious  instance  of  the 

•  Magnalia  Book,  Vol.  VI,  Chap.  VI,  Sec.  1. 
JJ.'^^''^"''"""'"  "  '"'"""'  ""•*  "°*  by  choice."- Tr.„,7o.',i?«. 


I 

T 


M<w  I  ■ijwi!i(j(Mii^'i»"''''i'wpjpji^ 


mmiimiff^M'Mri^ 


mmm 


I 

I 


or    CONNECTICUT.  g| 

aeutene^  of  Indian  deductions,  or  aproof  of  the  extremely 

„7^,„  custom,  founded  on  the  same  course 

of  reasonmg,  was  prevalent  among  the  Iroquois,  among 

he  Indians  of  the  Antilles,  and  probably  among  most  of 

he  abor^ines  of  America.     I,  must  be  observed  that  the 

sachemship,  among  the  tribes  of  New  England  was  of  ™ 

su^cted  to  usurpation  although  it  seldom',  ireC;:^^^^ 
out  ol  the  possession  of  one  family. 

But    although  the  sachem  inherited  his  dignity  by 
hereditary  right,  the  authority  which  accompanied  thai 

abilities.     If  he  was  brave,  eloquent  and  cunning    he 
might  exercise  a  sway  approaching  to  the  despodc     bul 

lor  command,  his  dignity  was  despised  and  his  orders  in 
differently  obeyed.      Yet,  however  -reat   h  ,  Z« 
might  be,  he  was  usually  c'a^ful  not .:  v  olat  .heir;: 
wishes  of  his  ..ople;  and  seldom  t^nsacted    nj  i"" 

—irofLvzrrn-r-sr 

publicly  discussed,  and  the  different  leaders  some  ime 

chi^,»  u    ''"'•"P"'  '^'"'"'"  ^«^  »  -='^»  of  inferior 

"nTbU"  •'  "  J'  P"""""'  "='«  'he  same  wi.h  ,' e 

nobles"  mentioned  by  Cotton  Mather.     Each  of  th  se 
petty  chieftians  would  collect  round  him  a  band  of  follow 
ers  as  numerous  as  his  character  for  abilities  and  / 

would  enable  him  to  draw  together' ^twrS 


32 


HISTOBY    OF   THE    INDIANS 


c  aim  to  their  services,  however,  and  wa.  obliged  to  make 
himself  popular  with  ,hei„,  and  keep  them  in  good  hu! 

^irriv'a,:' """"  ""^^'^ """  ='""  ^"^^-^  '"--'-^  - 

Punishments  were  always  inflicted  by  the  sachem  in 
person,  except  in  cases  where  the  delinquent  was  livine 
at  too  great  a  distance.     He  then  confided  the  business  to 
one  of  his  councilors,  and  delivered  him  his  own  knife  or 
tomahawk  ,„  serve  both  as  the  warrant  for  the  execution, 
and  the  instrument  for  inflicting  it.     If  „„«  of  ,he  tribe 
had  been  killed  by  another,  the  sachem  caused  the  mur 
derer  to  be  seized,  and  either  knocked  out  his  brai„ror 
.tabbed  him  to  the  heart.     If  a  thief  was  detected,  h    a 

secLrr     '  """"  "P"'"™''  '""-  "-  --h^ni;  a 

third  he  had  his  nostrils  slit,  so  that  all  men  might  know 
his  character  and  guard  against  him. 

Besides  the  honor  and  authority  with  which  the  sa- 
chems oflice  invested  him,  he  was  entitled  by  it  to  de- 

Wm  thH  ,'7"'^"l'  '  ""•'  °^  '"'''"''■  They  carried 
oZi  /T  "  "^  •'•"''  """  ""<'  •"««'^;  ""d  very 
■nth  ^u  "'''""''  ""'  °^  ^f'«  'hey  had  obtainj 

m  fishing  and  hunting.     In  this  way  the  cabin  of  a  pow- 

f.  od       fu"'l  T  "'™"^  '"PP"^''  ^"h  abundance  of 
food,  and  his  beds  or  couches  were  well  furnished  with 

When.r       .        '  ""''"'  '''''^-  ■"»''-  -d   beaver. 
When  the  sachem  saw  any  of  his  people  coming  to  him 

fl  ng  gift  in  token  of  gratitude,  thanked  him  for  what  he 
had  brought,  and  gave  utterance  to  many  complimentary 
expressions.    To  the  sachem  were  given  the  spoUs  taken'n 


iiii)i|>iwl)i.!iH)iiiHg|/l)H  11(11(1(1 


J!.i!iij'ipy 


OP    CONNECTICUT.  QO 

war,  and  especially  the  women  and  regal  ornaments  of 
any  conquered  chieftain.  All  the  watefs,  too,rrd„. 
mm,o„s  were  his ;  and,  in  consequence  of  this  prerogative 

he  shore,  and  the  skin  of  every  wolf  and  deer  that  took 
to  the  water  and  was  there  despatched  by  the  hnnters 
But,  ,n  return  for  the  support  thus  furnished  him  by  h" 
people  he  was  bound  to  exercise  an  unlimited  hospitalkv 
towards  travellers  and  strangers,  and  take  the  wh  I 
charge^of  supporting  ambassadors  who  came  from  othe: 

WAR 

..^1^  "»  "noi^ili^ed  men,  the  Indians  were  fond  of  war 
and  thought  u  the  most  desirable  and  glorious  of  mZ 
man  occupat.ons.     They  carried  it  on  almost  incess  ntly 
some,™es  by  general  battles,  but  more  often  in  smrex': 
d.t.ons  conducted  with  secrecy  and  cunning.     Th  y  W 
various  ceremonies  connected  with  it,  both  on  U   com 
me-e-nt,  on  occasion  of  any  great  Success,  Id  a   .rj 
final  concl„s,o„  of  hos.m.ies.     No  distinct  account,  how 
ever,  ,s  rema.nmg  of  these  rites;  and  we  can  onl^  infl 
hen  nature  from  detached  passages,  or  from  wLt  L 
known  of  the  customs  of  other  tribes 

A  frequent  cause  of  war  was  the  mockery  and  mutual 
vuuperafon  which  passed  between  the  sachems;  Tnd  no 
.nsult  was  so  likely  to  bring  it  on  as  for  one  chief  to  prl 
nounce  m  a  contemptuous  manner  the  name  of  any  of  his 
nval's  deceased  ancestors:  for  there  was  a  singuL  c„ 
torn  among  the  Indians,  that,  after  a  sachem  died,  his 


Vd.fp'.is"'"""'-"""-''"'"'"'-^^'- 


Gookin,  Masa.  Hiat.  Col]., 


■*r*'^i**i"  !>•  Ill  1 1 1  Bfc  inar 


i 


S4 


HISTORY    OP   THE    INDIANS 


I 


name  was  never  again  mentioned ;  whoever  committed 
the  offense  being  first  warned  of  his  transgression,  and,  on 
a  repetition  of  it,  punished.  But  notwithstanding  this 
and  other  provocations,  a  sachem  would  sometimes  say : 
"What !  shall  I  hazard  the  lives  of  my  subjects,  them 
and  theirs,  to  kindle  a  fire  which  no  man  knows  how  long 
and  how  far  it  may  burn,  for  the  barking  of  a  dog  ?"* 

Before  commencing  hostilities,  ambassadors  were  usually 
sent  to  the  enemy,  to  recount  the  insults  and  injuries 
which  had  been  received,  and  to  demand  satisfaction. 
Sometimes,  also,  a  general  council  was  called,  to  obtain 
the  consent  of  the  nation  to  the  war,  or  to  arrange  the 
plan  of  the  campaign.     , 

Probably  the  head  chief  usually  led  those  expeditions 
in  which  large  numbers  were  engaged,  while  the  smaller 
ones  were  often  commanded  by  some  of  the  sagamores,  or 
inferior  chieftains.  In  the  evening,  before  setting  out 
against  the  enemy,  those  who  had  pledged  themselves  to 
be  of  the  war  party,  performed  a  dance.  Large  fires  were 
built,  and,  in  the  lurid  and  fitful  light  of  these,  the  war- 
riors, fiercely  painted,  and  grasping  their  arms,  moved  in  a 
circle  round  a  painted  post.  One  of  them  would  finally 
spring  forward,  brandish  his  war-club,  strike  furiously  at 
the  post,  and  go  through  the  motions  of  killing  and 
scalping  it  as  if  it  were  an  enemy.  As  he  performed  this 
exercise,  he  vaunted  the  exploits  he  had  formerly  achieved, 
reproached  the  foe  with  cowardice,  and  threatened  that 
he  would  kill  and  scalp  their  young  men,  and  would  lead 
away  their  women  captive  to  his  lodge.  When  he  had 
finished,  another  took  his  place,  and  thus  the  vain-gloriom 

•  Key.     McM.  HiBt.  CoU.  Vol.  Ill,  p.  935. 


OF    CONNKCTICUT. 


dance  went  on,  until  all  in  their  turns  had  boasted  of 
their  intended  achievements,  and  exhibited  their  hatred 
towards  the  enemy. 

On  commencing  their  march,  they  moved  cautiously 
towards  the  country  of  the  hostile  tribe,  concealing  them- 
selves as  much  as  possible  in  the  forests,  and  using  every 
effort  to  fall  upon  their  intended  victims  by  surprise. 
Sometimes  they  waded  up  or  down  the  beds  of  rivers,  or 
stepped  from  rock  to  rock,  or  from  one  fallen  tree  to  an- 
other, so  as  to  leave  no  trace  of  their  progress.  Some- 
times they  marched  in  single  file,  carefully  treading  in 
each  other's  footsteps,  so  that  whoever  discovered  their 
trail  might  be  able  to  form  no  judgment  of  their  num- 
bers. All  the  arts  which  had  been  taught  them  by 
savage  cunning,  or  by  long  experience  in  such  a  method 
of  warfare,  were  put  in  practice  to  deceive  and  take  at 
disadvantage  an  enemy  who  was  no  less  cunning  and 
experienced  than  themselves.  If  they  came  upon  a  hos- 
tile village  by  night,  they  waited  in  silence  around  it 
until  near  daybreak,  when  men  sleep  the  soundest ;  and 
then,  as  the  spreading  light  enabled  them  to  see,  they 
nished  forward,  with  hideous  yells,  to  kill,  burn  and  de- 
stroy. But  the  foe,  although  taken  by  surprise,  was  not 
therefore  conquered :  perfectly  accustomed  to  such  scenes 
of  hidden  danger,  the  sleeping  warriors  awoke,  not  to  fly, 
but  to  grasp  their  weapons  and  resist.  Thus  the  assail- 
ants had  often  a  severe  struggle  to  endure  before  they 
could  destroy  the  village,  and  were  sometimes  themselves 
defeated,  and  driven  back  in  fl'ght  to  their  own  country. 

The  battles  of  the  Indians  were  never  very  bloqfiy.    In 
the  most  considerable  that  is  recorded  ever  to  have  taken 

6 


36 


HISTORY   OF    THE    INDIANS 


I  :  «! 

i 


place  in  Connecticut,  that  between  Uncas  and  Miantinomo, 
nc  more  than  thirty  of  the  defeated  party  lost  their  lives.' 
In  the  forest  every  tree  served  as  a  buckler;  and  the  war- 
rior, standing  behind  some  huge  oak  or  chestnut,  launched 
his  missiles  with  very  little  danger  either  to  himself  or 
his  adversary.     In  the  open   country  they  danced   and 
leaped  about  to  avoid  each  other's  arrows;  and  here,  as 
well  as  everywhere,  took  great  pains  to  protect  and  carry 
oflf  the  wounded.     But  when  a  warrior  saw  that  his  well- 
aimed  shaft  had  stretched  an  enemy  on  the  plain,  he 
grasped   his   tomahawk,   and  rushed   gallantly   forward 
among  the  foe,  to  secure  that  most  glorious  of  all  trophies, 
the  warm  and  bloody  scalp.     Some  ran  to  prevent  and' 
others  to  assist  him,  and  a  close  and  desperate  struggle 
ensued  round  the  body,  such  as  the  heroes  of  Greece 
and  Ilium  maintained  over  the  corpse  of  Patroclus.    If  the 
victor  succeeded  in  reaching  his  fallen  foe,  he  seized  him 
by  the  hair,  gashed  open  the  skin  with  his  flint  knife, 
and,  by  a  single  jerk  of  his  teeth,  tore  the  scalp  from  the 
head.     Then,  waving  the  bloody  token  aloft,  he  raised  a 
triumphant  yell,  and  either  dashed  again  upon  the  enemy, 
or  fled  back  for  shelter  to  his  comrades. 

The  defensive  weapons  of  the  Indians  were  targets 
made  of  bark;  their  offensive  ones,  bows  and  arrows, 
wooden  clubs  and  stone  hatchets.  At  the  commence- 
ment of  an  exijedition,  or  immediately  before  a  battle,  the 
leader  of  the  war  party  often  made  a  long  and  earnest 
oration,  reviling  and  ridiculing  the  er  ^my,  extolling  the 
courage  of  his  warriors,  and  inciting  them,  by  their  desire 
of  glory,  or  of  revenge  for  past  injuries,  to  fight  bravely 
and  win  an  unparalleled  victory. 


,. 


OP    CONNECTICUT. 


37 


But  the  Indians  had  maritime  as  well  as  land  battles 
making  expeditions,  not  through  the  forests  only,  but 
along  the  rivers  and  on  the  open  sea.  Roger  Williams 
once  saw  a  fleet  of  thirty  or  forty  canoes,  filled  with  war- 
riors, engaged  in  desperate  battle  with  another  fleet  of 
almost  equal  size.  He  has  not  informed  us  who  the 
combatants  were  ;  but  probably  one  party  consisted  of  the 
Narragansetts,  of  Rhode  Island,  and  the  other  of  their 
fierce  and  encroaching  enemies,  the  Pequots  of  Con- 
necticut. 

Prisoners  among  the  Indians  underwent,  according  to 
circumstances,  very  different  kinds  of  treatment.     Occa- 
sionally the  captive  was  adopted  in  place  of  one  of  the 
hostile  tribe  who  had  been  slain  in  battle.     In  the  family 
he  filled  the  same  position,  whether  of  son  or  husband, 
which  had  been  occupied  by  the  deceased ;  and  he  was 
treated,  in  all  other   respects,  like  one  of  the  nation; 
unless  that  sometimes  he  was  watched,  to  prevent  him 
from  leaving  his  newly  found  relations,  and  returning  to 
to  those  with  whom  he  was  connected  by  the  ties  of 
nature.     But,  if  the  captive  was  not  thus  adopted,  a  ter- 
rible fate  awaited  him.     He  was  appointed  unto  death  j 
and  his  death  must   be  one  of  lingering  and   horrible 
torture.     He  must  endure  all  the  insults  which  hatred 
can  offer,  all  the  torments  which  a  ferocious  ingenuity 
can  inflict,  all  the  agonies  which  the  human  frame  is  able 
to   bear.     But   the    suffering   warrior,   with  the  flames 
shrivelling  his  skin,  and  the  live  coals  scorching  his  flesh, 
sternly  suppressed  every  sound  or  look  which  could  be- 
tray his  angiiish,  hurled  back  defiance  in  the  faces  of  his 
enemies,  and  shouted  his  war-song  even  while  the  hand 


38 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


*   !». 


1^  i 


han  .hJ  „  ^'""'"  '"""^  ^™»  "  '"°^'=  a="™  part 

omance  .r'  "."'  '''  "'  ''"^''  "««•  whatever  of 

■rof  the  r  ;■  "'^  "'  "''"  "'"'"*  "•«  character  and 

LANGUAGE. 

As  the  natives  of  New  England  were  all  of  the  Aleon 
each  other  ,„  construction,  although  often  very  different 

o!,Ivas1hr'""^''^'T""^  "P™  •heseacoa.t,  differed 
only  as  the  vanous  dialects  of  England  differ,  and  were 

so  much  alike  that  the  people  of  the  several  t  ibes  cltld 

e^.y  understand  each  other.f     This  author  suquL 

r^  waff  ^""""'^  """  '^'^'^  '"  'he  Ind  a    , 

as  he  was  for  many  years  superintendant  of  that  lar^e 
por  .on  of  the  natives  of  Massachusetts  which   ubmS 
to  the  government  of  the  colony.     Yet,  judging  r™ 
such  spec,m,ns  as  we  have  of  the  Massa  huseUs  N^ra 
ganse  .  and  Pequot  languages,  I  am  disposed  t' ^^  1 

andth  t'inT'rr"  "'"'"""  "--"-ha.  strained, 
and  that  .f  the  Indians  could  easily  understand  each  other 
■t  was  not  so  much  from  a  close  similarity  of  languls 
as  from  the  facility  which  practice  had  given  them  ™ 
mmiK:a,,„.  even  where  the  languages  were  very  d  ^een" 
I  will,  however,  place  some  of  ihese  specimens  beforeTho 


i  ». 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


39 


4* 


T 


reader,  and  allow  him  to  draw  his  conclusions  for  himself. 
The  first  IS  a  version  of  the  Lord's  Prayer,  in  the  Pequot 
or  Mohegan  tongue,  which  was  obtained  by  Governor 
baltonstall,  of  Connecticut,  in  the  year  1721.* 

"  Co  shunongone  ihe  suck  cuck  dhot.     Na  naw  Hi  e 
coom  Shaw  ims  nuskspe  com  so  wunk.     Kuck  sudanrnng 
peamook.     Ecook  Atootoomonwn  ukkee  tawti  ee  ook  un- 
gow.     A  geescuck  mee  se  nam  eyew  kee  suck  askesuck 
myspui  eo  honegan.     A  quon  to  mi  nun  namat  to  omp 
pa  won  ganuksh  no.     Awe  ah  goon  to  mi  nad  macha. 
Chook  quoe  a  guck,  ah  greead  macon  jussuon  mattum 
paw  oon  ganuck  puk  kqueaw  hus  nawn  woochet.    Match- 
etook  kee  kucks  sudamong,  cumme  ehi  go  wonk,  ah  koont 
seek  coomsako  oh  woonk.     Mackceme,  mackeme  Beats  " 

The  next  specimen  is  the  Lord's  Prayer,  in  the  Massa- 
chusetts language,  taken  from  Eliot's  Indian  Bible  The 
reader  will  observe  that  one  of  the  characters  resembles 
a  figure  8  laid  on  its  side.  This  was  adopted  by  Eliot  to 
represent  a  sound,  apparently  a  vowel  sound,  not  contained 
m  the  English  language. 

"Nooshun  kesukqut  quttianatamunach  ko^wesuonk. 
Peyaumccutch  kukketafcctamoonk,  kuttenantamoonk  ne 
n  nach  ohkdt  neane  kesukqut.  Nummeetsuongash  ase- 
kesukokish  assamainnean  yeuyeu  kesukok.     Kah  ahquo- 

•  It  is  preserved  in  No.  261  of  the  bound  pamphlets  in  the  library  of  the  Con- 

Tn  oTIk  r   '"'?  ""'  ''""''"'•     ""^  'f^-'^k-fshowir.g  the  colloea- 

tion  of  the  words  I  give  here  the  English  translation. 

"  Father  ours  above  in  Heaven.  Admired  in  highest  manner  be  thy  name. 
Like  done  thy  wdl  on  earth  as  like  in  Heaven.  Let  us  be  forgiven  evil  doing, 
o  ours  as  we  would  forgive  wrong  doers  to  us.     Not  guide  us  i..to  snare!^ 

1^1  Z  '"  r"''  '""'  '"'•     '^""^  ''''  P''^"^"'  '^'"edo.n.  thine  the 
-trengtb.  thine  the  greatest  glory.     Alwaya,  always  me  wish  so." 

6* 


40 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


('^ 


■■      1 


nntamattnnean  nummatcheseongash,  neane  rmtchene- 
nukqueapg  nutaquontamounnonog.  Ahquc  sagkompa^ 
gunnaunnean  en  gutchhvuouganit,  wehe  pohquokwus- 
stnnean  v^utch  matchitut.  Newutche  kutahtaunn  ketas- 
sootamoonk  kah  mennhkesuonk,  kah  sohsumoonk 
rmckeme.     Amen. 

A  further  proof  of  the  dissimilarity  of  the  words  in  the 
Indian  languages  of  New  England  is  furnished  by  a  vo- 
cabulary m  the  Appendix  ,o  Hale's  Treatise  on  American 
Ethnology.*    A  list  of  sixty  words  in  the  Massachusetts 
dialect  IS  presented,  accompanied  by  their  synonymes,  as 
for  a.  they  could  be  procured,  in  the  languages  of  the 
Narragansetts  and  of  the  Mohegans  of  Hudson  river.     In 
this  list  the  Narragansett  :,..d  Massachusetts  tongues  re- 
semb.e  each  other,  to  some  extent,  in  thirty..4en  in- 
^ances  out  of  fifty-three ;  perfectly  in  about  seven.    The 
Narragansett  and  Mohegan  resemble  each  other,  more  or 
nol'"  l^""' '''^"'y/""'^^'""  of  fifty-two;  perfectly  in 

twentv  .1       ^T""""""  """^   '""'"'g^''    have    about 

twenty-three  similarities,  and  also  not  one  instance  where 

he  resei^b,  „e«  ;,  „„„p,^,^     ^  ^^^^^  ^^  ^^^  ^^^^^^_ 

tery,  with  the  corresponding  words  in  the  Pequot  or  other 
Connecticut  dialects,  may  be  seen  in  Article  First  of  the 
Appendix.    By  referring  to  it,  the  reader  will  observe  that 
m  the  instances  which  it  gives,  at  least,  the  Pequot  bears 
a  nearer  resemblance  to  the  Massachusetts  and  Narragan- 

the  Pequots  are  supposed  to  have  descended  + 
But,  however  the  Indian  languages  of  this  region  may 

**  J"°.!""'°"'  "'  ""  *■"«'«•"  Elhi.ologlc.1  SMlew  Vel  II       . .« 
t  The  Moh.6.™  of  N.„  Y„k,  „„.  „r  c«rjr  ■  "■  "°- 


'•lsii,i^£iiiiiiMMi4&M»'ti*iU&-,»Aiii^&i.'i, 


OP    CONNECTICUT. 


41 


have  differed  from  each  other  in  particular  words,  it  is 
unquestionable  that  they  were  similar  in  construction  • 
and  we  may  take  it  for  granted  that,  whatever  general 
principle  or  characteristic  might  be  alledged  of  one,  was 
applicable  to  all  the  others. 

that  the  Narragansett  tongue  was  eitceedingly  copious, 
and  often  possessed  five  or  six  words  to  express  a  single 
an'".t  V'^^^^'S'"':  P'-^^Ment  Edwards  informs  us,  had 
all  the  Enghsh  parts  of  speech ;  and  was  believed  by 
mm  to  contain  as  large  a  proportion  of  abstract  to  con- 
Crete  terms  as  any  other  language.*  The  regularity  with 
Which  Its  verbs  were  conjugated  through  dl  the  W 

.::i;ai'„i:h:rr"''-""""™' "" "''" '""""  -^^ 

The   Indian  languages  had   one    peculiarity,  which 
throws  all  the  boasted  powers  of  combination  in  he  Ger- 
man  into  the  shade.     This  was  the  power  of  unidng 
various  syllables,  of  different  words,  into  one  new  word' 
which  should  express  the  meaning  of  all  the   origina 
terns  from  which  It  was  compounded.    Thus,  a  Delaware 
g  rl,  m  playing  with  a  dog,  might  give  utterance  to  her 
pleasure  or  admiration  by  exclaiming,  KuHgatsckis,  th.t 
-.  ".hy  pi.tty  little  paw  ■     This  word  would  be  com- 
pounded from  *,  thou  or  thy;  ,cum,  pretty,  ^Uckgat, 
paw;  and  the  diminutive  schis :  so  that  four  distinct  and 
perfect  words  would  be  melted  into  another,  equally  per- 


from  New  York. 

JaJirnrh'"  '''''''"''''''"  «f  ^^•^  Del«ware,akindred  dialect  of  the 
negan,  it  not  the  same. 


4» 


HISTORY    OP    THE    INDIANS 


m    i 


feet,  which  would  contain  only  a  part  of  their  sounds,  but 
the  whole  of  their  meaning.  It  was  justly  observed  by 
Cotton  Mather,  that  these  compound  words  were  in  a 
manner,  new  words.  The  same  author  also  asserts,  that 
they  composed  nearly  one-half  of  the  Indian  languages. 

It  IS  surprising  that  the  languages  of  barbarians  should 
have  been  so  regular  in  construction,  so  copious,  and, 
above  all,  so  well  adapted  to  carrying  on  abstract  trains 
of  thought.     From  the  rudeness  of  their  manners  and  in- 
stitutions, from  their  ignorance  of  the  arts  and  sciences, 
and  from  their  entire  deficiency  in  a  literature,  we  should 
naturally  conclude  that,  as  the  ideas  of  savage  men  are 
few,  so  their  means  of  expressing  them  would  be  limited 
and  imperfect.     But  the^  direct  reverse  of  this  has  been 
testified,  concerning  the  aboriginal  languages  of  America, 
by  every  one  who  has  had  the  curiosity  and  patience  to 
examine  them.     "  You  must  not  imagine,"  says  the  mis- 
sionary, Heckewelder,  in  a  letter  to  Du  Ponceau,  "that 
the  Indian  languages  are  poor."     <'  It  is  not  easy  to  find 
a  language,"  observes  the  Abbe  Clavigero,   «so   fit  for 
metaphysical  subjects,  and  so  abounding  in  abstract  terms, 

himself^<have  or  have  not  many  ideas,  I  do  not  deter- 
mine ;  but  If  their  ideas  are  fe^,,  their  words,  to  express 
them,  are  many.     I  am  lost  in  astonishment  at  the  co- 

We  need  not,  however,  necessarily  conclude,  from  these 
observauons,  that  the  Indian  tongues  were  superior,  or 
even  equal,  to  our  own.  It  is  evident,  from  the  enormous 
length  of  many  of  the  words,  sometimes  occupying  a 


f 


t 


j!tWawi'*<J>3i»i&«!fei'"ii'i 


t 


OF    CONNECTICUT.  40 

whole  ,i       .,,,  .,^^^  ^__^  ^^_^^^^.^^  ^^^^^  ,he  structure 

-im'itiir^:  ^'''''  "^^ '"«"'  ou»be^.,r 

REFLECTIONS. 

aboH;„t:rru:::::fi^t ""'''  ''°"*"°"  »^  "■« 

possessed  some  deast/L T  ^?  '''"  ""="'  ^""ilo  'hey 
sources  of  comfort  T/  "^  character,  and  some  few 

single  trait  of  ciWlTzato  H  !.  T  ""'"""""''  ^-^  « 
lested,  and  unvis^'r  rEuroZs  .m  T'"''  """""^ 
they  would  now  have  beetTrr.  '"''""  '^>'' 

as  disdainful  of  lahnr  T/  ^  /      '  ^  I""""'  ^  ^a^'-ko. 
and,  in  every  wif"'  ,   "^  '"""""S  ">»"  «"^»i«» 

firs  expoS  tie  6ol?r"^''"''^"^'»""«°  B'o^k 
virgin  sho:  s  of  LonTl  ,td"s„  Tr.^^"'''  '"'"^  '"o 
s.iU  have  been  coverfd  ^h'  'r  ,  •  It  """"'T.^-"* 
would  still  have  filled  the  tivlT 'sh^l'.T  '^f'^' 
have  been  scattered,  in  exhZ  e^  r  '"'"'^  ^"" 
shores.     Tracks  of  wHH  f  P^fusion,  along  the 

now  exte^r'he  solid  tat'"''  "°""  "'  '""'«'•  "''-« 
of  human  fee,    !h  °       '^  T'"''  "■'"^''«"  by  thousands 

out  of  hltliow^::the^„r'  ^--^ 

gent  youth  are  ^m.  J  """^^^  "^  '"'e'li- 

fhe  screls  Tthe  S'caf "  'l"  "'"^  "'  '^"""'S! 

heard  where  J'rJoltV^ST:/'  T"  "^ 
or  the  sweet  melorfv  „f  ,        ^  "^  machmery, 

now  as  the  rail';/ pT    ■""""'  'he  land,  which  [ 
wilderness     '  '  ^^'"''  ^'"'''  '"en  be  a  desolate 

Two  very  ditfe^n.  pictures  are  thus  presented  to  .h. 


"""'Ttilltl'i 


44 


■   & 


HI8T0ET   or    THE    INDIANS,    ETC. 


mind,  m  comparing  the  ancient  and  modern  situation  of 
Connecticut;  and  between  these  pictures,  few  men,  at 
the  present  day,  will  hesitate  to  prefer  the  one  which  is 
adorned  with  the  lights..  .     .:  -  ;,.  of  civilization.    The 
spirit  of  the  age  is  altogether  adverse  to  barbarism,  ev^n 
when  bedecked  with  all  the  feathers  of  imagination ;  and 
the  sentimental  eloquence  of  Rousseau,  and  other  phi- 
losophers like  him,  is  no  longer  sufficient  to  make  men 
wish  themselves  savages.     Neither  in  Oonnectiqut,  there- 
lore,  nor  m  any  other  civilized  community,  need  we 
expect  to  hear  an  outcry  of  grief  at  the  fact,  that  a  state 
of  society,  such  as  we  have  described,  has  been  sup- 
P  anted  by  one  such  as  we  now  see  flourishing  around 
us      Our  only  serious  business  is  to  trace  the  progress  of 
this  ex  raordmary  change,  and  observe   the  moral  and 
physical  phenomena  by  which  it  has  been  attended     As 
we  trace  this  progress,  however,  and  as  we  observe  these 
phenomena    we  may  drop  a  tear  over  the  grave  of  the 
race   which   has  perished,   and  reg.t   that'civiliz at  on 


t 


i 


at 


en 


CHAPTER    II. 

KAMES,    K.^„„K3,    POSXTXO.S,    ...   po.IXIC^   HE..XIOKS 
OF    THE    DIFFERENT    TRIBES. 

Nothing  can  be  more  obvious  on  a  httU  .        •      • 
h,«.n         n^       ""  ^'^^*  improbabilities.     Even  the 

largest  known  estimates,  and  introduces  them  into  hi. 

I»^sage  was  penned  in  1633,  when  the  New  Enlnd 
^.on,s^  had  no,  yet   extended  beyond  Massachl.. 

tKe  mouth  of  the  Connecticut ;  when  it  was  said  that 
durmg  seven  months  in  the  year,  no  vessels  could  e„t«1; 

•  Hiat.  ofConn.,Vol.  I,p,27. 


46 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


on  account  of  the  ice  and  the  violence  of  the  stream ;  and 
when  the  Connecticut,  with  the  Hudson,  the  Potomac, 
and  other  large  rivers,  were  supposed  to  take  their  rise 
together  out  of  some  huge  lake,  or  some  hideous  swamp 
at  the  north.  Such  was  the  knowledge  of  the  English, 
at  that  time,  respecting  the  country ;  and  very  similar, 
no  doubt,  was  their  information  concerning  the  numbers 
of  its  inhabitants. 

Again,  we  are  assured  by  Trumbull,  that  so  late  as 
1670,  the  bowmen  of  the  river  tribes  were  still  reckoned 
at  2,000  ;*  and  this  reckoning,  made  by  nobody  knows 
whom,  he  evidently  introduces  as  if  he  considered  it  a 
reliable  estimate.     Yet  the  term  "  river  tribes"  only  in- 
cluded the  Podunks,  the  Windsor  and  Hartford  Indians, 
and  the  Wangunks ;  the  Podunks  were  never  estimated 
at  more  than  200  fighting  men,  and  even  that  estimate 
is  an  absurd   exaggeration;  the  Windsor  and  Hartford 
Indians  were  assuredly  not  more  than  twice  as  numerous ; 
and  thus,  at  the  very  utmost,  our  computation  will  not 
exceed  600  warriors.     Besides,  it  is  absolutely  certain, 
that  the  aboriginal  population  of  the  western  part  of  the 
State  was  extremely  sparse,  and  that  many  portions  of  it 
were  uninhabited  altogether ;  and  the  Pequots,  who  could 
not  muster  more  than  five  or  six  hundred  warriors,  were 
probably  nearly  as  numerous  as  all  the  other  tribes  com- 
bined.    This  large  estimate  of  Trumbull,  too,  is  alto- 
gether inconsistent  with  the  small  numbers  which  the 
river  tribes  were  really  found  to  possess  after  the  whites 
were  fairly  settled  among  them.     Nations  do  not  melt 
away  in  a  generation  without  some  powerful  cause,  not 

•  Hist,  of  Conn.,  Vol.  I,  p.  27. 


'^^hiimM»^-ei.fo>ihii^^-^ 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


47 


even  nations  of  savages;  and  the  Indians  of  the  Connec- 
ticut River  were  swept  off  by  neither  famine,  nor  pesti- 
lence, nor  war. 

Trumbull  further  informs  us  that  the  Indians  of  Hun- 
tington could  muster  300  warriors,  and  were  even  still 
■    more  powerful,  until  they  were  wasted  by  the  incursions 
of  the  Mohawks  *     Had  this  been  the  case,  they  would 
have  been  little  less  numerous  than  the  Mohawks  them- 
selves ;  and,  combined  with  their  brethren  lower  down 
the  Housatonic,  they  would  have  been,  in  numbers  at 
least,  more  than  a  match  for  them.     Who  believes,  how- 
ever, that  Huntington  then  supported  a  larger  population 
of  savage  and  improvident  hunters,  than  it  does  now  of 
civilized,   industrious,  and    thrifty    agriculturists?!     In 
fact,  these  Indians  were  not  even  a  tribe ;  they  were  only 
a  fragment  of  the  Paugussetts  of  Stratford ;  they  existed 
without  performing  any  action  which  has  been  recorded; 
and  they  passed  away  without  leaving  behind  them  so 
much  as  a  name. 

Nowhere  was  the  aboriginal  population  so  dense. as 
along  the  sea-shore,  where  fishing  afforded  a  surer  and 
more  plentiful  supply  of  food  than  could  be  obtained  by 
hunting.  It  was  for  this  reason  that  the  Narragansetts, 
of  Rhode  Island,  maintained  around  their  bays  and  creeks 
a  greater  number  of  souls  than  was  contained  by  any 
other  spot  of  the  same  size  in  New  England.  If  we  find, 
therefore,  that  the  seacoast  was  thinly  peopled,  we  may 
reasonably  conclude  that  the  remainder  of  the  country 

•  Hist,  of  Conn.,  Vol.  I,  p.  30. 

t  According  to  the  United  States  census,  the  population  of  Huntington,  in 
1840,  was  1,326;  whUe  three  hundred  warriors  would  demand  a  population 
of  1,500. 

7 


ii 


48 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


T  f.T"     *"'''"'  '"  '"•'''•'ita,..,.    The  Ckuinnipiacs 
extended  along  the  shore  from  Milford  to  Madison ;  hold- 
ing the  bay  of  New  Haven,  and  the  little  rivers  which 
empty  into  it,  as  fishing  places.     Yet,  when  they  sold 
then:  cotintry,  in  1638,  to  Davenport  and  his  associates, 
they  could  state  the  number  of  men  m  their  tribe  at  only 
forty-seven ;  thus   giving,  to  this  considerable  tract,  a 
population  of  two  hundred,  or,  possibly,  two  hundred  and 
fif  y  persons.*    A  district  north  of  this,  measuring  ten 
m,les  north  and  south,  and  extending  a  great  part  «>  the 
way  between  the  Housatonic  and  the  Connecticut  rivers 
was  inhabited  by  a  tribe  of  only  ten  warriors.f     s2 
were  the  insignificant  communities  among  which  a  hr-e 
part  otthe  surface  of  Connecticut  was  divided      vt    LI 
probably  make  a  liberal  estimate  when  we  allow  tw    v 
hundred  warriors  for  the  whole  State,  and  six  or  Je„ 
thou^nd  individuals  for  its  entire  aboriginal  population 
The  seacoast,  as  I  have  already  mentioned,,...,  ,r 
most  thickly  peopled,  and  next  to  \u,s  ^    t  ^  n    J 
along  the  courses  of  the  rivers.    Wherever  some  si  el       J 
bay  or  some  natural  waterfall  produced  a  good  fis    ,  ! 
place,  there  a  village  was  usually  formed  in  C  Ih       f 
gregated  the  whole  population  for  many  mile    around" 

the  inland  and    seacoast  tribes,  for  their  m.Uual  ron 
venience  and  benefit.     The  former  came  down  tc    be 

>>'->'::::riz^::,:TL  ^"i  ""^"' "  '""-—pre. 


.«»„«ft«v  »•■">  ■««•*>»#•■' 


Hiti 


^^^^^^^mm^^^mmii^^i^f^^^^t*^^'^'^^'' 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


49 


shore   to  feast  on  oysters,  clams  and  lobsters ;  and  the 
latter  visited  their  iriends  in  the  country  to  obtain  better 
hunting,  or  to  enjoy  the  lamprey  eels  which,  in  the  spring, 
swarmed  up  the  rivers.     A  communication  of  this  kind 
existed  between  the  Indians  of  Windsor  and  those  of :  il- 
ford ;  individuals  of  each  tribe  making  visits  in  the  terri- 
tories of  the  other,  and  sometimes  prolonging  their  stay 
for  months,  or  even  exchanging  their  residence  altogether. 
The  divisions  and  connections  which  existed  between 
the  various  tribes  were  extremely  loose,  so  as  occasionally 
to  make  it  difficult  for  us  to  distinguish  one  from  another. 
Some  small  clans  seem  to  have  inhabited  the  coast  from 
Greenwich  to  Fairfield,  but  so  feeble  and  insignificant, 
that  not  even  their  names  have  been  preserved  from  ob- 
livion.     A    larger   population,  indeed,   existed   on    this 
shore  about  the  year  1643,  at  which  time  the  Long  Island 
and  Hudson  River  tribes  fled  hither  to  escape  from  the  hos- 
tile vicinity  of  the  Dutch.     That  period,  however,  must 
not  be  confounded  with  the  present,  when  the  population 
of  this  part  of  the  State  was  probably  very  far  from  being 
considerable.     Farther  to  the  east,  where  Fairfield  now 
stands,  lived  a  small  clan  said  to  have  been  called  the 
Unkowas.*     Unkoway,  at  all  events,  was  the  aboriginal 
name  of  the  spot  on  which  Fairfield  is  situated.f 

There  is  no  longer  any  doubt  that  the  Paugussetts, 
who  inhabited  Stratford,  Huntington,  and  the  surround- 
ing townships,  and  the  Wcpawaugs,  who  lived  opposite 
to  them,  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Housatonic,  were  but 
one  people.  We  find  the  names  of  the  same  chieftains 
appended  to  the  native  deeds  of  sale  preserved  in  the 

•  Prw.  Stiles'  Itinerary.  +  Col.  Rec.  Vol.  I. 


«0 


HlSTOnY    or   THE    INDUS3 


records  of  both  Stratford'  and  Milford.     We  find  that 
Ockenuck  or  Ockenung,  chief  sachem  of  Stratford,  was 
the  son  of  Ansantawae  or  Nunsantaway,  sachem  of  Mil- 
ford,  and  that  he  set  his  mark  with  that  of  his  father  to 
the  purchase  of  Derby.     Finally,  the  Paugussetts,  it  is 
satd  by  Trumbull,  lived  at  Derby;  and  ye.  we  find  the 
Stratford  Indians  continually  applying  the  name  of  Pau- 
gussetts to  themselves,  until  the  whites  began  to  call 
them  the  Golden  Hill  tribe,  from  their  settling  on  an 
emmence  so  called,  within  the  limits  of  Bridgeport  * 

The  territories  of  this  clan  stretched  fifteen  or  eighteen 
miles  along   the  coast,   and  comprehended  nearly  the 
present   townships   of  Monroe,  Huntington,  Trumbull, 
Bridgeport,  Stratford,  Milford,  Orange  and  Derby  t     In 
numbers  it  seems  to  have  been  considerable,  and  large 
heaps  of  shells  have  been  found  along  the  coast,  showiL 
what  must  have  been  the  natives'  favorite  and  principal 
food      These  heaps,  however,  do  not  necessarily  prove 
the  large  population  which  people  often  suppose ;  for  thev 
were  probably  the  accumulations  of  centuries,  and  their 
foundations  may  have  been  laid  by  some  race  which 
came  and  disappeared  before  the  foot  of  a  Paugussett  or 
Wepawaug  ever  left  its  print  on  these  shores.     I,,  fact 
eat.ng  oysters  is  not  such  a  marvellous  feat,  that  large 
piles  of  oyster  shells  must,  of  necessity,  indicate  a  great 
number  of  consumers.     We  must  consider,  also,  th!.  a 
he  natives  depended  little  upon  agriculture  foi  a  sub! 
sistence,  and  as  hunting  was  a  less  certain  and  more 

•  For  lh«  p.„ic„|.„,  „,e  ,|,e  „.„„,j.  „f  s,„,f„,j        J 

t  For  p,.„f  of  ,M.,  „.„,„  ,^,  „,.,.,,  ,^|^_  _  r?L.^n  «, 


Ij 


i(.iui«i«Miiiitijiij  !\riiiiM»ii<Jiijj  .1  iitwi'iji'-i  '''''jiiJ 


iilillniilritiTiiTHIiliiii  iWli'iiTrfrm""!  'i-" 


OF    CONNECTICUT, 


51 


laborious  mode  of  supply  than  fishing,  a  very  large  pro- 
portion of  their  food  consisted  of  the  produce  of  the  sea, 
and  especially  of  shell  fish. 

The  Paugussetts  who  lived  in  Derby  had  a  fortress  on 
the  east  bank  of  the  Housatonic  River,  about  half  or 
three-quarters  of  a  mile  above  its  junction  with  the 
Naugatuc.  To  this  place  of  refuge  they  retreated,  after 
the  fashion  of  the  aborigines,  whenever  they  were  threat- 
ened by  any  enemy  whom  they  could  not  oppose  in  the 
open  field.  Another  fortification,  similar  in  character  to 
this,  existed  in  Milford,  about  half  a  mile  above  Stratford 
ferry.*  As  for  the  small  clan  which  Trumbull  mentions 
as  living  at  the  falb  of  the  Naugatuc,  there  is  no  proof, 
and  no  probability,  that  it  collected  there  until  a  hundred 
years  after  the  time  of  which  we  are  now  speaking. 

Northwest  of  the  Paugussetts,  within  the  limits  of 
Newtown,  Southbury,  Woodbury  and  some  other  town- 
ships, resided  a  clan  known  as  the  Potatucks.  Their  in- 
significance is  sufficiently  proved  by  tiie  almost  total 
silence  of  authors  concerning  them,  and  by  their  noise- 
less disappearance. 

With  this  slight  exception,  the  whole  country  now- 
known  as  Litchfield  County,  together  with  the  northern 
part  of  Fairfield  and  the  western  part  of  Hartford  coun- 
ties, presented  an  uninhabited  wilderness.  The  bird:; 
built  their  nests  in  its  forests,  without  being  disturbed  by 
the  smoke  of  a  single  wigwam  ;  and  the  wild  beasts,  who 
made  it  their  home,  were  startled  by  no  fij^s  save  those 
of  a  transient  war-party,  or  a  wandering  hunter. 

Returning  to  the  seashore,  we  find  a  slender  population 

•  Trumbull,  Vol.  I,  p.  30. 
7* 


i3 


52 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


of  auinnipiacs,  stretching  from  the  Wepawaugs  on  the 
west,  to  the  Hammonassetts,  of  Clinton  and  Killingworth 
on  the  east.     The  Guilford  Indians,  it  is  true,  were  for- 
merly considered  a  distinct  tribe ;  but  there  appears  to  be 
good  reason  for  supposing  that  they  were  only  a  portion 
of  the  auinnipiacs.     Quosaquash,  for  instance,  one  of  the 
men  who  signed  the  treaty  of  New  Haven,  also  put  his 
mark  to  the  deed  of  sale  at  Guilford;  and  the  researches 
of  a  careful  investigator  have  rendered  it  certain,  that  the 
sachem-squaw  of  Guilford  was  no  other  than  Shaum- 
pishuh,  sister  to  Momauguin,  the  chief  of  the  Quinnipiacs. 
The  Hammonassetts  were  few  in  number,  and  were 
headed  by  a  sachem  named  Sebequanash,  or  ''  the  man 
who  weeps." 

On  the  Farmington  River,  eight  or  ten  miles  west  of 
the  Connecticut,  lived  a  considerable  tribe,  sometimes 
called  the  Sepous,  but  more  commonly  the  Tunxis      If  it 
was  worth  while  to  make  estimates  based  upon  nothing 
we  might  perhaps  assign  to  this  tribe  a  population  of 
eighty  to  one  hundred  warriors,  or  about  four  hundred  in- 
dividuals.    The  Tunxis  were,  at  an  early  period,  subject 
o  Sequassen,*  the  sachem  who  sold  Hartford  to  the  En- 
lish  ;  and  they  must  have  formed  a  part  of  that  great  tribe 
or  confederacy,  whose  principp.l  seat  was  in  the  valley  of 
the  Connecticut  River.     Many  Indian  curiosities   have 
been  found  in  Farmington,  and  a  small  but  interesting 
collection  of  them  is  preserved  in  the  rooms  of  the  Cont 
necticut  Historical  Society  at  Hartford.     They  consist 

•  "/"  P"-""'  tol^"  fo--  granted,  that  the  magistrate,  [of  Hartford]  bough, 
the  whole  co«t,try  to  the  MoohaW  country  of  Sequa.e„,  the  chief  J^^ 
—■tarmmgton  Kecorda. 


i 


-LUii 


r  !HliM<faBi)tfWchltr>\  ■nf^.'^^- 


snani 


wtiiWin.iiMi)pifti:«il!i!ipWJWi'J^ 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


63 


of  arrow  heads  curiously  wrought  from  flint,  of  stone 
heads  for  war  axes,  of  wampum  beads,  both  black  and 
white,  and  bowls  or  little  mortars  laboriously  scooped  out 
of  stone.  One  wonders  at  the  labor  which  must  have 
been  spent  upon  these  articles,  especially  as  he  examines 
the  brittle  substance  of  the  arrow-points,  and  the  slender 
shape  and  neat  piercing  of  the  shell-beads. 

The  Indians  of  Massaco  or  Simsbury  were  few  in  num- 
ber, and  unquestionably  formed  a  portion  of  the  Tunxis. 
Floating  now  down  the  Farmington  to  the  Connecticut 
we  shall  find  the  west  bank  of  this  river  inhabited  by  a 
number  of  clans,  obeying  different  sachems,  and  yet  ap- 
parently living  in  close  mutual  connection..     The  same 
names  may,  to  a  certain  extent,  be  found  attached  to  In- 
dian deeds  in  the  town  records  from  Windsor  to  Middle- 
town,  a  distance  of  twenty-five  miles.     Thus  it  appears 
either  that  one  considerable  tribe  must  have  occupied  the 
whole  country,  or  that  the  various  clans  were  closely 
united  by  national  alliance  and  personal  intermarriages 
My  own  opinion  inclines  to  the  former  hypothesis    al- 
though  It  is  evident  that,  in  later   years,  the  national 
compact  was  pretty  thoroughly  dissolved,  and  the  little 
sagamores  sold  land  and  performed  other  acts  of  sove- 
reignty  on  their  own  authority.     The  Windsor  Indians 
seem  to  have  had  their  principal  seat  at  Poquonnuc    a 
place  on  the  Farmi.igton  River  five  or  six  miles  abo've 
Its  junction   with    the  Connecticut.     The  first  sachem 
known  to  the  English  t^ms  Sehat  or  Sheat,  who  died  not 
long  after  the  settlev.ei.    of  the  town,  and  was  snrre.a.^ 
by  his  nephew,  i\asiHh'y,on.* 

*  Windsor  Recordf. 


54 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


Bat  who  was  this  great  sachem  of  all  the  "river  coun- 
try," to  whoso  existence  we  have  just  adverted  ?  The 
early  Dutch  authors  spvak  of  such  an  one,  called  Se- 
queen ;  who  was  a  very  powerful  chieftain ;  who  main- 
tained a  desperate  war  with  the  Poquots,  and  who  was 
only  defeated  and  overcome  by  them  after  fighting  three 
'bloody  battles.  I  am  inclined  to  believe  that  this  sachem 
was  the  same  with  that  Sequassen,  or  Sunckquasson, 
who  sold  Hartford,  and  the  country  west  of  it,  to  the 
English.  The  reasons  for  this  belief  will,  I  think,  be 
made  clearly  to  appear  during  the  course  of  the  history. 

Below  Hartford,  and  stretching  to  a  considerable  dis- 
tance south  of  Middletown,  we  find  a  population  which, 
in  after  times  at  least,  was  k.:own  as  a  distinct  tribe, 
under  the  name  of  Wangunks.  Their  chieftain,  Sow- 
heag,  was  sometimes  called,  by  the  English,  Sequin; 
although  this  was  apparently  not  his  real  u..me,  but  only 
another  version  of  the  word  sachem  or  king.  When  first 
known  to  the  whites,  he  resided  at  Pyquaug,  or  Wethers- 
field  ;*  but  afterwards,  on  account  of  a  quarrel  with  the 
settlers,  removed  to  Mattabesett,  now  Middletown.  This 
circumstance  led  Trumbull  into  the  mistake  of  making 
two  persons  out  of  one,  by  saying  that  there  was  a  sa- 
chem at  Pyqaug,  named  Sequin,  who  was  subject  to  a 
greater  sachem  at  Mattabesett,  named  Sowheag.f    Thus, 

•  "  Soheage,  an  Indinn  sachem  of  Pyquagg."     Col.  Rec,  Vol.  I,  p.  19. 

t  Hist,  of  Conn.,  Vol.  I,  p.  27.  1  at  one  time  imagined  that  Sowheag 
mi^ht  be  the  same  with  Sequassen  ;  but  this  iilca  was  dashed  by  a  passage  in 
the'xXXIII  Volume  of  the  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  (p.  161,)  where  they  are  expli- 
citly spoken  of  as  two  different  persons  :  the  one  being  called  Sasawin  orSe- 
quaseen,  sachem  of  Sicaogg,  (Hartford  ;)  the  other  Soheage  or  Sequin,  sachem 
of  Matabescck,  (Middletown.) 


i 


or    CONNECTICUT. 


55 


even  the  errors  of  this  historian  served  to  give  color  to  his 
exaggerated  suppositions  concerning  the  numbers  of  the 
aborigines. 

Southwest  of  the  principal  seats  of  the  Wangunks,  a 
large  extent  of  country  was  held  by  a  son  of  Sowheag, 
named  Montowese.  I  have  already  mentioned  that  the 
able  bodied  men  in  his  tribe  were  only  ten  in  number. 
His  mother  must  have  been  the  daughter  and  heiress  of 
some  deceased  sachem,  for  it  was  through  her  that  he 
obtained  his  land,* 

Having  passed  over  the  whole  western  part  of  the 
State,  we  now  cross  the  Connecticut,  where  we  shall 
find,  in  some  portions  at  least,  a  more  thickly  settled 
population.  In  the  towns  of  East  Windsor  and  East 
Hartford  lived  the  Podunks,  who  were  governed,  when 
first  known  to  the  English,  by  two  sachems,  Waghinacut 
and  Arramament.  The  Podunks  were  closely  connected 
with  the  Indians  who  lived  on  the  opposite  side  o^  the 
river,  as  may  be  perceived  by  examining  the  native 
deeds  in  the  early  records  of  Windsor.  Thus,  when  the 
land  between  the  Scantic  and  Podunk  Rivers  was  sold, 
and  the  deed  was  signed  by  Arramament  and  ten  others, 
among  these  signers  were  Sheat  and  Cogrenr<:"!et,  both 
Indians  of  Poquonnuc  in  Windsor,  and  the  former 
sachem  of  Poquonnuc.f 

Haddam  and  East  Haddam,  with  both  banks  of  the 
Connecticut  for  some  distance  further  down,  were  in- 
habited by  a  clan  inconsiderable  in  numbers,  but  famous 
on  account   of  its  peculiar  superstitions.     None  of  the 


•  Records  of  New  Haven  Colony, 


t  Windsor  Records. 


ftfft 


06 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


Other  aborigines  of  Connecticut  were  so  given  to  powwow- 
mgs,  to  sacrifices,  and  to  religious  ceremonies.    The  cause 
of  this  peculiarity  was  remarkable.     In  the  township  of 
East  Haddam,  at  the  junction  of  Moodus  and  Salmon 
Rivers  and  within  plain  sight  of  the  Connecticut,  stands 
a  considerable  eminence,  now  known  as   Mount  Tom 
Even  of  late  years,  strange  noises  and  rumblings  are  said 
to   have   been   heard   at    times  in   the   bowels   of  this 
mountain,  and  slight  shocks,  as  of  an  earthquake,  have 
been  felt  through  the  surrounding  country.     But  in  an- 
cient days,  if  tradition  speaks  true,  and  if  the  writers 
of  those  times  are  worthy  of  credit,  these  shocks  and 
noises  were  far  more  violent  than  now,  and  were  some- 
times  truly  wonderful.     Chimneys  have  been  untopped  • 
walls  have  been  thrown  down ;  heavy  stones  removed 
from  their  places ;  large  fissures  opened  in  the  bosom  of 
the  earth.     The  astonished  inhabitants  have  heard  ter- 
rible roarings  in  the  atmosphere.     They  have  heard  loud 
noises  following  each  other  in  rapid  succession,  and  re- 
sembling volleys  of  musketry.     They  have  heard  sounds 
like  slow  thunder  rolling  down  from  the  north,  and  at 
last  closing  with  a  loud  report,  which  shook  the  houses 
and  every  thing  in  them.     Such  are  the  stories  which 
have  reached  us  concerning  these  noises,  and  which  were 
evidently  believed  by  those  who  have  left  them  on  record 
It  IS  natural  to  suppose,  that  at  no  time  were  these  phe- 
nomena more  common,  or  more  extraordinary,  than  when 
the  winds  sighed  heavily  through  unbroken  forests,  when 
ancient  trees  sometimes  fell  by  their  own  weight  in  the 
lonely  woodlands,  and  when  the  place  was  only  inhabited 
by  an  ignorant  and  superstitious  people,  whose  senses 


:,g^aifc3i6ffiaMWMMBfeg^ii'^*^»^  <JMMmMMtmm'»M»<: 


tr>'mm 


or    CONNECTICUT.  *•- 

5/ 

were  easily  led  astray  by  their  imaginations.     Mache 

den^eTH:;:"' T  "t™"  '°  "'"•«  '--"--^ 
aence  of  Hobbamock ;  and  here  ihe  Indians  HpM  fh«- 

S    W  ^        '  P"''«'°"'  '^^""^  «  worshiping  the 
devil        We  kuo^v  nothing  of  the  size  of  this  clan  -and 
n  fac    u  was  probably  a  mere  fragment  of  th    Wa„g„  "ks' 

valleys  of  the  Connecticut  and  the  Farmington.* 
Movmg  stdl  farther  down  the  Connec.fcut,  we  reach 

irora  the  river  Connecticut,  eastward  along  the  seashorp 
to  a  sm^l  stream  which  retains  the:,  namf    tZ^^ 
to  have  been  not  inconsiderable  in  numbers,  by  the^r  s  iU 
retaining  an  existence;  ye.   they  never  f.rnished  I  v 

SanTXli  rr  ^"'"™^'  ^"^  -arkaMer 
Tolland  and  Windham  counties  were  sparsely  inhabited 

lecton  of   tribes,   whose   principal   seats  were   in   the 
southern  townships  of  this  part  of  Massachusetts      The; 

;r:rcorr  r^thr  "'"'•  -^ "-» -- 


Hi 


ii 


58 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


Last  of  all  we  come  to  the  Pequots ;  the  most  nu- 
merous, the  most  warlike,  the  fiercest  and  the  bravest  of 
all  the  aboriginal  clans  of  Connecticut.    From  the  Niantic 
River,  on  the  west,  their  forts  and  wigwams  extended 
along  the  rude  and  stony  hills  of  New  London  County  to 
Wecapaug,  ten  miles  east  of  the  Paucatuc  River  which 
divides  Connecticut  from  Rhode  Island.*     They  reached 
back,  also,  to  a  considerable  distance  from  the  seashore 
their  northernmost  community,  afterwards  known  as  the' 
Mohegans,  residing  on  the  banks  of  the  Thames  ten  or 
twelve  miles  from  the  Sound.    We  are  told  that  sJssacus 
their  last  grand-sachem,  had  twenty-six  sagamores  under 
him ;  and  that  the  number  of  warriors,  whom  he  could 
muster  from  all  his  clans,  was  seven  hundred.    This  esti- 
mate, compared  with  the  population  in  the  rest  of  the 
State,  is  extremely  large ;  and,  judging  from  some  cir- 
cumstances in  Pequot  history,  it  would  appear  to  be  con- 
siderably exaggerated.     Let  us  examine 

The   territory  claimed  by  the  Pequots,  as  their  own 
peculiar  dwelling-place,  may  be  estimated  at  thirty  miles 
m  length  by  fifteen,  to  twenty  in  breadth,  or  about  five 
hundred  square  miles.     Seven  hundred  warriors,  with  one 
warrior  to  every  five  persons,  would  give  a  population  of 
three  thousand  five  hundred  individuals,  or  seven  to  every 
square  mile.     Yet  the  territory  of  the  Quinnipiacs,  also 
ying  on  the  seacoast,  had  not  more  than  one  inhabitant 
to  the  square  mile;  while  that  of  Montowese,  which  lay 
no  further  back  than  the  northern  part  of  the  Pequot 
country,  had  nearly  three  square  miles  to  every  member 


•  Roger  Williams'  Letter  to  Mason. 
Vol.  Ill,  p.  161. 


Rhode  Island  Historical  Collections, 


m 


or    CONNECTICUT. 

Of  Its  population.     A  comparison  of  these  resnl..  r 
onr  ground,  although  by  no  mean,   '*'?^'^^"^t«  ^^nns 

su^pecting  that  the'n  Jber    oTthe  Lr ?  ""^  '^^ 
exaggerated.  i'equots  have  been 

Further:  when  Endicott  landed  m,   ,t>o- 
1636,  ,0  foren  fron,  them  a  "reatv  L     T  "°'^'''  '" 
alarmed  the  wnole  coun.^v      T    ^        submission,  he 
the  entire  tribe  t.Z:';^l:T^  '""?  --Sh  ^or 
warriors  who  made, hi'  ^*''"  *"™="«  "f  'h^ 

hundred.  WheTMls  n  I.'''""":  ""  ""'^  '"ree 
fui  expedition,  ^e  ZuTZlZT':'-  "T  ^""^^^- 
•he  Pequot  territory,  from  east  tote..  ^Zn"''^"' 
wtth  a  single  wigwam,  except  the  seve  ^f  ^  ^  ' 
contamed  in  Mystic  Port  Th„  7  ^  ^  *"'''' 
-reciany  the  Jst.  mLt\  l':itdVtd  "'^.. -^ 
very  sparse  population  mdicatu.g  a 

-!:rr;h:tLrcr.:nTir^"^^^^^^^ 

correct,  we  shai.  probabi;  ^l^.TlZT:!::^^  T  '" 
f:x  hundred  warriors      R,,.   *  •    7,/r  '  ^^  ^^^^''^ 

.his  statement,  tderhi"    vho     ""n™"  "*"•  '"'"^- 
witness,  estimates  -he  n'^l  ^^.^  'f--,-/^- 

and  Wmthrop,who  was  a  cotem  o  at     ttt/s  th    "' '' 
only  three  hundred      SfiJi   ..        ^^'^^^X'  states  them  at 

perished  during  he  IT'Zt^""^  T  "'""""^  ^""^ 
mained  when  if  wa  „Ter  I  hint  """"'''  ''''°  ""'  '«" 
Pequots  a  body  otlT^M  nl^  """^  '=°*^''<' '"  ""= 
warriors.  '        '  '"'''''''>'■  ^«  '>'"«lred  native 

Je'LeTirth^Mot'^^T  r-  ^'"^'-'■^'  o^'he 

-hvedon.hitr:pel;r:'i.r::;t: 


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TEST  TARGET  {MT-3) 


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lit 


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Sciences 
Corporation 


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73  WIST  MAIN  STRUT 

WIBSTM.N.Y    MSaO 

(7U)  I7a-4S03 


60 


HISTORY    OP    THE    INDIANS 


cient  date,  and,  perhaps,  not  long  before  1600,  it  is  sup- 
posed that  they  resided  among  their  relations  ;  at  which 
time  the  country   from  the  Housatonic  to  the  western 
shores  of  Narragansett  Bay  was  probably  inhabited  en- 
tirely  by  tribes  of  a  single  race.     There  is  strong  reason 
to  believe  that  all  the  Connecticut  clans,  except  the  Pe- 
quots,  were  only  fragments  of  one  great  tribe,  or  con- 
federacy of  tribes,  the  principal  branches  of  which  were 
the  Nehantics  and  the  Narragansetts.     The  Nehantics  of 
Lyme,  for  instance,  were  clearly  related  to  the  Nehantics 
of  Rhode  Island ;  Sequassen,  chief  of  the  Parmington 
and  Connecticut  River  countries,  was  a  connection  of  the 
Narragansett  sachems ;  and  the  Indians  of  Windsor,  sub- 
jects of  Sequassen,  were  closely  united  to  the  Wepa- 
waugs  of  Milford.     Thus,  various  connections  might  be 
traced  between  the  Narragansetts  and  the  tribes  of  west- 
ern Connecticut,  while  both  united  in  holding  the  Pequots 
in  abhorrence,  and  seldom  bore  any  other  relations  to  them 
than  those  of  enemies,  or  of  unwilling  subjects. 

It  is  not  likely  that  the  Pequots  were  driven  from  the 
banks  of  the  Hudson  by  war,  since  their  brethren,  the 
other  portions  of  the  Mohegan  race,  long  continued  to 
remain  there  undisturbed.     They  probably  departed  be- 
cause their  country  was  unable  to   support  so  large  a 
population  of  hunters,  just  as  the  ancient  Goths  and  Ger- 
mans left  their  overpeopled  forests  to  seek  some  country 
where  they  could  find  an  easier  subsistence.     Migrating 
tovvards  the  east,  they  perhaps  moved  along  the  southern 
border  of  Massachusetts  until  they  had  crossed  the  Con. 
necticut  River,  when  they  changed  their  course  to  the 
southward,  and  dc.cnn,hd  upon  th«  seashore.     All  tho 


.. 


4<' 


^(^^ 


t^!i 


OF    CONNECTICUT.  Af 

traditos  of  the  Indians  on  the  history  of  the  Pe„„ots 
agreed  ,n  asserting  that  they  migrated  from  the  north 
shortly  before  the  arrival  of  the  English.     They  maj 
have  been  many  years  on  their  journey  from  the  Hudson  ' 
and  may  have  settled  for  some  time  in  the  northern  p^u 
of  Connectic.,..     Their  final  irruption,  however,  mu 
have  been  violent  and  sudden;  for  one  band  of  the  Ne 
hant.cs  was  separated  from  the  res.  of  the  tribe,  and  hi 
ever  stnoe  borne  the  narv.e  of  Western  Nehantio  ,  and^ 
tamed  a  d.stmct  existence.     The  rest  of  the  N^hant  « 
were  probably  driven  violently  over  the  Pane  t^  whe " 

wuh  zi   ""'^ ""''""'''  """^  -  '-^  "-S 

with  the  mrragansetts. 

The  Pequots  now  found  themselves  in  possession  «f 
a  large  extent  of  country  well  adapted  to  riTants 

en ir'  The-:r'"''  '™'''  ■""""'"^'^  -sunder bV 
enemies.     Their  fierce  spirit  quailed  not  under  this  dan- 
ger, and  they  maintained  their  hold  on  the  conquered 
erritory  with  a  tenacity  equal  to  the  boldness  with  wh  ch 
hey  had  sei.ed  it.     They  did  more:  their  war-pan^s 
carried  terror  and  trembling  among  the  numerous  C 
«gu  setts  on  the  east,  and  swept  with  the  resistless  foTe 
of  a  tornado  over  the  slender  tribes  which  bordered  them 
on  the  west.     The  most  powerful  chieftain  among   he" 
ribes,  at  that  time,  was  the  one  known  to  the  D ulh  by 
he  name,  or  rather  the  title,  of  Sequeen,  whom  we  havl 
supposed  ,0  be  Sequassen.     With  this  sachem  the  pI! 
quots  soon  came   in  collision;  and   three  battles  were 
fought  between  them  before  the  question  „f  ..n! 
was  decided.      Seqnassen    was  clpt  e  y  o    X' oTn' 
wa.  compelled  to  submit  to  the  invaders.'and  remaird 


62 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


m 


their  subject  until  he  was  relieved  by  another  race  of 
strangers,  more    gentle  in  appearance,  but  really  more 
dangerous,  than  the  first  *     All  this  part   .f  the  Connec- 
ticut valley,  therefore,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Pequots 
as  well  as  the  whole  country  between  that  river  and  the' 
territories  of  the  Narragansetts.     The  western  Nehantics 
became  their  allies,  or,  what  is  more  likelv,  their  tribu- 
taries     The  powwowings  of  the  Machemoodus  probably 
avaded  little  against  their  superior  numbers  and  ferocitv 
Advancing  along  the  seacoast  the  Pequots  conquered  it 
as  far  as  the  bay  of  New  Haven,  and  obliged  the  Qtiin- 
nipiacs  to  submit  to  their  authority  and  pay  them  tribute 
On  the  south  they  sailed  across  the  Sound  in  canoes,  con- 
queredManisses  or  Block:  Island,  and  extorted  tribute  from 
the  eastern  inhabitants  of  Sewan  Hacky,  or  Long  Island 
During  all  this  time  they  appear  to  have  been  carrying 
on  an  unceasing  contest  with  the  great  tribe  of  Narra! 
gansetts,  who  inhabited  the  country  which  now  consti- 
tutes  the   State  of  Rhode   Island.     The  shores  of  the 
islands  of  the  bays,  of  the  creeks,  and  of  the  inlets,  which 
abound  on  this  coast,  then  furnished  an  inexhaustible 
supply  of  fish;  and  here,  accordingly,  was  collected  the 
densest  aboriginal  population  in  New  England,  and,  prob- 
ably  in  the  whole  limits  of  the  United  States.     It  was 
'SI    the  denser,  because  the  irruption  of  the  Pequots  had 
lately  driven  out  the  original  inhabitants  of  the  country 
between  the  Niantic  and  the  Paucatuc.     Yet  credulity 
Uself  must  stare  with  astonishment,  when  told  th.  t  the 
Narragansetts  could  furnish  thirty  thousand,!  that  they 

•  3ee  O'CMIaghan'8  Hist,  of  New  Netherlands,  Vol.  I.  p  149 
tJohuwn.   Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  XIV,  p.  43. 


c^ffo 


+ 


-«« 


(^jp 


OF    CONNECTICUT.  go 

could  even  furnish  five  thousand*  figh.,„g  „«„.  I„ 
1676  when  fear  and  anxiety  sufficiently  disposed  the 
colonists  to  over  estimate  the  strength  of  the  then  host,V 
Wagarttetts^  their  warriors  were  only  calculated  at  two 

olT       ,  r  '""  ''^'""'  ^"'"^"''  ^  ™«"  -»  in- 
formed on  Ind^n  matters,  stated  them  with  more  mod- 
eration, and  undoubtedly  with  more  correctness,  at  only 
one  thousand  t    During  the  previou-s  forty  ye^rs  there 
had    een,  doubtless,  some  diminution,  yet  if  is'impossi  te 
to  bel^ve  that  then  numbers  had  sunk  away  by  four  or 
even  by  three,  fifths.     In  fact,  that  diminuLn,  which 
usually  takes  place  in  a  barbarous  people,  on  being  brought 
m  contact  wuh  a  civilised  race,  although  sufficiemly  rapid 
o  shock  the  feelings  of  philanthropy,  is  ,.  t  less'ra^id 
than  ,s  commonly  believed.     When  a  savage  tribe  is  first 
Covered  tts  numbers  are  almost  invariably  over  est! 
ma  ed :  when  better  known,  those  numbers  are  found  to 
be  less  than  were  formerly  supposed  ;  and  it  is  therefore 
taken  for  granted,  that,  in  the  meantime,  they  have  di- 
mmished.     Those  who  wi.h  to  see  an  e=;ampL  of  how 
.his  fallacious  conclusion  may  be  easily  reached,  should 
compare  the  estimates  made  by  Capt.  Cook  of  the  popu- 
lation  of  the  South  Sea  Islands,  with  what  has  been  as- 
certamed  concerning  that  population  at  the  present  day. 
Doubtless  the  inhabitants  of  Tahiti  have  diminished  since 
they  were  fim  discovered ;  but  who  believes  that  they 
have  dminished  from  four  hundred  thousand  to  twenty 
thousand?     Let  us  take  it  for  granted,  then,  that  in  1676     - 
the   Narragansetts  had,   according   to    the  estimate   of 

•  Brinley.   Mm  Hi,i.  Coll.,  Vol.  V,  o.  »1S 
t  Man.  Hut.  Coll.,  Vol.  I,  p.  148, 
8* 


fi 


64 


HISTORY   OF    THE    INDIANS 


Gookin,  one  thousand  warriors.  Let  us  suppose  that,  in 
the  previous  forty  years,  this  number  had  decreased  by 
two  hundred.  Let  us  remember  that  a  decrease  of  two 
hundred  fightmg  men  would  involve  the  very  consider^ 
able  diminution  in  the  whole  population  of  one  thousand 
souls.  We  shall  thus  arrive  at  the  fair  and  just  conclu- 
sion, that,  a  the  time  of  which  we  are  now  speaking,  the 
Narragansetts,  including  the  Nehantics,  could  muster 
about  twelve  hundred  warriors. 

They  were,  however,  far  superior  in  number  to  their 
rivals,  the  Pequots,  and  were  inferior  to  them  in  influence, 
only  because  they  were  inferior  in  ferocity,  in  enterprise, 
and  in  a  passion  for  war.     They  were  the  most  supersti- 
tious of  all  the  cons"      -b'a  tribes  of  New  England ;  being 
greatly  under  the  .nflueiice  of  their  powwows,  and  much 
given  to  the  practice  of  religious  rites  and  ceremonial 
dances.     They  were  also  more  civilized,  more  ingenuous, 
and  more  disposed  than  any  of  their  neighbors  to  undergo 
the  fatigues  of  manual  labor.    Their  wigwams  were  more 
than   ordinarily  comfortable,  their  canoes   and   utensils 
neatly  constructed,  and  in  all  the  ruder  arts  of  life  they 
had  made  greater  advances  than  any  of  the  surrounding 
tribes.     Thus  their  character  was  milder,  and  their  man- 
ners more  refined,  than  those  of  the  Pequots ;  nor  were 
they  always  inferior  to  them  in  magnanimity  and  courage, 
as  the  examples  of  Miantinomo  and  Canonchct  sufficiently 
prove.     Besides  carrying  on  war  with  the  Pequots,  they 
sometimes  fought  with  a  tribe  to  the  north  of  them,  well 
known  to  us  as  the  Pokanokets,  and  still  better  known 
as  the  tribe  of  the  good  Massasoit,  and  of  his  gallant  but 
unfortunate  son.  King  Philip.     Indeed  they  at  one  time 


atx-,,'""- 


ri 


-^msm 


OP    CONNECTICUT. 


65 


atx;, 


II 


reduced  them  to  pay  tribute ;  though  (as  Massasoit  as- 
serted) not  because  they  were  superior  in  war,  but  solely 
because  the  Pokanokets  had  been  wasted  by  a  grievous 
sickness. 

Elated  with  their  uninterrupted  success,  borne  on  by 
the  confidence  which  attends  a  course  of  prosperous  ag- 
gression,  the  Pequots  went  on,  conquering  and  to  con- 
quer, until  they  met  a  bolder  and  fiercer  race  coming 
towards  them  from  the  west.     About  the  beginning  of 
the  seventeenth  century,  the  Iroruois,  or  Five  Nations, 
were  driven  from  Canada  by  .the  Adirondacks,  a  confed- 
eracy of  Algonquins.    Undismayed  by  their  reverses,  they 
turned  their  arms  against  the  Satanas  or  Shawnees,  de- 
feated them,  and  then  renewed  the  contest  with  their  old 
enemies.     Their  efforts  were  now  attended  with  saccess  • 
and  from  this  time  they  rapidly  rose  to  be  the  first  native 
power  east  of  the  Mississippi.     Their  war  parties  ranged 
from  Hudson's  Cay  en  the  north  to  the  mountains  of 
Tennessee  on  the  south ;  from  the  Connecticut  on  the 
east  to  the  Mississippi  on  the  west;  and  every  Indian 
nation  within  these  vast  boundaries  trembled  at  the  name 
of  the  Akonoshioni  or  United  People.     The  natives  of 
Connecticut  did  not  escape,  but  were  exposed  every  year 
to  the  ravages  of  these  terrible  destroyers.    Whether  they 
found  the  northwestern  part  of  the  State  unoccupied,  or 
whether  they  killed  and  drove  away  its  inhabitants,  is 
uncertain  ;  but  they  left  it  a  desert.     Their  war  parties 
passed,  without  meeting  a  human  being,  through  the 
forests  of  Litchfield  County,  to  fall  suddenly  and  silently 
upon  the  villages  along  the  seashore  or  in  the  valley  of 
the  Connecticut  River.     Their  very  appearance  excited 


66 


HISTORT    or   THE    INDIAXS 


consternation  ;  a  cry  of  alarm  would  extend  from  hill  to 
hill,  and  the  natives  would  fly  for  safety  to  swamps  and 
thickets,  or  to  their  fortresses.  A  large  part  of  the  in- 
habitants of  the  country  west  of  the  Connecticut  became 
their  subjects  ;  and  every  year  two  cld  Mohawks  might 
be  seen  going  from  village  to  village  to  collect  tribute, 
and  haughtily  issuing  orders  from  the  great  council  at 
Onondaga.  All  the  Iroquois  were  known  in  New  Eng- 
land by  the  name  of  Mohawks,  because  that  tribe,  the 
oldest  and  most  warlike  in  the  confederacy,  lived  to  the 
eastward  of  the  others,  and  was  oftenest  seen  this  side 
of  the  Huds;on.  The  Six  Nations  seem  never  to  have 
come  in  hostile  contact  with  the  Pequots ;  and  thus  the 
natives  of  western  Connecticut  were  cruelly  oppressed  by 
two  fierce  enemies  who  had  no  quarrel  with  each  other. 

We  will  now  return  to  the  Pequots.  The  names  of 
some  of  the  early  sachems  of  this  tribe  have  been  pre- 
served in  a  genealogy  of  the  Uncas  family,  as  it  was 
made  out  by  Uncas  himself  in  1679.  The  first  whose 
name  is  mentioned  was  Tamaquashad,  of  whom  no 
particulars  are  given,  but  who  must  have  lived  about  the 
time  when  the  Pequots  first  established  themselves  in 
Connecticut,  or  perhaps  when  they  first  set  out  on  their 
pilgrimage  from  the  Hudson.  The  next  in  succession 
was  Muckquntdowas,  who  lived  at  a  place  called  Awciim- 
bucks,  situated  in  the  heart  of  the  Pequot  country.  His 
wife  was  named  Meekunump,  and  he  had  two  children  • 
Woipeguand,  who  became  sachem  after  him;  and  a 
daughter,  called  like  her  mother,  Meekunump,  who  was 
married  to  Oweneco,  the  father  of  Uncas.  Woipeguand 
married  a  daughter  of  Wekoum,  chief  sachem  of  Narra- 


^ 


OP    CONNECTICUT. 


67 


>^ 


gansett ;  and,  when  ha  died,  was  succeeded  by  his  son 
Wop,gwoo...      Wopigwooi.    was    .he   same  with   Z 
Wapeqnart  mentioned  by  the  Dutch  authors,  and  un-- 
doubtedly  ako,  with  that  Pekoath,  who  is  spoken  of  by 
Wmthrop.*    The   son  of   Wopigwooit   wa^  Tatobam 
o.herw,se  called  Sassacus,  the  most  famous  and  the  Z[ 
unfortunate  of  the  Pequot  grand  sachems. 

About  ten  years  previous  to  the  war  of  the  P^m,„,. 
wuh  the  English,  that  is  about  1626,  Unca^X  ^  of 
Oweneco  and  Meekunump,  married  a  daught;,  of  Sassa- 
cus,  hus  connecting  himself  still  more  closely  w  th  2 
royal  hue  of  h.s  tribe.    The  claims  which  he  in  th    mln! 
nereu=qu,redand  strengthened,  afterwards  contributed  "o 
he  downfall  of  his  nation,  but  finally  resulted  in  rSn^ 
Uncas  h,mself  to  considerable  influence,  and  "o  tde 
Pendent  power.     In  faet,  this  Uncas,  son  of  Owen  c„  a" 
■Pequo,  sagamore,  and  father  of  another  Oweneco  L 
h.m«=lf  a  Mohegan  sachem,  will  be  one  of  the  most  rt 
markable,  and  one  of  the  most  important  characters  who 
ever  w.11  occupy  a  place  in  the  succeeding  narS. 

Thus  closes  my  account  of  the  names,  positions  and 
strength  of  the  aboriginal  tribes  of  Connecticut,  1" 
been  able  to  gather  it  from  what  seemed  the  m^t  rehable 
authormes.  I.  „«,  p„b,bly  diminish  somewha  ,"« 
romanfc  mterest  connected  with  t'.ese  barbarous  cJm! 

•  At  the  time  Winthrop  penned  this,  Connecticut  h»,?  n..  i. 
and  he  probably  mistook  the  name  of  th  tribe  oh  .„  A  I  ^  '''"'^'^ ' 
mi.akee  might  easily  occur  in  the  in.r::lt^^^^:^'  Tt 
nat..es.  neither  of  whom  had  much  knowledge  of  eacl  oij  >  ""'  '""^ 
Pequot  o^Pequod  is  not.  perhaps,  more  unlike  Pekoah  thai  T"  T'"' 
or  Pequetan.  by  both  which  names  this  tribe  L  met       .  ".      ^''^"'" 

of  New  England.  "  mentioned  in  early  writinp 


68 


BISTORT   or   THE    INDIANS,    ETC. 


Mb 


munities,  by  diminishing  to  so  great  an  extent  what  were 
supposed  to  be  their  ancient  numbers.     But  it  will  serve 
to  explain  to  us  their  subsequent  decrease  and  almost 
entire  disappearance,  without  obliging  us  to  suspect  our 
ancestors  of  an  amount  of  injustice  and  cruelty  of  which 
they  were  never  guilty.     Few  in  numbers  at  the  time  of 
their  discovery,  it  is  likewise  probable  that  the  natives 
01  Connecticut  were  increasing  very  slowly,  if  increasing 
at  all.     The  small  size  of  their  families,  the  fatal  nature 
of  their  few  diseases,  the  hardships  and  privations  to 
which  they  were  continually  exposed,  and  the  constant  * 
I  ars  which  they  waged  with  each  other  and- with  their 
neighbors,  form  sufficient  grounds  for  believing  that  such 
was  the  fact.     A  close  balance  being  thus  kept  i,p  be- 
tween the  number  of  births  and  the  number  of  deaths 
soue  new  destructive  influences,  however  feeble,  were' 
sufli.ient  to  destroy  that  balance,  and  gradually  sink  the 
native  races  even  to  the  point  of  national  extermination. 
1  hese  influences  were  fearfully  supplied,  chiefly  by  the 
novel  varieties  of  disease  and  vice  unavoidably  contracted 
m  the  intercourse  with  a  civilized  people.     The  ruinous 
war  maintained  by  one  tribe  against  the  English  must 
indeed  be  taken  into  consideration  ;  but  the  results  of  this 
war  can  be  computed  with  tolerable  exactness,  and  will 
by  no  means  account  for  so  entire  and  gradual  a  disap- 
pearance of  a  race. 


t- 


■■ 


ttia 


CHAPTER    III.     * 

PROM  THE   FIRST  DISCOVERr    OF    CONNECTICUT   IN    1614  TO 
THE    EXPEDITION   AGAINST   THE    PE^UOTS    IN    1637. 

We  come  now  to  the  period  of  the  first  discovery  of 
Connecticut,  and  the  first  intercourse  of  its  inhabitants 

m  nt  a!  Pr"\  'l  '''''  ""  ^^^^«  »^^^«-  ^^^^tl- 
ment  at  P  ymouth,  three  distinguished  Dutch  navigators 
Adraien  Block,  Hendrick  Corstiaensen,  and  Cornelif  mI;; 
arnved,  on  an  exploring  expedition,  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Hudson  River.     Having  visited  a  Dutch  settlement  of 
four  houses,  already  commenced  on  the  Island  of  Man- 
hattan, they  separated,  and  each  sailed  in  a  different  di- 
rection.     Corstiaensen  passed  round  to  the  eastern  coast 
of  New  England,  while  Mey  examined  the  southern  shore 
of  Long  Island,  and  then  explored  southward  as  far  as 
Delaware  Bay.    Adraien  Block,  a  persevering,  enterprising 
man,   had   the   misfortune   to  lose  his  vessel,  by  fire 
shortly  after  his  arrival  in  the  Hudson.     Not  at  all  dis- 
couraged by  this  accident,  he  immediately  laid  the  frame 
of  a  yacht,  forty-four  and  a  half  feet  long,  and  eleven  feet 
aiid  a  half  wide,  completed  it,  and  called  it  the  Restless. 
Embarking  in  this  little  vessel,  he  passed  through  the 
Ji-ast  River,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Hellegat,  and  en- 
tered  Long  Island  Sound,  then  supposed  to  be  a  deep  bay 
On  the  right  and  left  stretched  unknown,  unvisited  shores* 
low  ana  green,  sandy  along  the  edge  of  the  water,  but  in 


70 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


the  interior  waving  with  trees.     Leaving  Long  Island, 
then  called  Metoac  or  Sewan  Hacky,  (land  of  shells,)  he 
sailed  along  the  un-named  and  hitherto  unexplored  coast 
of  Connecticut.     He  gave  to  the  small  islands  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Norwalk  River  the  name  of  Archipelagoes, 
and  farther  on,  discovering  the  mouth  of  the  gentle  Hou- 
satonic,  he  called  it   the  River  of  the  Red  Mountain. 
Continuing  his  voyage  eastward,  he  came  to  the  mouth 
of  a  considerable  stream  which  he  named   the   Fresh 
Rnrer,  but  which  was  no  other  than  the  pride  of  New 
Bifgland,  the  noble  Connecticut.     He  ascended  the  river 
with  his  little  vess2l,  as  high  as  forty-one  degrees  and 
forty-eight   minutes,    or  about   half  way   between   the 
present  city  of  Hartford  and  village  of  Windsor.     Here 
he  found  an  Indian  fort,  or  village,  belonging  to  a  tribe 
whom  he  called  the  Nawaas :  a  nomenclature  afterwards 
unknown,  and  probably  founded  on  some  mistake  of  the 
voyager.     Prom  this  point,  turning  his  course  down  the 
river,  he  re-entered  the  Sound,  and  sailed  on  until  he  dis- 
covered Its  eastern  opening  into  the  main  ocean.     Before 
leaving  the  coast,  he  discovered  and  explored  the  Narra- 
gansett  Bay,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Nassau  Bay. 
He  also  had  some  intercourse  with  the  inhabitants  of  its 
shores,  whom  he  describes  as  being  of  a  shy  disposition. 
He  calls  them  Nahicans,  and,  from  the  faint  resemblance 
between  the  words,  it  seems  probable  that  they  were  the 
Nehantics.     Such  was  the  discovery  of  Connecticut.* 

Not  long  after  this,  the  Dutch  traders  began  to  visit  the 
country  every  year,  and  soon  established  a  large  trade 
with  the  natives ;  buying  annually,  it  was  said,  not  less 

•  0  Callaghan,  Vol.  I.  pp.  72,  73. 


op    CONNECTICUT. 


71 


than  ten  thousand  beaver  skins,  besides  such  other  com 
modules  as  the  country  could  furnish  • 

The  Dutch  settlements  on  the  Hudson  were  at  fi™,  • 

lands    but  th.s  corpora..on  was  replaced  in  1621  by  an- 
oth  r,  far  more  extensive  and  powerful,  .he  famous  W^ 
India  Company.     In  1632,  Hans  Eencluys,  a  servarUof 
the  company,  landed  a,  the  mouth  of  the  ConnTc    uf 
purcha^d  a  point  of  ,a„d  from  the  natives,  and  e    eted 

This  spot  he  named  Kievet's  Hook,  from  the  cry  of  a 

the  Dutch,  heveet.     H,s  object  was  to  secure  to  the  com 

tZ^oT"  "'  r  r"  ™"''^> ''  "-'S"  -ht;  "n 
Twller,  Governor  of  the  New  Netherlands,  prosecuted  on 
a  greater  scale  during  .he  following  year,  'r^:  Jac  ^ 
Van  Curier  and  a  party  of  men  to  ,he  Connecticut  valTey 
wuh  orders  to  purchase  a  .rac.  of  land  which  had  Jready 
been  seleced,  and  erec.  and  fortify  a  .rading  pos.  upl' 
«.     Th,s  spot  was  on  .he  west  bank  of  the  river,  C 

of  Hartford.  There  were  two  parties  to  which  he  might 
apply  for  a  purchase:  .he  Pequots,  who  claimed  fhe 
country  by  r.gh,  „f  conquest ;  and  Sequeen  or  Seq^^n 

vanc:r.T.r "'"  """■ "  "'""^'  -^  -  -'- 

Van  Curler  took  the  most  natural  course,  and  applied  to 
Wapyquart,  or  Wopigwooit,  the  grand  sachem  of  the  p" 

fMvst'ic';  r  '"  T'  '"  ""'  "•''^'^'  '=''"'f  "'  Siokenames 
(Mystic)  River,  and  owner  of  the  Connecticut.     Wopis- 

voou  was  nothing  loth  to  sell  lands  so  far  from  his  own 

•  Winthrop,  Vol.  I,  p.  113. 
9 


n 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


fortresses,  and  which,  perhaps,  he  held  by  an  uncertain 
tenure ;  and,  on  the  eighteenth  of  June,  1633,  a  treaty 
of  sale  and  purchase  was  effected  between  the  two  parties 
A  iract  of  land  one  Dutch  mile  in  length  along  the  river 
and  extending  one  third  of  a  mile  into  :he  country  was 
passed  over,  by  the  Pequots,  into  the  possession  of  the 
Dutch.     For  this  territory  Wopigwooit  received  twenty- 
seven  ells  of  a  kind  of  coarse  cloth  called  duffals  six 
axes,  SIX  kettles,  eighteen  knives,  one  sword  blade, 'one 
pair  of  shears,  and  some  toys.     At  the  request  of  an  In- 
dian named  Aitarbaenhoet,  probably  a  sagamore  of  the 
river  tribes,  the  Dutch  obtained  permission  from  Wopicr. 
wooit  that  eequeen  might  return  to  his  country  and  take 
up  his  residence  at  or  near  tho  trading  house.     It  was 
declared  in  the  deed  that  S.quassen  accepted  this  offer 
wuh  the  knowledge  of  Magarittinne,  chief  of  Sloop's 
iiay:  this  being  f.he  name  which  the  Dutch  gave  to  the 
western  part  of  I^rraganseti  Bay.     These  circumstances 
serve  to  Identify  Sequassen  with  the  Sequeen  here  x.ien- 
tioned :  lor  Sequassen,  as  we  shall  subsequently  see,  sold  a 
vast  tract  around  Hartford  to  the  English,  as  chief  sachem 
of  the  country;  and  Sequassen,  too,  will  be  mentioned  as 
a  relation  and  a  close  ally  of  the  Narragansett  chieftains. 
The  httie  territory  thus  purchased  was  made  free  for 
purpose,  of  trade  to  all  nations  of  Indians:  it  was  to  be 
a  territory  of  peace  :  the  hatchet  was  to  be  buried  ther.. 
no  warnor  was  to  molest  his  enemy  while  within  its 
bounds.     Yan  Curler  erected  on  i.  a  small  tradi^.g  b 

•  O'Calinghnn.  Vol.  I.  p,,.  149—151. 


i 


4 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


73 


f 

i 

i 


4 


The  Pequots  soou  broke  through  the  above  conditions 
by  kihmg  some  Indians,  their  enemies,  who  came  to  the' 
house  to  traae.     The  Dutch  were  so  incensed  at  this  act  ' 
of  violence,  that,  to  punish  it,  they,  in  some  way  or  other, 
contnved  to  despatch  Wopig wooit  and  several  of  his  men. 
The  old  chieftam  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Sassacus,  a 
renowned  warrior  and  a  noble  and  high-spirited  man,  but 
doomed  to  be  the  last  grand  sachem  of  his  tribe.     A  de- 
sultory  war  ensued  between  the    Dutch   and   Pequots, 
which  lasted  some  months,  if  not  a  year  or  two,  and,  of 
course,  interrupted  the  trade  which  had  opened  between 
the  two  parties.*     These  events  were,  it  would  seem, 
of  considerable  importance  in  their  bearing  on  the  future 
his  ory  of  the  tribe,  as  I  think  the  subsequent  narrative 

J  ,  rw  """"""  "'  ^""'^  P"^^^^^^  ^hat  it  was  the 
death  of  Wop,gv.ooit  which  led  to  the  fatal  massacre  of 
Stone  and  hi.  crew ;  and  it  is  certain,  that  it  was  the  loss 
of  the  Dutch  trade  which  induced  the  Pequots  to  invite 
ticut  Massachusetts  Bay  to  settle  in  Connec- 

The  Puritans,  or  pilgrims,  had  now  been  established 
thirteen  years  on  the  shores  of  this  bay;  and,  although 
their  numbers  did  not  much  exceed  two  thousand,  they 
already  began  to  complain  of  being  cramped  for  want  of 
room.     Their  mcreasing  strength  commanded  the  respect 
of  th.  surrounding  natives;  and  the  smaller  tribes  seem 
to  have  conceived  the  idea  of  obtaining,  by  their  protec- 
tion, freedom  from  the  oppression  of  the  larger  ones.     As 
early  as  April,    1631,  a  sagamore  named   Waghinacut, 
probably  a  Podunk,  car.;e  to  Massachusetts  for  the  pur^ 
•  O'CttUaghan  and  Winthrop,  peunm. 


74 


HISTORY   OF    THE    INDIANS 


had  been  in  Enl^     /'"''"'''"''' ^'""'^  Straw,  who 

oeen  in  England  and  spoke  English   ho  ..ii   i 
Governor  Winthrop  in  Boslon      it         ,  .'"'/''"^''  <"• 
wanted  some  of  Z  PnTu  ^''Plamed  that  he 

Of  beaver;  boasted  of  hft.,.':;,?  f'^"'/  ^'''- 

frieX  dinZ:  tf  erf;'"":'  "^  ""''^™  --^  "i, 

a  settlemer^r  „  'eve '  Z      7    '  '"""="'^''  "'  P"""*- 
countrv      H     r  "^""^  P^^P'"  '»  famine  the 

country.     He  afterwards  found,  as  he  siv,  .h,,  w    l 

naeut  was  a  very  treacherous  .an,  andTi  'a'tj-;^^;- 

a  far  greater  sachem  named  Pekoath  f 

ai.h„'ug?re'"peJr'';r"'  r  "^'""'^  -™--'-"'. 
«"^:s;x^re  ::;r:fThr"™  "^^""- 

in  furs  which  thp  n.,.  u  ^^  immense  trade 

«  wnjcn  tne  Dutch  were  carrvin«^  on  in  tho  o 
necticut  vallev      W.n»i  ^    =*  "  ^"^  C?ou- 

-i„er  pro:i;i„g":;t''r's:.  Cn^  r  r  "- 

-  mterforing  with  the  charter  of  New  EnZnd      Th' 
colonists  began  to   dispatch   vessels  tl  r  ^ 

trade,  and  several  were  thus  semn,  t '!  ^'""!^'=""='"  '» 
During  the  same  year  JoImOl  u  "  ""^^  "'  "^^^• 

killed  by  the  Block  Wn,,^  ' '"'"' '""'  afterwards 

y  tne  Block  Islanders,  travelled  across  the  country 


1 


•t^inise&i^jJIeiif^tKiUliSlleSsiiMetifi- 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


75 


aa 


with  three  companions,  to  the  Connecticut  River     IT 
one  of  the  sachems  of  the  land  entertained  fhem  in^" 

SKins.     They  carried  back  to  Massachn^spfte  o 

of  U,e  waa  hemp  which  gre.  in  thT^^  InV^" 

that  It  contained  many  desirahl^   r,io       •^' ^'""^^Poned 

«.snppor.i„,mL;ZL:'^^^^^^^^^ 

^f5t:;a^sr.xt„«r^r 

^^hnsetts  to  estabi.h  a  trading  p„/„„  the  C  nLc.f  I 
for  obtmmng  hemp  and  furs.     Governor  Wimh!"       ' 

ninths  in  the  year,  no  vessel  conld  navi^a  r^hl"  ir" 
al  on  account  of  the  ice  and  the  violence'  of  h  e  " 
Und  scouraged  by  these  representations   the   Plymorh 

October  of  the   very  same  year,  William  Holmes  ! 
-nt   th,thcr  with  a  vessel,  a  small  company  o    men' 
and  the  frame  of  a  house.     He  sailed  up  the  river  JTr^' 
'  e  Dutch  For,,  at  Hartford,  in    spite     f  thT'rfmon 
strances  and  threats  cf  the   garrison,  and   erected  W 
eradmg-house  m  the  present  township  of  Windsor,  a  little 

netLt'r  """"'"  "'  ""  ''"'"'"*'°"  """  "•«  '^°"- 

*  Winthrop»8  JonmnI,  Vol.  I,  p.  HI. 

t  Trumbull.  Vol  I.  pp.  20,^21.     Wimhmp.  Vol.  I.  p.  II3. 

V 


76 


[: 


HISTORY   OF    THE    INDIANS 


Holmes  ,s  said  to  have  brought  back,  in  his  vessel,  iu3 
original  sachems  of  the  country,  who  had  been  driven 
away  by  the  Pequots  ;  and  to  have  made  his  purchase  o^ 
the  country  from  them.*     Thus,  on  the  very  first  settle- 
ment of  the  English  in  Connecticut,  they  offered  a  dis- 
tmct,  though,  perhaps,  an  unintentional,  insult  and  injury 
to  the  most  powerful  tribe  in  the  country.     The  Pequo^' 
had  conquered  this  portion  of  the  Connecticut  vJley; 
and  had  obliged  its  original  owners  to  submit  to  their 
authority.     Their  claim  had  been  acknowledged  by  the 
Dutch ;  It  was  confirmed  by  immemorial  Indian  custom  •+ 
and  It  was  at  least  as  just  as  that  by  which  some  civilized 
and  christianized  nations  hold  large  portions  of  the  globe. 
It  was  highly  praiseworthy,  indeed,  for  the  English  to 
pay  a  suitable  sum  to  the  original  owners  of  the  soil ;  but 
they  ought,  in  justice,  as  well  as  policy,  to  have  best6wed 
some  respect  upon  the  well  known  claim  of  the  Pequots 
Two  reasons  probably  operated  to  prevent  them  from 
doing  this  :  one  that  they  may  have  considered  the  Pe- 
quots robbers  and  intruders;  the  other  that,  by  refusing 
to  acknowledge  the  Pequot  title,  they  could,  with  abetter 
appearance  of  reason,  deny  the  justice  of  that  of  the 
Dutch.     Ihe  offended  tribe,  however,  did  not  make  this 
an  immediate  occasion  of  hostility  with  the   En-lish  • 
although  we  know  not  how  much  influence  it  ma/have 
had  upon  its  policy  towards  them  on  another  occasion 
and  at  a  subsequent  time.      It  was  not  until  afterwards 
that  the  event  occurred,  which  may  be  considered  as  the 

•rl^edLl        '  ""'^r  '"  ''^  '^''"'•*°"''  ''  ---  Indian  sachem. 
^•Berved  m  the  papen  on  Towni  and  Landa.  Vol.  I,  Doc.  67. 


^ 


!  i 
i  ' 


OF   CONNECTICUT 


•n 


<r- 


germ  of  that  hostility,  which  eventually  sprun?  ud  be- 
tween  the  Pequots  and  the  EngUsh.  * 

D"™« 'he  summer  of  1633,  Captain  Stone,  a  dissolute   ' 
mtemperate  man,  came  in  a  small  vessel  from  Virginia 
to  trade  on  the  coast  of  New  England.     After  remaining 
a  short  t,me  at  Massachusetts  Bay,  and  causing  the  magif 
^a^s  some  trouble  by  his  disorderly  conduct,  he  sailed, 
wuh  a  Captam  Norton  and  seven  others  on  board,  for  the 
Connecfcut  River.     Before  long  a  report  came  Lack  to 
B  s,o„    ,ha,  Stone  and  hi.  whole  company  had  been 
k.lled  Ins  vessel  burned,  and  the  plunder  taken  from" 
d,v,ded  betu^en  the  Pequots  and  Nehan.ics.     It  was  said 
hat,  on  reachmg  the  mouth  of  the  river.  Stone  opened  a 
-de  wuh  the  natives  and  sent  three  of  his  crew  on  shl 
o  hunt  for  wild  fowl.     The  Indians  appeared  perfectly 
fnendly,  and  were  suffered  ,„  come  on  Lrd  and  loi   r 
about  the  lutle  vessel  at  pleasure.     Stone  finally  wen   to 
sleep  m  the  cabin,  in  presence  of  the  sachem^  and   he 
rest  of  the  crew  collected  unsuspiciously  and  without  Z 
precaufons  m  the  galley.     Meantime  the  three  men  I 
sh    e  had  been  attacked  by  a  party  of  Indians  and  put  ," 
death,  euher  by  surprise,  or  so  far  off  ,ha,  the  noise  of  the 
coufl,ct  could  not  be  heard.     When  the  chief  thought 
proper  he  knocked  out  the  brains  of  the   unconsc.ou 
captam ;  and,  on  the  ins.„„,,  his  followers  seized  the  fire- 
arms about  .he  vessel  and  presented  them  at  the  startled 
E  ghsh.     One  of  the  latter,  however,  aimed  a  musket  in 
his  own  defense  ,•  and,  such  was  the  fear  of  the  native, 
for  .h,s  weapon  in  the  hands  of  a  white  man.  ;hat  they 
all  leaped  overboard  at  once.     B,„  in  the  rush  and  cZ 
fusion,  a  quantity  of  powder  igmte.,  and  blew  up  ,ho 


78 


HJSTORr   or   TI,E    INDIAN, 


vessel,  destroying  the  greater  oar,  f 
"■*«'•  The  Indians  no  J  cLI '.  ""l '"'  "^  ""^  '""« 
patched  any  who  might  ha 'fr'  °".'"""''  ^S-i",  dis- 
dered  the  cargo..  Such  walonnr::'  ^"™'  ""''  P'"- 
transaction  wnich  circnktlT  ""^  """"""'s  »<"  this 

The  perpetrators  in  tTlX"' "' "^"^''^  "'"-■''^ 
quots,  although  among  them°15  undoubtedly  P,. 

"^'heir  tribntanes,  the  w".  ™ "nT^  "^-^^  "-"  -»e 
W  made  no  immediate  attemr,,!  tT  'T  ''"^  ^"8" 
^as  not  long  before  circrsT,  '"'"'*  "'^'»  ^  but  it 

">em  a  favorable  opporTuX  "T  '"V"'"  ""'"''  ?-« 

The  position  of  thPe'L,  *■"'"<""«  satisfaction, 
"■eans  so  favorable  as  if  had  IJ"  ''  ""'  '""^  "^  "o 
success  and  conquest  no  l.„  '  ^"''  ""'ulerrupted 

--  paths.     They  iTd  J"  "T"  '"  '■»"■'»'  °»  'heir 
-"h  -  firm  a  han7  as  fieri 'd'V'"^  '^'^™^™-«» 
the  sovereignty  of  BlocfcTand'     v  u  '^  ''^''  "=^™  '°^' 
passed  lately  under  the  dot";, ''^"^  "P'*"'"  '<>  have 
Their  authority  had  been  2"  °^  ""'  N«hantics.t 

'he  upper  val/y  of  the  Co  n:e":„r  "'  '"^  """''-  '" 
O'ted,  doubtless,  to  this  a^b!    r  '  ^"""'"■aged  and  in- 

»f  the  Dutch,  .rnotof  h  XLh  trr^V"''  "O^^ 
y«cas,  sagamore  of  Mohe^nh  ■.■■'•    "^^'des  this, 
Wopigwooit,  broken  outlnt '         '  '"""'  '"^  "^"'h  of 
'heir  war  with  the  Dut  h,  whV^"  J,''^"-     ^"7, 
of  a  number  of  their  war  iors  nr„b  IT    """"  ""^  ''^'^ 
more  annoyance  by  break  I    '^         '^  ^""''  ">«■"  still 
'hey  had  sufficient  I, rentrs'to''  ""  '"""'"'"^  -"-h 
source  of  amusement  bat  ITll^'T"  '"'^  ""'  ""'r  « 
In  the  following  yeL.tfh"''' »"  P°-er. 

"""' "^  "'««'■  *ith  the  Dutch  „iU 


•  Winthrop.  Vol.  I,  p.  123. 


+  Roger  Williams' Letten. 


OF    CONNECT  CUT. 


fs 


continned,  Sassacus  resolved  lo  ma!r»  »„    «• 

cUiate  the  English  and  nh,       f    u  *"'"''  ""  ^o"" 

of  their  tr^e      n„  ''"'^'"•'"'P"°P'«^<'"«Pon.on 

pe,.ot'.r„«er^re;  :trr/h  °°''''^'' '^^''- 

-  .he  rashion  !r  Indiana: Llt^^rp^^rrr 

•  J-  "^  ^'so  laid  down  two  bu    i?Po,^f„*-  , 

indicative  of  the  number  of  beaver  and  n,h  T"'^'""''^' 
the  Pequots  would  give  the  Zh  T  f'""  ^'"'='' 
'hat  they  should  be  alined  bv  a  I'a  """'"" 
wampum.    He  thm>  a'^T  ^     '"^e  amount  of 

people  and  the  pa  eLrtl'  '"'"  '""^'^"  ^'^ 
Which  was  mad!  to  ^Zlf^^TT^  "^  """"' 
coat  of  equal  value  for  the  Pequot'ch^ftair"  n'  f  "T 
messenger  was  a  man  of  low  rank  ^  n  u-  ' "'  ""' 
sacis  must  show  his  re,np!,  r      u  ''  ■""  'h^t  Sas- 

deputies  of  greal  ;:  e'^ltVe  ;  d"'"'  ''  ""^"'« 
befoi^  he  could  treat  w  h  ,1  !'  **  ^"""^^  "^  'hem, 
This  answer  wtZ^o?'"^^^^  "'  ">«  ■=»■''-- 
accordance  with  the'l^lTo^rn?  "  '  ^^'  ^° 

:o=:rf~r-:— ^^^^^^ 

negotiations  were  opened,  althotigh  Di  dl  !  ^  7'  "''"="' 

was  sti  I  absent     Th«  d  ^Fuaiey,  the  Governor, 

>ish  were  deriis?;;:^;  t:"  '"'t'"^'  "•«  ^»«- 

fever  conseiit  to  atreafyt  1   h    P  '"""'  """  ^""''' 

the  murderers  of  s"c       ,d    ,,"""'' "'"  "'"''"''''"=<' 

"""'  '""'  '"^'le  restitution  for  the 


80 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


plunder  and  destruction  of  his  vessel.     The  Indians  did 
not  deny  tJiat  their  nation  was  responsible  for  the  murder, 
but  asserteii  that  Stone  had  provoked  his  fate  by  his  vio- 
lent and  alarming  conduct.     They  said  that,  on  entering 
the  Connecticut,  he  forcibly  seized  two  Indians  of  that 
region,  and  kept  them  on  board  his  vessel  to  make  them 
pilot  it  up  the  river.     After  a  while  he  and  two  of  his 
men  landed,  taking  with  them  the  two  captives,  with 
their  hands  still  closely  bound  behind  them.     Nine  In- 
dians watched  the  party,  and  at  night,  when  the  English 
had  gone  to  sleep  on  the  shore,  they  killed  them  and 
liberated  their  countrymen.     The  vessel,  with  the  re- 
mainder of  the  crew,  was  afterwards  blown  up ;  but  of 
this  they  knew  nothing,  neither  the   manner,  nor  the 
cause.     Thijy  stated  in  addition  that  the  sachem  whom 
they  had  when  Stone  was  put  to  death,  had  been  killed 
by  the  Dutch ;  and  that  all  the  Indians  concerned  in  the 
murder  had  died  of  the  small  pox  except  two.     These, 
they  cautiously  added,  Sassacus  would  probably  be  will- 
ing to  deliver  to  the  English,  provided  the  guilt  could  be 
proved  upon  them. 

Such  was  the  story  of  the  Pequot  ambassadors ;  and  it 
was  related  with  such  an  appearance  of  truth  that  the 
English,  who  had  no  good  evidence  to  the  contrary,  were 
strongly  inclined  to  believe  it  The  conditions  of  a  treaty 
were  agreed  upon,  and  the  paper  being  drawn  up  was 
signed  by  both  parties.  The  English  were  to  have  as 
much  land  in  the  country  of  the  Connecticut  as  they 
needed,  provided  they  would  make  a  settlement ;  and  the 
Peauots  were  to  give  them  all  possible  assistance  in 
effecting  their  settlement.     The  Pequots  were   to  sur- 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


81 


render  the  two  murderers,  whenever  they  were  demanded ; 
and  to  pay  the  English  forty  beaver  skins,  thirty  otter 
skins,  and  four  hundred  fathoms  of  wampum.  They 
were  likewise  to  give  all  their  custom  to  the  English, 
who,  on  the  other  hand,  were  to  send  them  a  vessel  im- 
mediately, not  to  defend  them,  but  to  trade  with  them. 
Such  was  the  substance  of  the  treaty  between  the  Pe- 
quots  and  the  colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  made  and 
signed  in  November,  1634.* 

The  morning  after  the  business  was  concluded,  Boston 
was  thrown  into  a  hubbub  by  the  report  that  two  or 
three  hundred  Narragansetts  were  waiting  at  a  place 
called  Neponsett  to  kill  the  Pequot  messengers  on  their 
way  home.  A  few  armed  citizens  were  collected  and 
marched  away  to  Neponsett,  w:ith  a  message  to  the  Nar- 
ragansetts to  come  and  have  a  talk  with  the  governor. 
Then  was  seen  the  value  of  Indian  reports  ;  for  no  doubt 
this  story  was  brought  in  by  some  of  the  Indians  of  the 
neighboring  country.  On  reaching  Neponsett  the  white 
men  found  only  two  sagamores,  with  about  twenty  war- 
riors, who  said  that  they  were  out  on  a  hunting  expedi- 
tion, and  had  come  hither  simply  to  make  their  old 
friends  at  Neponsett  a  visit.  Whether  this  story  was  true 
or  noi,  they  at  all  events  showed  themselves  quite  ready 
to  oblige  the  English,  and  allowed  the  two  ambassadors  to 
depart  unmolested.f 

The  authorities  of  the  colony  now  undertook  to  nego- 
tiate a  peace  between  the  two  hostile  tribes.  For  this 
purpose  they  offered  the  Narragansetts  a  part  of  the 
wampum  which  was  to  be  paid  by  the  Pequots.     This 

•  Winthrop,  Vol.  I,  pp.  147—149.  t  Winthrop,  Vol.  I,  p.  149. 


82 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


was  m  accordance  wuh  the  wish  of  the  Peqnot  depmtes, 
who  had  comm.ssioned  them  to  do  so,  and  had  promised 
so  large  a  quantity  as  four  hundred  fathoms  for  no  other 
purpose.*  The  circumstance  shows  the  pride  of  ta - 
sacus  who  was  desirous  to  obtain  peace,  but  unwilling  to 
^Ictt  directly  of  h,s  ancientand  hereditary  enemies.  The 
Narragansetts  do  not  seem  to  have  been  more  averse  to 
peace  than  the  Pequots,  for  it  is  clear  that  a  treat^  w^ 

rt^fx'^r"'''^'^" '''''- -•>'•=••-"-' 

It  is  almost  needless  to  remark  upon  the  Christian  and 

^""""r'""'"  "'  ""=  """"^  ^^"'"'^  *e  clnlts 
fr      ■  '"y.f""^°''<'e  "-nityand  alliance  between 

dlble  bl"  '  "■  "'""  "'  ^^"'^h  ""S"'  be  a  formi- 
dable barrier  aga„,st  their  own  advancement  in  wealth 
and  numbers      Had  they  been  actuated  by  selfish  cl' 

otl ':;"'  V  ?""  "--"O-vored  toleaken  t  1 
potent  clans  by   fomenting  their  divisions;  and    at  all 

St'  "™'/."-  "^^  --S'-'ened  their h„     b 
jommg  them  m  friendship  and  union.     Religion    how 

BS  m  others    they  acted  in  conformity  to  its  precepts 
The  path  which  our  ancestors  followed' in  their  dZg^ 

TouL  and  b     "  ""  ""^  '"""""^O  "y  'he  beams  of 
equity  and  humanity  as  well  as  sometimes  shrouded  in 

the  Harkne.^sofinjustice  and  cruelty  »"a<'a  m 

The  English  soon  began  to  found  settlements  in  the 

county.,  as  mdeed   they   would  have  done   had   thev 

formed  no  treaty  to  that  effect  with  the  Pequots     A  few 

men  came  over,  by  land,  through  the  forest's,  a^d  stt.tl 

"Winthrop  V^ol.  I,  p.  149. 


Il 


'f 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


83 


m  a  rude  manner  at  Wethersfield,  some  thirty  miles  up 
the  Connecticut  River.     They  suffered  great  hardships 
from  cold  and  hunger  during  the  first  winter  ;  and  some 
of  them  would,  perhaps,  have  perished,  had  it  not  been 
for  the  friendly  assistance  of  the  Indians.     During  1635 
larger  parties,  with  women  and  children,  came  ;  and  from 
this  time  the  colony  of  Connecticut  must  be  considered 
as  firmly  established.     The  Indians  received  them  joy- 
fully, and  their  sachems,  Sehat  of  Poquonnuc,  Arrama- 
ment  of  Podunk,  and  the  more   famous  Sowheag  and 
Sequassen,  sold  them  land  without  stint  or  hesitation. 
Sequassen  sold  them  Hartford  and  the  whole  region  west- 
ward, including  the  territories  of  the  Tunxis,  as  far  as  the 
country  of  the  Mohawks.*    Nassecowen,  of  Windsor,  a 
sagamore,  or  at  least  a  landholder,  was  "  so  taken  in  love 
with  the  coming  of  the  English,"  that,  "  for  some  small 
matter,"  he  gave  them  all  his  possessions  on  the  eastern 
side  of  the  river.f 

The  first  Indian  deeds  of  sale  at  Windsor,  Hartford  and 
Wethersfield,  were  never  preserved,  or,  at  least,  have 
never  come  to  my  knowledge.  There  is,  however,  in  the 
Colonial  Records,  a  brief  notice  that  the  settlers  of  Weth- 
ersfield made  a  satisfactory  purchase  of  their  territory 
from  Sowheag,  the  sachem.  The  tract  thus  obtained 
measured  six  miles  in  width,  north  and  south,  and  nine 
miles  in  length,  of  which  six  miles  were  on  the  west  side 
of  the  river.J  In  the  records  of  Windsor  we  have  also 
one  deed  remaining,  of  the  date  of  April  25th,  1636, 
which  conveys  to  the  English  a  tract  on  the  east  side  of 
the  Connecticut,  lying  between  the  Podunk  and  Scantic 

•  Farmington  Records,    t  Windsor  Records,    t  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  I,  p.  5. 


84 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


Rivers,  and  extending  a  day's  march  into  the  country. 
The  price  given  for  this  territory  was  twenty  cloth  coats 
and  fifteen  fathoms  of  sewan  or  wampum ;  part  to  be  paid 
at  the  time,  and  part  when  the  next  English  pinnace  came 
up  the  river.  The  deed  was  signed  by  Arramament, 
sachem  at  Podunk ;  Sheat,  sachem  of  Poquonnuc  ;  Cog- 
renosset  of  Poquonnuc,  and  eight  others,  who  claimed  an 
interest  in  the  lands.* 

It  is  worthy  of  observation,  that  three  of  the  signers, 
Poxen,  Wonochocke  and  Towtonemon,  styled  themselves 
Mohegans ;  or,  as  it  is  once  or  twice  expressed,  Mohego- 
neak.    This  circumstance  leads  us  to  advert  to  the  history 
of  this  portion  of  the  Pequot  nation.     We  have  already 
mentioned  the  relationship  of  Uncas,  sagamore  of  Mohegari, 
to  the  royal  family,  and  have  briefly  noticed  that  he  was 
now  in  rebellion  against  Sassacus,  the  grand  sachem  of 
the  tribe.     It  seems  probable  that,  on  the  death  of  Wopig- 
wooit  or  Pekoath,  Uncas  laid  claim  to  the  sachemship, 
grounding  his  title   on   his  own  descent,  and  perhaps 
strengthening  it  by  the  regal  birth  of  his  squaw.     At  all 
events,  some  difficulty  occurred,  and  Uncas  was  soon  en- 
gaged in  open  war  with  his  chieftain.     The  great  body 
of  the  nation  remained  faithful  to  Sassacus,  and  the  re- 
bellious sagamore  was  defeated  and  expelled  from  the 
country.     He  fled  to  the  Narragansetts ;  but  after  remain- 
ing among  them  a  while,  he  sent  a  humble  message  to 
Sassacus  begging  permission  to  return.    This  was  granted, 
on  condition  of  submission  and  future  good  behavior! 
Uncas  promised  every  thing,  and  again  came  back  to  Mo 
hegan.     He  was  soon  guilty  of  treachery,  or  was  accused 

*  V,:,idsor  Records. 


tk 


« 


^* 


\, 


OP    CONNECTICUT.  gj- 

of  it,  and  had  once  more  to  flv     AMin  ««      i.    •    . 
he  was  pardoned  and  allowed    o  rtfZ-  and  T 

the  same  cause  as  before,  banisLf   Some  'r  f"' 
riors  who  fled  with  him  rema^Led  in   thTN  """ 

country,  and  were  living  fU  ^arragansett 

cases  of  war,  became  the  property  of  the  conqueror     Hi, 
erntory  w^  so  small,  and  his  men  so  few,  thafhe  "as  "n 
able  to  make  a  grand  hunt  alone,  but  hun  ed  in  LI 

wuh  two  other  sagamores,  sons  of  the""  ter  of  l'""'' 
and,  of  conr«p    »i,o  ■         ,  ' "'  Sassaous, 

from  tb,!?,  '■  "'""  "^  ^'^  °»°  «'*'■«•     Judging 

from  th,s  fact,  «  seems  probable  that  he  could  not  havf 
had  remammg  more  than  twenty-five  or  tbirfv  „         o 
.wo  friends  above  mentioned  fiLly  Ja  rel"J  :  ;  th 
powerful  relation,  Sassacus  ■  and  [„^"  "^'^^  ^"^^  "heir 
forced  to  f?v  ,n  ,i     :^    "^'  '"'<'  '"  consequence  were 
orced  to  fly  to  the  Narragansett  country,  from  whence 
they  never  returned.     Their  lands,  hke  those  of  UnTr 
became  subject  to  the  grand  sachem  of  the  tribe.*  ' 

authrfiff     e  T''""'  "'^"^"^'  ""O-  =»-"*"?  to  one 

r'r^X  cS;trf  n^^""^  -  ^^^  '^- 

iver,  cnieny  m  the   township   of  Hartford  ^ 
Thus  It  was  that  we  finrl  Pn^o«  u  .        "^"ord.-f 

name  of  Poxon,  we^shaU  s^  nT^  I  eT.Tht  c^ 
nmg  counsellor  and  ambassador  of  uLrlfl  heZ 
r-on  to  greatness  and  power.  It  is  possible  also  ,h^ 
-me  of  these  men  were  not  native  Mohegau  but'r  ve 
Indians,  who  had  attached  themselves  to  an  adven  uroI 
and  warlrke  chief  like  Uncas,  and  had  thus  tqS " 


86 


HISTORY    OF    TilE    INDIANS 


title  to  the  name  of  Mohegoneak*  Uncas,  himself, 
probably  lived  in  this  part  of  the  country,  as  it  is  not  at 
all  likely  that  ne  would  be  allowed  to  continue  at  Molie- 
gan.  Mohegan  was  the  ancient  burying  place  of  the  Pe- 
quot  sachems ;  and  would  Sassacus,  the  uescendant  and 
representative  of  that  race  of  heroes,  allow  their  graves  to 
be  polluted  by  the  foot  of  one  who  had  made  hirnseL"  an 
alien  to  his  tribe  ? 

In  person,  Uncas  is  said  to  have  been  a  man  of  large 
frame  and  great  physical  strength.     His  courage  could 
never  be  doubted,  for  he  displayed  it  too  often  and  too 
clearly  in  war,  and  especially  in  the  subsequent  contest 
against  his  native  tribe.     No  sachem,  however,  was  ever 
more  fond  of  overcoming  his  enemies  by  stratagem  and 
trickery.     He  seemed  to  set  little  value  upon  the  glory 
of  vanquishing  in  v  ar,  compared  with  the  advantages  it 
hrought  him  in  the  shape  of  booty,  and  new  subjects,  and 
wider  hunting  grounds.     He  favored  his  own  rn^n  and 
was  therefore  popular  with  them ;  but  all  others  who  fell 
under  his  power  he  tormented  with  continual  exactions 
and  annoyances.     His  nature  was  selfish,   jealous   and 
tyrannical ;  his  ambition  was  grasping,  and  unrelieved  by 
a  single  trait  of  magnanimity.     He  was  now,  it  is  prob- 
able, in  the  prime  and  vigor  of  early  manhood. 

The  treaty  between  the  colonial  government  and  the 
Pequots  seems  to  have  been  imperfectly  observed  on  both 
sides.  Sassacus  paid  none  of  the  wampum  and  other 
articles  which  he  had  promised,  nor  is  there  any  proof 
that,  for  two  years  after  the  treaty,  the  colonists  ever  sent 
a  vessel  to  the  Pequot  country  to  trade.     The  only  ar- 

•  Sometimes  Bpclt  Muhhekunneuk. 


•    (i2«i 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


87 


^ 


tide  which  the  Enghsh  fulfilled  was  that  of  planting 
colonies  in  Connecticut ;  and  the  only  article  which  the 
Pequots  fulfilled  was  that  of  allowing  them  to  do  so 
without  opposition.     Thus  matters  went  on,  till  an  event' 
took  place  which  roused  the  colonists  to  think  of  the 
obligations  of  their  allies  if  not  of  their  own.     John  Old- 
ham, of  Dorchester,  a  man  of  energetic  but  turbulent  dis- 
position, was  the  commander  of  a  pinnace  which  made 
trading  voyages  along  the  coast  for  corn  and  other  Indian 
commodities.     In  the  spring  of  1636  he  sailed,  with  a 
crew  of  two  boys  and  two  Narragansett  Indians,  lo  barter 
with  the  Pequots.     This  was  done,  as  we  are  informed 
by  Winthrop,  m  consequence  of  the  treatv  with  them  ■ 
but,  as  the  treaty  was  made  in  1634,  the     equots  might 
justly  have  complained  of  the  tardiness  of  the  English  in 
fulfilling  its  conditions.     Oldham  finir.hed  his  dealings  ' 
with  them,  however,  in  safety :  but  having,  on  his  return, 
stopped  at  Manisses  or  Block  Island,  he  was  there  mur- 
dered  by  the  islanders.     The  crime  was  discovered  and 
punished  by  another  trader,  John  Gallop,  who  was  voya- 
ging  from  the  Connecticut  to  the  t^astern  part  of  Long 
Island.      Passing    near    Manisses  on   his   way,    he  saw 
Oldham's  pinnace  with  sixteen  Indians  on  board,  and  a 
canoe,  manned  by  other  Indians  and  loaded  with  goods 
putting  off  for  the  shore.     Gallop  recognized  the  pi-mace,' 
and,  running  close  to,  gave  a  hail  in  English,  but  received 
no  answer.    He  now  began  to  suspect  what  had  occurred  ; 
and  his  suspicions  were  strengthened  by  observing  that 
the  Indians  were  armed  with  guns  and  other  English 
weapons.     Presently  a  sail  was  raised  on  board  the  pin- 
nace ;  and  the  wind  and  tide  being  boll,  off  the  island,  it 

10*  ' 


88 


IIISTORT    OF    THE    INDIANS 


began  to  drive  northward  towards  the  Narragansett  shore. 
Gallop  hesitated  no  longer,  but  bore  up  ahead  of  the  little 
craft,  and  commenced  firing  duck  shot  among  the  Indians 
with  such  effect  that    they  all   took  refuge    under   the 
hatches.     He  then  stood  off  some  distance,  and,  turning 
round,  run  down  upon  the  pinnace's  quarter  with  such 
violence  as  almost  to  overset  her.     Six  Indians,  terrified 
by  the  shock,  leaped  overboard,  and  were  drowned  in 
swimming  for  the  shore.    Gallop  gave  the  pinnace  another 
blow  with  his  heavier  vessel,  but  as  no  more  Indians 
would  make  their  appearance,  he  commenced  firing  with 
his  muskets  through  her  thin  sides.     Startled  by  this,  six 
others  of  the  plunderers  jumped  overboard  and  sank ;  and 
the  victors,  who  only  consisted  of  three  men  and  two 
boys,  then  boarded  their  prize.     Two  Indians  came  on 
deck,  surrendered  and  were  bound ;  but  as  Gallop  feared 
they  would  untie  each  other,  and  could  not  easily  keep 
them  asunder,  he  coolly  threw  one  of  them  into  the  sea. 
Two  others,  armed  with  swords,  still  remamed  under  the 
hatches,  posted  so  advantageously  that  they  could  neither 
be  killed  nor  made  prisoners.    The  body  of  John  Oldham 
was  found  under  an  old  sail,  his  head  split  open,  his  arms 
and  legs  gashed  as  if  the  Indians  had  been  trying  to  cut 
them  off,  and  the  flesh  still  warm.     Gallop  and  his  crew 
put  these  melancholy  remains  into  the  sea,  carried  the 
sails  and  the  remainder  of  the  cargo  on-  board  their  own 
vessel,  and  then  attempted  to  tow  the  pinnace  away,  with 
the  two  Indians  still  in  the  hold.     But  some  wind  and  a 
good  deal  of  sea  coming  on  towards  night,  he  was  obliged 
to  loose  her,  and  she  drifted  over  to  the  Narragansett  shore.* 


i 


Wimhrop,  Vol.  I,  pp.  189, 190. 


T' 


Mk 


OP    CONNECTICUT. 


89 


Not  long  after,  three  Narragansetts,  sent  by  the  sachems 
of  the  tribe,  came  into  Boston,  two  of  whom  were  those 
who  had  been  with  Oldham.     They  brought  a  letter 
from  Roger  Williams,   a  Baptist  clergyman  residing  in-' 
their  country,  written  on  behalf  of  Canonicus  the  grand 
sachem.     It  expressed  his  great  grief  for  what  had  occur- 
red, and  affirmed  that  Miantinomo,  his  nephew,  had  gone, 
with  seventeen  canoes  and  two  hundred  men,  to  punish 
the  murderers.     The  magistrates  examined  the  third  In- 
dian so  sharply  that  he  made  some  confessions,  which 
may  have  been  true,  and  may  have  been  extorted  from 
him  by  terror.     He  said  that  a  plot  had  been  formed  to 
murder  Oldham  because  he  traded  with  the  Pequots;  that 
all  the  Narragansett  sachems  were  engaged  in  it  except 
Canonicus  and  Miautinomo  ;  and  that  his  two  companions 
were  accomplices  in  the  crime.     The  authorities  finally 
sent  the  three  men  safely  back  to  Canonicus;  but  made 
known  to  him  the  suspicions  which  they  entertained  both 
or  them  and  himself.     They  demanded  that  he  should 
surrender  Oldham's  two  boys,  and  should  inflict  a  suit- 
able punishment  upon  the  guilty  islanders.     The  boys 
were  soon  sent  to  Boston  ;  and  Canonicus  and  Miantinomo 
afterwards  succeeded  in  convincing  the  colonial  magis- 
trates that  they  Were  guiltless  of  any  participation  in  the 
murder.* 

The  government  of  Massachusetts  now  turned  its 
attention  to  the  Pequots.  They  were  said  to  have  har- 
bored some  of  the  murderers  of  Oldham,  and,  it  was  pre- 
tended, had  thereby  made  themselves  partakers  in  their 
guilt.  A  harsh  and  hasty  measure,  suggested  by  feelings 
*  Winthrop,  Vol,  I,  p.  190. 


3 1 


90 


HISTORY    OP    THE    INDIANS 


s!,lv7!uT  ""*  ^^^'P^^'io",  was  adopted.     I.  ^as  re- 

poty  ofi^:"  r'^'^'^'f;  '^<'  'hough,  of  .he  i^: 

could  no.  be  accused  ot^^ZT'  ""^^ 

".andof  John  Erdico..  r  Z"' 'T^  """^^  '"«  <=<«»■ 
^  ^"^'^0"' a  resident  of  MassachusPft^     Wo 

•  Winthrop,  Vol.  I.  pp.  193^  193^ 


^ 


r^ 


OP    CONNECTICUT. 


91 


At 


■<^ 


Stone  and  one  thousand  fathoms  of  wampum,  demand 
some  of  their  children  as  hostages,  for  the  performance 
of  these  conditions,  and  if  the  children  were  refused  to 
take  them  by  force.* 

It  was  nearly  dusk  when  the  little  fleet  of  Endicott 
reached  the  shore  of  Block  Island.     A  strong  wind  was 
blowing,  and  the  surf  was  dashing  heavily  on  the  rocks. 
The  English  could  see  only  a  single  Indian,  walkixig 
along  the  shore  as  if  deserted ;  and  some  of  them  began 
to  think  that  the  rest  of  the  inhabitants  had  fled  to  the 
main  land.     Others  suspected,  with  more  wisdom,  that 
they  should  find  them  concealed  behind  a  low  mound 
which  ran  along  the  edge  of  the  water.     John  Under- 
bill, a  brave  soldier  though  a  bad  man,  moved  towards  the 
shore  in  a  shallop  containing  about  a  dozen  soldiers.     As 
he  neared  the  landing  place,  fifty  or  sixty  tall  warriors 
rose  from  behind  the  earthen  rampart,  and,  advancing  a 
few  steps  towards  the  invaders,  let  fly  among  them  a 
volley  of  arrows.     One  of  these  missiles  penetrated  into 
the  neck  of  a  young  man,  through  a  collar  so  stiff"  that 
Underbill  likens  it  to  an  oaken  board.     The  captain  him- 
self received  one  through  his  coat  sleeve,  while  another 
rebounded  from  the  helmet  which,  at  parting,  his  wife 
had,  with  difficulty,  persuaded  him  to  wear.     The  heavy 
surf  tossed  the  boat  about  in  such  a  manner  that  tiie  Eng- 
lish did  not  dare  to  run  it  on  the  beach,  nor,  while  in  it, 
could    they  take   any  aim   with  their  muskets.     They 
sprang  into  the  water,  therefore,  up  to  their  waists,  fired 
and  hurried  on  to  the  shore.    Endicott  was  landing  at  the 
same  time,  and  the  Indians,  not  daring  to  wait  a  close 

•  Winthrop,  Vol.  I,  pp.  192,  193. 


92 


BISTORT   OP    THE    INDIANS 


conflict  With  so  mau/  Englishmen,  took  to  their  heels, 
and  were  soon  out  of  sight  in  the  thicket  * 

As  it  was  now  late,  the  invaders  encamped  on  shore 
stationed  sentinels,  and  passed  the  night  in  expectation 
of  an  attack.      They  were   unmolested,  however,  and 
when  morning   dawned,  commenced  ranging  over  the' 
island  in  search  of  the  inhabitants.     It  seemed  to  them 
about  ten  miles  long  by  four  broad ;  its  surface  rough  and 
composed  of  small  hills ;  containing  no  good  timber  but 
great  quantities  of  dwarf  oaks.     Paths'led  here  and  there 
through  the  brushwood,  so  narrow  that  the  English  were 
obliged  to  march  along  them  in  single  file.     They  found 
two  villages,  containing  together  about  sixty  wigwams 
some  of  which  were  large  and  comfortably  built,  but  all 
deserted  except  by  a  few  dogs.    The  English  burnt  down 
the  wigwams,  staved  the  canoes,  carried  away  some  mats 
and  baskets,  shot  some  of  the  dogs,  and  laid  waste  about 
two  hundred  acres  of  corn.     They  spent  two  days  in 
searchmg  this  small  island;  but  its  inhabitants  had  con- 
cealed themselves  so  closely  in  the  swamps  and  thickets 
that  very  few  of  them  could  be  found.     A  captain  named 
Turner,  stepping  into  a  swamp,  met  several  warriors  and 
fired  a  number  of  shots  at  them.    In  reply  they  discharged 
their  arrows,  one  of  which  struck  upon  his  corselet  with 
a  force  as  if  it  had  been  the  push  of  a  pike.     Underbill 
says  that  some  fourteen  of  the  islanders  were  killed  and 
others  wounded ;  but  the  Narragansetts  reported,  as  we 
learn  from  H-ibbard,  that  the  English  only  succeeded  in 
killing  one.f 


•  Underbill.   Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  XXXVI,  pp.  5  6 
t  Underhill'«  Pequot  War.  Maes.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  XXXVI,  pp.  6.  7. 
throp'B  Journal,  Vol.  I,  pp.  192—194. 


Win. 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


93 


<4* 


f 


Having  accomplished  what  they  could  at  Block  Island, 
Endicott  and  his  men  re-embarked  and  sailed  to  the  little 
fort  of  the  Connecticut  settlers  at  Saybrook.  Lieutenant 
Gardiner,  who  commanded  the  garrison,  was  greatly  as- 
tonished at  the  appearance  of  such  an  armament ;  and  on 
learning  its  object,  argued  vehemently  against  the  enter- 
prise and  the  manner  in  which  it  was  to  be  conducted. 
"  You  have  come  to  raise  a  nest  of  wasps  about  our  ears," 
said  he,  " and  then  you  will  flee  away."  "  But,"  he  adds, 
in  his  history  of  the  Pequot  war,  "  as  they  came  without 
our  knowledge,  so  they  went  away  against  our  will."* 

Finding,  at  last,  that  the  expedition  could  not  be  pre- 
vented from  proceeding,  Gardiner  determined  to  reinforce 
it  with  two  shallops  and  twenty  men.  The  fleet  was 
detained  four  days  at  Saybrook  by  stress  of  weather,  and 
then  continued  its  voyage.  As  it  glided  along  near  the 
coast  of  the  Western  Nehantics,  the  natives,  surprised  at 
seeing  so  many  vessels  together,  and  totally  unsuspicious, 
apparently,  of  the  object  of  their  visit,  came  running  in 
numbers  to  the  shore.  "  What  cheer  Englishmen  ?"  they 
shouted.  "  What  do  you  come  for  ?"  As  the  voyagers 
were  unwilling  to  waste  time,  and  still  more  to  put  the 
Indians  on  their  guard,  they  made  no  answer  to  these 
questions,  and  kept  steadily  on  their  course.  The  natives 
continued  to  run  along  the  shore  abreast  of  the  fleet  until 
they  came  to  the  mouth  of  the  Thames ;  and,  seeing  tha* 
the  strangers  persevered  in  refusing  to  communicate  with 
them,  they  changed  their  questions  and  began  to  cry: 
"Are  you  angry,  Englishmen?  Will  you  kill  us?  Do 
you  come  to  fight  ?"    No  answer  was  returned ;  the  vessels 

•  Mass,  Hist.  CeU.,  VoL  XXXIII,  p.  140. 


04 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


Silently  entered  the  river,  cast  anchor  at  a  distance  from 
either  shore  and  remained  in  quiet  until  morning  * 

During  the  whole  night  loud  cries  and  doleful  shouts 
reverberated  from  the  forests  which  lined  either  bank :  for 
the  Pequots,  apprehending  that  the  white  men  had  come 
to  invade  them,  were  continually  calling  to  each  other  and 
sounding  the  alarm. 

Early  in  the  morning  an  Indian  was  seen  making  his 
way  out  to  the  vessels  in  a  canoe.     On  reaching  them  he 
appeared  to  be  a  man  advanced  in  years,  of  a  tall  and 
hxge  form,  and  dignified  in  his  appearance  and  carriage. 
When  he  came  to  speak,  his  expressions  were  grave  and 
majestic ;  and  he  soon  showed  himself  to  be  of  a  keen 
and  mgenious  mind.     He  demanded  the  object  of  the 
strangers  in  coming  to  the  country  of  the  Pequots.    Cap- 
tain Endicott  replied  that  the  Pequots  or  their  allies  had 
destroyed  an  English  vessel,  and  killed  ten  Englishmen 
on  the  Connecticut  River;  that  their  sachem  had  agreed 
to  surrender  the  murderers,  but  had  never  yet  fulfilled  his 
agreement;  that  the  English  had  now  come  for  them, 
and.  If  the  Pequots  were  wise,  they  would  immediately 
give  them  up;  that  they  must  also  pay  one  thousand 
fathoms  of  wampum  for  their  destruction  of  English  prop- 
erty  and  their  faithlessness  in  observing  the  treaty  ;  and 
that,  If  they  could  not  pay  so  large  a  sum  down,  they 
must  surrender  twenty  children  of  their  principal  men  as 
hostages.f 

The  ambassador  must  have  listened  with  astonishment 
and  indignation  to  these  last  demands;  but  he  replied 

•  Underhill.    Mass.  Hist.  Coll..  Vol.  XXXVI,  p.  7. 
t  Wmthrop,  Vol.  I.  pp.  192. 193. 


«,/aa«aa(iaasaj«t«»>»;v:«^»»-'^.v' 


OP    CONNECTICUT. 


95 


with  courtesy,  and  ingeniously  endeavored  to  justify  the 
conduct  of  his  tribe.  "  We  know  not,"  said  he,  "  that 
our  people  have  slain  any  of  the  English.  True  it  is  that 
we  have  killed  such  a  number  of  men,  and  in  such  a 
place,  as  you  mention ;  and  this  was  our  reason  for  doing 
it.  Not  long  before  the  coming  of  these  men  into  the 
river,  there  was  a  certain  vessel  came  to  us  in  way  of 
trade.  We  used  the  people  of  it  well,  and  traded  with 
them,  and  believed  them  to  be  such  as  would  not  wrong 
us  in  the  least  matter.  But  wishing  to  destroy  our  sa- 
chem, they  laid  a  plot  for  that  purpose  ;  and  thus  did  they 
accomplish  their  desire.  They  sufFtred  none  but  him  to 
come  into  their  vessel,  and  then  having  seized  him,  they 
called  to  us  as  we  stood  on  the  shore  and  demanded  a 
bushel  of  wampum  for  his  life.  This  rung  terribly  in  our 
ears,  when  we  so  little  expected  it ;  but,  seeing  there  was 
no  remedy,  we  collected  this  great  quantity  of  wampum 
and  put  it  into  their  hands.  Then  did  they  in  truth  send 
our  sachem  ashore,  as  they  had  promised ;  but  not  until 
they  hfi  slain  him.  This  thing  greatly  exasperated  our 
S-"  -'^  and  made  us  vow  revenge.  Shortly  after  came  the 
oiii  men  into  the  great  river,  and  pretended  to 

trade  first  had  done.     We  did  not  undeceive  them, 

but  sci  .  the  opportunity  and  went  quietly  on  board 
their  vessel.  The  son  of  our  murdered  sachem  staid  in 
the  cabin  with  Captain  Stone,  until  the  captain,  having 
drank  more  strong  water  than  was  good  for  him,  fell 
asleep.  Our  sachem  then  took  a  little  hatchet  from  under 
his  robe  and  knocked  him  in  the  head.  The  rest  of  our 
people  attacked  the  other  white  men ;  but  when  one  of 
them  took  up  a  firebrand  to  set  fire  to  the  powder  they 

U 


■m 


96 


HISTORY    OF   THE    INDIANS 


leaped  overboard  into  the  river.     In  this  manner  thev 
saved  themselves,  while  .he  strangers  were  all  bl^wn  up 
and  destroyed.     Could  ye  blame  us  for  revengiZ  the 
murder  of  our  sachem?     For  we  distinguished    "ot  le 
.ween  the  Dutch  and  English,  but  supposed  them  td  be 

have  do'Tr"    '  ™'  ""'''°"  "^  ""  "''  -"--  «hat  we 
revenge  the  death  of  our  sachem."* 

Such  was  the  tale  which  this  Pequot  told  in  iustifica 

i::^™ar.:Si:Lr:th""-  -'  ^^  --^^ 
Chief,  wopigwr;::^L:ht:~asi;^^^^^^^^^^^ 

mam,er  m  which  the  Dutch  effected  hL  death.     The  ac 
ootm.  dtffered  greatly,  it  will  be  seen,  from  the  stly  told 
by  the  Pequot  messengers  to  Governor  Dudley  •  ye.  of  the 
two  I  am  inclined  to  .hinlc  that  it  was  the  m  sfcolc' 
:rXr"'  -  "  "S-J.  "'  -veral  importa.u  ^X' 

tication.  "You  know  well  enough,"  said  he  "the  dif 
ference  between  the  English  and  theDutch ;  fl'r  you,'™ 
hadsufflcen,  dealings  with  both;  and  thereforrieZ 
you  have  slain  the  king  of  England's  subjects  rdemaud 
an  accomi.  of  .heir  blood,  for  we  ourselves  Ire  l" 
account  for  them."  ^ 

<md  Enghsh,"  persisted  the   Pequot ;    "  they   are   both 
strange.3  to  us,  and  we  took  them  to  ^e  all  one;  wher 
fore  we  boldly  ask  pardon,  for  we  have  not  ^mfu Ty 
wronged  the  English."  ^miuuy 

•Underhill.    Mnss.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  XXXVf.  pp.  8.  9. 


'■ 


le 

e 
e 

0 


'■ 


OF    CONNECTICUT.  m 

The  whites  responded:  "This  excuse  will  not  serve 
We  know  well  that  it  is  not  true.     You  must  give  u  2 

The  ambassador  now  said,  that,  as  he  understood  the 
ground  of  the  Englishmen's  coming,  he  begged  leave  to 
go  ashore  and  communicate  with  his  people  ,•  and,  if  they 
would  stay  aboard  their  vessels,  he  would  soon  return  to 
hem  w,th  an  answer.  This  promise  was,  perhaps,  die 
ta  ed  by  a  fear  that  they  would  keep  him  prisoner  but 
Endicott  had  no  wish  to  detain  him,  and  he  was  suffered 
to  get  mto  his  canoe  and  depart  * 

It  would  now  undoubtedly  have  been  proper  for  the 
colonists  to  have  remained  on  board  their  vessels  until  the 
Indians  could  have  had  time  to  answer  their  message. 
They  were  too  impatient  for  this,  however,  and  disem- 
barking immediately,  formed  in  martial  order  upon  the 
shore.     This  was  doubtless  on  the  eastern  side  of  the 
Thames,  where  the  land  rises  gradually  from  the  river 
into  a  considerable   eminence.     The  same   old  warrior 
who  came  out  to  the  vessels  met  the  white  men  at  their 
kndmg    and  requested  them  to  stay  where  they  were, 
while  the  Pequots,  he  said,  would  remain  on  the  othe^ 
side  of  the  hill.     The  English,  fearful  of  being  attacked 
by  stealth,  refused,  and  marched  on  to  the  summit  of  the 
rising  ground,  from  whence  they  could  command  a  wide 
view  of  the  surrounding  country.     Here  the  Indians  col- 
ected  round  them  in  great  numbers,  amounting,  some 
thought,  to  three  hundred  men;  all,  or  nearly  ^,  how- 
ever,  unarmed.f     Some  of  them  recognized  the  soldiers 

•  Underbill.     Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  XXXVI,  p  9 
t  Gardiner.    Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  XXXHI^.  HI. 


98' 


HISTORY    OP   THE    INDIANS 


from  Saybrook  as  acquaintances,  and  coming  up  to  them, 
as  they  stood  in  the  ranks,  carried  on  a  conversation  with 
th';m  in  broken  English  and  Pequot.*     The  messenger 
filially  returned  and  said  that  the  two  greatest  sachems 
of  the  tribe  were  both  gone  to  Long  Island.     The  Eng- 
hsh  threatened  that,  if  some  sachem  did  not  make  his 
appearance,  they  would  commence  hostilities.     The  Pe- 
quots  were  perplexed.    Sassacus  was  their  lawful  chieftain, 
and  they  could  conclude  no  national  business  without  his 
concurrence.     He  was  now  absent  at  such  a  distance  that 
It  was  useless  to  think  of  sending  for  him,  yet  the  white 
men  would  admit  of  no  delay.     They  commenced  re- 
moving their  wives  and  children  and  goods  to  places  of 
safety  ;  and,  in  the  meanwhile,  amused  the  invaders  with 
various  messages.     At  one  time  a  sachem  named  Mom- 
menoteck  had  been  found  and  would  shortly  appear.     At 
another  the  main  body  of  the  tribe  had  assembled  and 
was  inquiring  out  the  murderers.     Thus  hour  after  hour 
passed  away  until  it  grew  late  in  the  afternoon.    Endicott 
was  sensible  of  the  attempted  deceit,  and  at  last  losing 
jatience,  he  determined  to  put  an  end  to  the  parley,  and 
obtain  revenge  since  he  could  not  hope  for  satisfaction 
"  Begone,"  said  he  to  the  Pequots  who  stood  around 
"  begone !    You  have  dared  the  English  to  come  and  fight 
with  you,  and  now  we  are  ready,  "f 

The  Indians  retreated  on  all  sides :  some  of  the  soldiers 

would  have  fired  at  them  immediately,  but  Endioott  for- 

.^bade  it:  when  they   were   at   a  distance,  however,  he 

•  Gardiner.   Mass.  Hist.  CoU.,  Vol.  XXXIII,  p.  141. 
t  Underhill.    Mass.  Hiat.  Coll.,  Vol.  XXXVI,  p.  10 
pp.  194, 195, 


Winthrop,  Vol.  I, 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


99 


marched  after  them,  expecting  that  they  would  stand  a 
charge,  as  it  was  said  they  had  done  with  the  Dutch. 
But  they  only  discharged  a  few  arrows  from  afar  off, 
laughing  scornfully  the  while  at  the  invaders,  as  if  ridicu- 
ling them  for  having  been  so  easily  deceived.     A  few 
dropped  under  the  English  fire,  but  only  one  was  cer- 
tainly known  *o  have  been  killed.     This  one  was  shot 
and  scalped  by  Kutshamequin,  a  sachem  whom  Endicott 
had  brought  from  Massachusetts.*     The  English  spent 
several  hours  on  shore,  burning  the  wigwams,  wasting  the 
corn,  staving  the  canoes,  and  then  retreated  unhun  to 
their  vessels.     In  the  morning  they  landed  on  the  western 
shore  and  ravaged  the  country  in  the  same  manner,  no 
one  attempting   to   prevent   them.     Having    thus  done 
enough  to  insult  and  exasperate  the  Pequots,  but  not 
enough  to  humble  or  seriously  injure  them,  Endicott  re- 
turned, without  the  loss  of  a  single  man,  to  Boston.f 

The  two  shallops  from  Saybrook  being  detained  off  the 
coast  by  a  westerly  wind,  their  crews  concluded  to  turn 
the  delay  to  some  account  by  plundering  the  Indians  of 
their  corn.  Having  effected  a  landing,  they  had  already 
fetched  one  load  to  the  little  vessels,  when  some  Pequots 
made  their  appearance  and  commenced  an  attack  upon 
them.  The  foragers  immediately  threw  down  their  heavy 
sacks  and  formed  in  two  lines ;  those  armed  with  long 
guns  standing  in  front,  and  the  others  drawing  up  in  the 
rear.  The  front  rank  commenced  a  slow,  deliberate  fire 
upon  the  enemy,  while  the  rear  rank  stood  prepared  to 


^;  ""^^l 


*  Gardiner.    Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  XXXIII,  p.  141. 
t  For  accounts  of  this  expedition,  see  Gardiner  and  Undcrhill  in  the  Mass. 
Hist.  Coll.  and  Winthrop,  Vol.  I,  pp.  194—197. 

II* 


too 


aiSTORT   OP   THE    IHOIAH9 


receive  them  with  a  close  volley  if  they  should  attempt 
to   charge.     A  tedious  and  .desultory  combat   ensued 
simdar,  no  doubt,  in  its  nature,  to  the  battles  which  were 
usually  fought  among  the  Indians.     The  shore  at  this 
pUce  consisted,  for  about  a  musket  shot,  of  open  ground, 
and  then  came  the  forest.     In  the  skirts  of  this  the  In' 
dians  took  post,  concealing  themselves  behind  trees,  and 
only  appearing  when  they  stepped  out,  (with  some  ap- 
pearance of  bravado,)  ten  at  a  time,  to  discharge  the!^ 
arrows      These  missiles  were  not  aimed  point  blank,  but 
rose  a  Imle  in  their  flight,  and  were  calculated  to  fall  at 

Enlr  1  ^'T""-  ^'  ""'''  ""^  "-""gh  the  air  the 
Enghsh  would  watch  and  avoid  them,  and  then  gather 
them  np  t„  prevent  them  from  being  shot  a  second  time. 
In  th,s  manner  the  combat  continued  till  towards  night 
when  the  mvaders,  finding  it  impossible  to  carry  off  a„; 
more  phjnder,  retreated  without  molestation  to  their  shal- 

several  of  their  opponents,  while  only  one  of  their  own 
number  wa.  injured  by  the  Indian  missiles.     This  man 
who,  as  It  happened,  was  the  only  one  in  the  party  f„r- 

:rn:rf"^'^^  "■"--- ^•'-•''-/h'''' '4 

cotfr'^f'^r  *"'"  °'''^'='"'''  ""'^  "^^I^-J"'""  of  Endi- 

the;    ^.  K  "  '"  '""'"^  ^"""'^^y  "'  ho^ile  hitherto, 

they  no  onger  hesitated  ;  but  from  this  time  became  the 
open  and  unrelenting  foes  of  the  colonists.     The^w  re 

of  mortified  pride,  and  perhaps  by  a  sagacious  foresight 

•  Winthrop,  Vol.  I,  p.  197, 


f 


1. 
1!P 


or    CONNECTICUT. 


101 


f 


and  manly  policy.     The  ancient  customs  of  their  race  in 
wh.ch  they  had  been  reared  from  ch.Idhood,  „  S 
hat  they  should  take  a  bloody  revenge  for  th    deaths  of ' 
the„  slam  warr.ors.     The  giory  of  their  warlike  tribe  had 

twed  mto  the  heart  of  their  country,  and,  after  burning 

Doubtless  they  remembered  how  the  English  had  inter- 
fered w„h  their  sovereignty  on  the  Connecticut,  and  had 
encouraged  the  former  subjects  and  tributaries  of  the  Pe- 
quots  to  assert  their  independence.     Lastly  they  mav 
have  had  the  wisdon,  to  foresee,  tha,  if  the  progLHf 
these  encroaching  foreigners  was  not  forcibly  checked 
.hey  wo,«d  soon  become  an  over-ma.ch  for  the  aborSnes' 
-d  m,gh.,  „,  the  end,  expel  .hem  from   the  coumry 
They  began  by  resolving  on  the  same  course  of  policy 
winch  the  master  spirits  among  the  American  I'dtnl 
have   repeatedly  adopted   towards   their   civilized  f^es 
Pon..ac  '.  ocum^h  and  the  LUtle  Turtle,  effected  plans 

of  .he  whues.     In  the  same  manner  the  Pequots  resolved 
my  to  lay  aside  their  long.herished  hatred  towarS  ,' 
I^arrag,a„se„s  and  combine  with  them,  if  possible,  again  ' 
those  whom  .hey  fel,  to  be  the  enem.es  of  both      Th 
a  hance  wonld  secure  them  the  assistance  of  a  pow^rfu 

tacked  by  a  dangerous  foe. 
Sassacs,  therefore,  sent  two  sachems  to  the  Narr.gan- 
ts,  for  the  purpose  of  washing  away  all  past  ennfi.y 
■d  of  .nducng  U.a.  tr.be  to  ,ake  up  the  tomahawk  w  th 

h.m  agamst  the  English.     A  general  council  of  the  Nar- 


."ft! 


m 
M 


102 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


ragansett  tribe   was  called,  and  before  this  the  Pequot 
deputies  urged  the  cause  and  the  policy  of  their  nation 
with  great  force.     They  seem  not  to  have  concealed  the 
difficulties  of  a  war  with  the  English;  but  they  proposed 
a  way  in  which  they  might  be  obviated,  and  in  which 
they  thought  the  contest  might  be  carried  on  successfully 
with  but  little  danger.     They  argued  that  it  would  not 
be  necessary  to  meet  the  white  men  in  the  open  field  and 
thus  expose  themselves  to  their  deadly  and  far-reaching 
fire-arms.     They  might  accomplish  their  object,  by  way- 
laying them  while  at  their  work,  setting  fire  to  their 
houses  by  stealth,  destroying  their  cattle,  spoiling  their 
crops;  and  thus  harassing  them  secretly,  yet  unceasingly, 
mitil  they  would  either  be  all  destroyed,  or  forced  by  fear 
and  starvation  to  leave  their  villages  and  fly  across  the  sea 
to  their  own  country.     If  we,  the  Pequots,  are  destroyed, 
they  added,  you  Narragansetts  will  not  long  be  safe  from 
attack  and  overthrow.*    Doubtless,  too,  they  represented, 
in  the  strongest  and  bitterest  terms,  the  faithless  and  un- 
provoked nature  of  the  attack  which  the  English  had 
made  upon  themselves :  how,  while  the  treaty  was  still 
in  full  force,  they  came  to  their  country  and  began  to  kill 
and  destroy;  how,  to  bring  on  a  quarrel,  they  accused 
them  of  what  it  was  well  known  they  had  not  been  guilty, 
participntio!)  in  the  murder  of  OJdham  ;  how  they  had 
attempted  to  extort  from  them  a  large  quantity  of  wam- 
pum, and  had  demanded  some  of  their  children  that  they 
might  carry  them  away  as  hostages,  or  ])erhaps  as  slaves. 
The  Narragansetts  were  moved  by  these  representations, 
and  for  some  time  the  decision  of  that  powerful  tribe 

•  Ilubbnrd's  Indian  Wan,  p.  29. 


> 


OP    CONNECTICUT. 


103 


> 


hung  m  the  balance.  They  were  drawn  by  the  apparent 
justness  of  what  was  advanced  by  the  Pe^uot  messen- 
gers ;  and  they  were  repelled  by  their  old  hatred  of  that 
warlike  tribe,  whose  power  they  feared  not  less  than  that 
of  the  English  colonists. 

One  thing  decided  them.     There  was  living  among 
them,  at  that  time,  a  man  named  Roger  Williams,  who 
has  justly  been  styled  the  founder  of  the  State  of  Rhode 
Island.     In  an  age  of  intolerance  he  had  been  obliged  to 
leave  the  settlements  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  on  account 
01  his  religious  opinions,  and  had  found  an  asylum  in  the 
country  of  the  Narragansetts.     His  upright  conduct  and 
gentle  disposition  ingratiated  him  with  the  sachems,  and 
he  soon  acquired  a  considerable  influence  over  the  policy 
of  the  tribe.     The  magistrates  of  Massachusetts,  having 
heard  of  the  projected  league  between  the  Pequots  and 
Narragansetts,  sent  letters  to  Williams  requesting  him  to 
use  the  most  earnest  and  immediate  efforts  to  prevent  it 
Without  a  moment's  delay,  he   set  off,  in  a  wretched 
canoe,  through  a  heavy  sea,  and  at  the  hazard  of  his  life 
reached  the  abode  of  the  Narragansett  sachems.     Three' 
days  and  nights  he  was  compelled  to  associate  with  the 
Pequot  ambassadors,  whose  hands  seemed  to  him  to  reek 
with  the  blood  of  his  murdered  countrymen,  and  whose 
knives  he  often  expected  at  his  own  throat.    His  influence 
prevailed  ;  and,  after  ''  many  travels  and  charges,"  he  was 
able   to  counteract  the  designs  of  the  Pequots,  and  to 
accomplish  the  formation  of  a  league  between  the  Nar- 
ragansetts  and  the  English  colonies.*  . 
Miantinomo  having  been  sent  for  by  Governor  Henry 

•  Letter  of  Roger  Williams.     Rhode  Island  Ilkt.  Coll.,  Vol.  IH, ,,.  i  qO 


104 


nisTonir  of  the  Indians 


Vane.  ropa,red  to  Boston,  accompanied  by  a  son  of  Canon- 
c«s,  a,„l  one  other  sachem,  with  about  twc.y  warrior! 
rwc,,  y  mnsketecr.  „,e.  .hem  at  Ro.xbnry  „:,  „..::: 
hem  ,„t„  town,  the  governor  received  and  feasted  the 
-    -Chens,  and  the  sa„n<,ps  were  entertained  at  the  iln 
Magistrates  a„<I  minister,  were  all  summoned,  and    he 
=  .au-sk.rted  puritans  and  half-nalced   warrior    m      to 
eother  u,  solemn  eonneil.     A  treaty  was  easily  concluded 
"■  ...ore  eastly  as  the  Indians  d.d  not  uuderstLd  it ,  and 
1.0  next  u,or.nng  it  received  the  signature  of  the  gov- 
cr.u.r  and  the  marks  of  llie  Indian  sachems. 

There  was  to  be  firm  and  ,«r,»,ual  ,»ace  between  the 
Enghsh  and  the  Narragansetts.     Neiil^r  party  was  to 

th.r      I  he  N,„agausetts  were  to  harbor  none  of  the 

M.rrtnde,  all  nmrderers  of  the  English.     The  colonists 
were  to  g.vo  the  Narragansetts  n„„ee  when  they  maXd 
agau.s.  the  enemy,  and  the  Narragansetts  were  to^ 
tl.-n  wuh  gu,des.     None  of  the  Narragansetts  were   o 
opproaoh  the  settlements  during  the  war'  without  bdng 
accompanjed  by  some  Englishman,  or  by  some  Ind  an 
who  wa.  known  to  the  colonists.     There  was  to  be  free 
mdo  between  the  parties.     Lastly,  the  agreement  waf  „ 
contnme  from  the  present  generation  to  posterity 

the  trea  y,  a  copy  of  u  was  given  thou,,  that  .hoy  n.iglu 
carry  ,t  home  and  have  it  explained  to  them  by  their  good 
f nend.  Roger  Wdliams.     Such  was  the  ease  and  sim 
.cuy  w.,h  which  diploutatic  affairs  were  tran™cted  „ 
.hose  pr.nut.ve  day,  w.th   the  good-hu.nored  ~ 


f 


I 

I 

L 


^■:sAmmc.  - 


i 


OP    CONNECTICUT.  JQ/j 

Miantin^mo  and  his  train  were  dismissed  with  a  volley 
of  musketry,  and  returned  home  much  flattered  by  their 
alliance  with  the  wise  and  powerful  foreigners  * 

111  this  manner  the  Pequots  found  themselves  not  only 
left  to  their  own  resources,  but  exposed  to  the  attack  of  a 
strong  coalition.    They  made  no  proposals  for  peace,  howr- 
ever,  and,  owing  partly  to  their  native  courage,  partly  to 
their  Ignorance,  they  were  probably  undismayed  by  their 
situation.     They  doubtless  expected  that  a  few  dozens 
of  warriors  would  be  slain,  that  a  few  scores  of  scalps 
would  be  taken,  that  six  or  eight  prisoners  would  be  burnt 
at  the  stake,  and  that  then  the  war  would  be  closed  by 
one  side  or  the  other  paying  a  few  hundred  fathoms  of 
wampum.     Little  did  they  know  of  that  method  of  fight- 
mg,  which  strikes  right  at  the  vitals  of  an  enemy,  and 
hazards  much  with  the  hope  of  gaining  all. 

Thcr  nearest  English  to  their  coun^-v  were  those  who 
occupied  the  little  fort  at  Saybrook.     Towards  these  the 
Pequots  turned  their  attention,  and  soon  contrived  to  re- 
taliate  for  the   mischiefs  which   had   been  inflicted  on 
themselves.     Gardiner,  the  commander  of  the  fort,  fore- 
seeing-what  would  ensue,  had,  immediately  on  the  return 
of  Ins  men  from  Pequot  Harbor,  set  about  securing  the 
crops  which  had  been  raised  by  the  garrison.    There  was 
a  cornfield  at  some  distance  from  the  fortress,  apparently 
near  the  banks  of  the  river,  and  furnished  with  a  small 
building  both  for  storage  and  defense.     As  it  wa.  now 
autumn  and  the  corn  ripe,  Gardiner  went  with  a  number 
of  the  garrison,  cut  a  portion  of  the  corn,  and  stored  it  in 
the  house.     He  then  left  five  men  to  guaid  it  until  a 

•  Winthrop,  Vol.  I,  p.  198. 


It'r 


li 


Wi" 


106 


HISTORY   OF    THE    INDIANS 


shallop  could  be  sent  from  the  fort  to  bring  it  away ;  and, 
as  he  was  a  prudent  and  even  cautious  man,  he  gave  them 
strict  orders  not  to  wander  far  from  the  building.  The 
five  men,  however,  finding  themselves  armed  with  long 
guns,  and  not  having  seen  or  heard  of  any  enen'^'^  as  yet, 
in  that  vicinity,  determined  to  take  the  c  v  >  lity  oi 
shooting  fowl.  Three  of  them  went  out  for  ^.arpose, 
one  furnished  with  a  sword  and  gun,  the  others  with 
guns  only.  They  rambled  about  a  mile  from  the  fort, 
made  the  quiet  woods  ring  with  the  reports  of  their  long 
pieces,  had  excellent  success,  and  finally  set  out,  loaded 
with  fowl,  on  their  return.  But  all  this  while  a  large 
body  of  Pequots  had  been  watching  them  from  the 
thickets  and  long  grass,  keeping  out  of  their  way  as  they 
pushed  on,  but  carefully  closing  up  behind  their  backs. 
The  incautious  sportsmen  soon  fell  into  this  ambuscade, 
when  immediately  a  horrible  yell  was  raised,  and  what 
seemed  to  them  as  many  as  a  hundred  warriors  rose  and 
poured  in  upon  them  a  shower  of  arrows.  The  swords- 
man was  pierced  through  the  leg  by  one  of  these  missiles  ; 
but,  drawing  his  weapon,  he  rushed  with  a  stout  and 
brave  heart  upon  the  savages,  and  broke  through'  tlicm, 
shouting  loudly  to  his  companions  to  follow.  But  they 
had  no  weapons  for  close  conflict;  they  were  besides 
petrified  with  terror  at  the  sudden  and  frightful  assault ; 
they  stood  motionless,  and  allowed  the  Pequots  to  come 
and  take  their  pieces  out  of  their  hands.  They  were 
bound,  led  away,  and  afterwards  tortured  to  the  death. 
The  gallant  swordsman  reached  the  house  without  further 
harm,  and  brought  to  his  astonished  companions  the  news 
of  the  catastrophe.     The  next  day  several  men  arrived  in 


■% 


OP    CONNECTICUT. 


107 


^%^', 
^^v 


a  shallop,  to  finish  the  harvesting  of  the  com.     Finding 
what  had  happened,  they  were  so  terrified  that,  taking  on 
board  what  was  already  cut,  and  those  of  the  little  gar 
nson  who  were  left,  they  hastily  re-embarked  for  the  fort 
They  had  only  got  a  httle  way  from  the  shore,  when 
lookmg  back,  they  saw  a  smoke,  and  then  a  blaze,  and 
perceived  that  the  store-house  was  already  in  flames  * 

Immediately  on  their  return,  a  man,  who  is  repeaiedly 
mentioned  by  Gardiner  in  his  narrative  as  old  Mr.  Mitchell 
came  to  him  to  borrow  the  shallop.     He  wanted  to  go  to 
Six  Mile  Island  in  the  Connecticut,  he  said,  to  gather 
hay ;  and  he  had  procured  four  men  to  assist  him      The 
lieutenant  objected.     -  You  are  too  few,"  said  he ;  -  your 
four  men  are  only  enough  to  carry  the  hay;  you  ought 
to  have  one  to  stand  in  the  boat  to  defend  it,  and  two 
more  to  keep  back  the  savages  if  they  run  down  upon 
you."     Old  Mr.  Mitchell  was  still  importunate,  and  Gardi- 
ner,  having  advised  him  to  scour  the  meadow  with  dogs 
before  he  commenced  his  work,  allowed  him  to  take  the 
shallop.     All  precautions  were  neglected,  and  the  men  on 
reaching  the  island,  immediately  proceeded  to  load  them- 
selves with  hay.     While  thus  encumbered,  the  Peqtiots 
suddenly  rose  out  of  the  long  grass,  and  attacked  them 
with  the  usual  yells  and  shower  of  missiles.     Old  Mr 
Mitchell  and  three  of  the  others  threw  down  their  loads' 
ran  at  full  speed  to  the  river,  tumbled  into  the  shallop  and 
got  off-  without  harm.     The  fifth,  whom  Winthrop  speaks 
ot  as  "a  godly  young  man  named  Butterfield,"  was  taken 
with  the  hay  on  his  I    -k  and  subsequently  roasted  alive.f 

•  Gardiner.   Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  XXXIII.  p.  142 
Voutm   """"■  '''''•  ""'"•'  ''°'  '''''''"'  ''•  ''^'  '^-    Winthrop. 


^•^1 


108 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


i-    ! 


The  next  incident  of  this  nature  which  occurred  seems 
to  have  been  the  surprise  and  massacre  of  Joseph  Tillv 
'   and  one  other.     Tilly,  a  brave  and  hardy  man,  but  of  a 
passionate  and  willful  temper,  commanded  a  small  vessel 
With  which  he  performed  trading  and  carrying  voyages 
along  the  coast  of  New  England.     He  arrived  first  at 
Saybrook,  where  he  had  a  violent  altercation  with  Gar- 
diner about  some  orders  which  the  lieutenant  had  estab- 
ished  relative  to  vessels  sailing  on  the  Connecticut.     At 
leavmg  the  fort  he  was  warned  of  the  danger  of  going  on 
shore  while  in  this  part  of  the  river,  but  received  the 
warnmg  with  contempt.     On  getting  about  three  miles 
above  Saybrook,  he  landed,  with  one  of  his  crew,  to  shoot 
fowl      The  moment  he  had  discharged  his  gun  a  large 
number  of  Pequots  rose  from  the  long  grass,  and  male 
them  both  prisoners.     They  killed  Tilly's  companion  on 
the  spot,  and  then  carried  Tilly  himself  across  the  river 
in  sight  of  the  English  at  Saybrook,  who  could  plaini; 
see  him,  but  could  not  assist  him.     They  cut  off  his 
hands,   then  his   feet,  thrust   hot  embers  between    the 
flesh  and  skin,  and  thus  put  an  end  to  his  life  by  linoer- 
ing   tortures.     His   firm   and  hardened  temper  enabled 
him  to  bear  his   suiferings    without  a  groan ;  and  the 
ferocious  Pequots  themselves  admired  and  celebrated  his 
heroism.* 

All  winter  the  fort  was  held  in  a  kind  of  siege  The 
Indians  were  continually  lurking  around  it ;  and  no  man 
of  the  garrison  could  stir  out  without  fear,  and  danger  of 
his  life.     The  out-houses  and  stacks  of  hay  were  burned  ; 

•  Gardiner.  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol    XXXTir   n  H7     «r-  .u 

p.  m.  u„d„hiii.  M...  Hi...  cXvflxxvi.  p '  5.      '"'••  '^'"-  '• 


,. 


l\ 


i8g*s«s»s?*®«»s* 


,<.^ssi^gaa^M!i®to*v^***^^^" 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


109 


one  of  the  cows  was  killed  in  the  fields,  and  others  came 
home  with  arrows  sticking  in  them. 

On  the  fourth  of  March  [1637]  Gardiner,  with  ten  men 
and  three  dogs,  went  out  to  burn  the  long  grass  and  rushes 
which  covered  the  neck  of  that  point  of  land  on  which 
the  fort  was  situated.     Twenty  trees  had  previously  been 
felled  here ;  and  his  object  was  to  roll  them  to  the  water- 
side, and  from  thence  float  them  home.     Two  sentinels 
were  placed  at  the  mouth  of  the  neck ;  and  then,  every 
man  being  provided  with  brimstone  matches  and  a  quan- 
tity  of  match,  they  began  to  set  fire  to  the  reeds.     The 
neck  was  soon  burned  over,  and  Gardiner  called  to  his 
men  to  come  away ;  but  they  replied  that  they  would  first 
use  up  the  rest  of  their  matches.     As  the  flames  spread 
on,  four  Pequots   started   up  from   their  lurking  places 
among  the  reeds  and  ran  away.     At  the  same  time  the 
two  sentmels  shouted  to  Gardiner,  that  a  number  of  In- 
dians were  coming  out  of  the  other  side  of  the  marsh 
He  ran  forward  to  attack  them ;  but  at  this  moment  an 
ambuscade  which  had  been  lying  concealed  rose,  and, 
m  the  usual  style,  poured  in  a  volley  of  arrows.     Two 
of  the  English  threw  down  their  guns  and  ran  for  the 
fort ;  two  were  shot  dead,  two  more  severely  wounded  ; 
and  Gardiner  himself  received  an  arrow  in  the  thigh' 
while  a  number  of  others  stuck  in  his  buff"  coat.     The 
English  retreated,  defending  themselves  with  their  guns 
and  swords,  and  reached  the  fort  without  further  loss 
Here  Gardiner  found  the  two  cowards  who  had  run  away 
whole  and  sound,  but  without  their  guns,  while  the  two 
wounded  men  had  brought  theirs  off  with  them.     His 
wrath  was  so  moved  at  their  poltroonery  that  he  resolved  to 


'>|! 


110 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


let  them  araw  lots  which  should  be  hung ;  "for,"  said  he 
"  the  articles  do  hang  up  in  the  hall  for  every  one  to  read' 
and  you  have  known  what  they  were  this  long  time  past  ''" 
But  old  Mr.  Mitchell,  who  probably  had  more  sympathy 
for  runaways,  as  having  himself  once  scampered  for  life 
interceded  so  hard  for  the  culprits,  and  was  so  earnestly 
backed  by  others,  that  the  lieutenant  finally  gave  up  his 
design.* 

As  soon  as  Gardiner's  wound  was  healed  he  went  out 
with  eight  men,  and  found  both  the  guns,  and  the  body 
of  one  of  the  slain  colonists.  An  arrow  had  entered  the 
right  side,  passed  entirely  through  the  chest,  and  pierced 
one  of  the  opposite  ribs.  He  caused  this  arrow  to  be  pre- 
served, with  the  intention  of  .^ending  it  to  the  Bay  •  for 
the  men  of  the  Bay  had  asserted  that  the  Indian  bows 
were  feeble  things,  and  not  to  be  feared  in  battle.f 

Elated  with  these  successes,  the  Pequots,  some  dressed 
m  English  clothes,  soui-  armod  with  English  weapons 
would  occasionally  come  round  the  fort,  and,  calling  to 
the  soldiers,  address  them  with  jeers  and  defiance.    «  Come 
out  and  get  your  clothes  again,"  they  shouted.     "Come 
out  and  fight  if  you  dare.     You  dare  not  fight ;  you  ar- 
all  one  like  women.     We  have  one  amongst  us,  who,  if 
he  could  kill  one  more  of  you,  would  be  equal  with  God  • 
and  as  the  Englishman's  God  is,  so  would  he  be."    Then 
would  they  shriek  and  groan  in  imitation  of  those  miser- 
able colonists  whom  they  hac    tortured,  and  once  more 
call  on  the  English,  if  they  were  men,  to  come  out  and 
revenge  their  slaughtered  friends.    Underbill,  who  records 

•  Gaidiner.   Mass.  Hist.  Coll..  Vol.  XXXIII,  pp.  143, 144 
t  Gardiner.  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  XXXIII,  p.  144. 


^^t^-~~-.:^-stmn 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


in 


M 


these  taunts,  adds  that  the  soldiers  were  greatly  troubled 
at  such  blasphemous  speeches,  but  could  do  nothing  in 
the  matter  at  present  on  account  of  the  fewness  of  their 
own  numbers.* 

Some  time  in  April  [1637]  a  small  vessel  arrived  at  the 
fort,  havmg  on  board  Thomas  Stanton,  a  man  well  ac- 
quamted  with  the  Indian  language,  and  long  useful  as  an 
mterpreter  to  the  colonial  authorities.    While  he  remained 
there,  waiting  for  a  fair  wind,  a  number  oi  armed  warriors 
were  s(.en  one  day  to  come  to  a  low  hill  within  musket 
shot  of  the  pickets,  and  lie  down  behind  some  large  trees 
Gardmer  immediately  had  the  two  little  cannons  of  the 
fort  pomted  towards  the  spot,  and  gave  orders  that  they 
should  be  fired  when  he  waved  his  hat.     Three  of  the 
Indians  soon  came  forward  and  asked  for  a  parley;  upon 
which  Gardiner  and  Stanton  walked  out  a  few  rods  to 
meet  them.     Both  parties  advanced  cautiously,  each  call- 
ing on  the  other  to  come  nearer.     The  two  Englishmen 
finally  reached  the  stump  of  a  large  tree  and  halted. 
The  Indians  demanded  who  they  were.     Stanton  replied 
that  It  was  the  Leftenant,  and  himself,  Thomas  Stanton. 
"It  IS  false,"  said  they;  "we  saw  Leftenant,  the  other 
day,  shot  full  of  arrows."     When  Gardiner  spoke,  how- 
ever, they  recognized  his  voice ;  for  one  of  them  had 
lived  three  months  at  the  fort,  and  only  ran  away  when 
Endicott's  expedition   arrived.     « Will   you  fight  with 
Nehantics?"   they   asked.      "The   Nehantics   are   your 
friends,  and  we  have  come  to  tradp  with  yon."    "  We  do 
not  know  the  Indians  one  from  another,"  replied  Stanton, 
"  and  therefore  will  trade  with  none  of  them." 

*  Mass.  Hist.  Coll  .  Vol.  XXXVI,  p.  11. 
12* 


113 


HISTOKT   OF    THE    INDIANS 


Indians.     "  Have  you  had  fighting  enough  ?" 
Stanton.     "  We  do  not  know  that  yet." 

dren  *"""■      " ''  ''  '"""'  ""^""^  '"  '''"  "'"""™  ^^  <=''«- 
Stanton.     "  You  shall  see  that  hereafter." 

then      '"f  T  """^  '""'  "'"'  '"""'  »  «hort  time,  and 
then  one  of  them  again  s^ke,  and  said  .•  "  We  arL  Pe- 

quots ;  and  have  killed  Englishmen,  and  ean  kill  them  as 

musketoes;  and  we  will  go  to  Connecticut  and  kill  men 

and  women  and  children,  and  carry  away  the  horses! 

cows  and  hogs."     Stanton  translated  this  to  Gardiner 

and  begged  him  to  shoot  that  rogue,  saying  that  he  hai 

an  Englishman's  coat  on,  and  had  boasted  of  kUling  three 

of  the  white  people.     "  No,"  replied  Gardiner,  "  i,  is  not 

he  manner  of  a  parley ;  but  have  patience,  and  I  will  fit 

hem  before  they  go."     He  then  addressed  the  Indians 

hrough  Stanton,  and  advised  them  mockingly  not  to  go 

to  Connecticut;  "for,"  said  he,  "if  you  kill  all  the  Enl 

l.sh  there  ,t  will  do  you  no  good,  only  hurt.     English 

women  are  lazy  and  can't  do  your  work  ;  the  horses  and 

cows  will  spoil  your  cornfields;  the  hogs  will  root  np 

your  clam-banks ,  and  so  you  will  be  completely  undone! 

But  look  here,  at  our  fort;  here  are  twenty  pieces  of 

tmckmg  cloth,  and  hoes  and  hatchets,  and  all  manner  of 

trade ;  you  had  better  kill  us  and  get  these  things  before 

you  trouble  yourselves  to  go  up  to  Connecticut."* 

The  Pequots  were  furious  at  these  taunts;  and,  put- 

tmg  an  abrupt  end  to  the  parley,  they  bounded  away 

As  soon  as  they  had  reached  the  trees  where  they  firsi 


^ 


JJ!^/«fe,!ji!S^#..v-jfiSiMtti«i^" 


Y 


OF    CONNECTICUT.  jio 

appeared,  Gardiner  waved  hi.  hat,  the  two  Iillip„,ia„ 
cannons  were  fired,  and,  as  the  lieutenant  says,  j>ZZ 
a  great  hubbub  among  the  savages  *  P™0"eea 

field  tTJr°"  ""  ■"""  '"^  ""'^  ^""*«  "f  ^"hers- 
held,  up  the  Connecticut  River,  which  the  inhabitants  of 
that  place  seem  to  have  provoked  by  their  own  v^e„ 

large  tract  of  land  was  sold  them  by  Sequin  or  Sowhea. 
oncondmon  that  he  might  reside  near  them  and  .1":; 

.^nown,  quarrelled  :rhtlfdr:vThr:uroT  :: 
neighborhood.     Finding  himself  thus  unChUvtreatl; 

rg::s:i=^'-'°^-~^^^^^^^^ 

.e^TettrXld^-lrrlVa  ^ZZ^^^T  -- 

^nf:tr  L^='h^  r  ^-^^ 

back  to  thT'vma  :    '  *:':  .Tai^  "-<'  -0  ^^"'oped 

whomheme.and^nf„rr;:f^t™ang:i:st:a7:; 
flymg,  began  to  ask  incredulouslv  what  P»f  ,  u    ^ 

about,  and  how  the  Pe,uots  StL'^::  .'';-'^;^ 
horseman,  thinking  his  time  too  precious  to  b^d  i„ 
disputmg  the  matter,  left  them  and  galloped  0!^ 

•  Gardin.,.  Mas.  Hi,t.  Coll.,  Vol.  XXXIII.p.  144_„„ 


\i  i 


114 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


sudden  approach  of  the   savage   warriors  dispelled  the 
women's  doubts,  and  they  attempted  to  escape  ;  but  three 
of  them  were  taken.    Two  were  girls,  who  allowed  them- 
selves to  be  carried  away  without  resistance.    The  other 
struggled  against  her  captors  so  stoutly,  biting  and  kicking 
them,  that  one  of  the  Indians  became  exasperated  and 
dashed  out  her  brains.     The  Pequots  pushed  on,  sur- 
prised  many  of  the  people  at  work  in  the  fields,  killed 
two  other  women  and  six  men,  destroyed  twenty  cows 
and  inflicted  considerable  injury  upon  the  other  property 
of  the  settlers.*  f    f     y 

The  report  of  this  successful  foray  reached  Saybrook 
two  days  after  it  took  place  ;  on  the  second  day  following 
the  successful  warriors  were  seen  coming  down  the  river' 
There  were  many  canoes  of  them  ;  they  saug  and  shouted 
m  token  of  triumph  ;  and  some  of  them  held  aloft  shirts 
which  they.had  taken  from  the  unfortunate  colonists  of 
Wethersfield.    In  one  of  the  canoes  could  be  seen  the  two 
captive  girls;  the  one  sixteen  years  of  age,  the  other 
younger ;  and  both  daughters  of  one  man,  named  Abraham 
Swain.     When  the  Indians  were  opposite  the  fort,  a  can- 
non 3hot  was  fired  at  them ;  diey  were  near  the  eastern 
bank,  more  than  a  mile  distant,  but  the  ball  fell  amon<. 
the  fleet  of  canoes,  and  not  far  from  the  one  which  co„! 
tamed  the  two  prisoners.     The  Pequots  were  startled  by 
this  shot ;  but,  drawing  their  slight  vessels  over  a  narrow 
beach,  they  passed  on  their  way  without  further  peril.f 


;mti,™««*.««-**''—  -r^f^'r.T 


OF    CONNECTICUT.      ^ 


116 


John  Mason,  John  Underhill,  and  Lieutenant  Seely  all 
famous  warriors  of  those  times,  were  now  in  the  garLn 
at  Saybrook.  They  sometimes  marched  out,  with  twenty 
men,  to  scour  the  country,  but  could  never  discover  a 
tece  euher  of  Pequot  or  Nehantic.  They  learned  after- 
wards, that  the  Indians  were  constantly  lurking  near,  but 

furmshed  wrth  fire-arms,  they  did  not  dare  to  venture  an 

whT.Th"','  r*"™  ""''"™  ^^  "*"  ^«  'he  manner  in 
wh,ch  the  Indians  condacted  their  wars,  and  understand 
.1.  plan  by  wh.ch  the  Peqnots  proposed  to  carry  on,  and 
finish,  he,r  contest  with  the  colonists.  While  th,'  triiing 
.h,ey.sh  and  assassin-like  mode  of  warfare  may  justly 
exc,.e  our  contempt,  we  must  regard  it  as  a  biUer  and 
=«U,ng  satne  upon  all  those  magnificent  schemes  of  hos- 
. ty  m  wh,ch  even  civil.^ed  and  Christian  nations  take 

and  smless  state  can  be   affected  by  such  an  emotion 
towards  what  .s  so  deserving  of  pity  and  abhorrence,  h  w 

who  ca,7  7"  ,'"'  """"""'  °'  "--  -mmu  itie" 
who,  calhng  themselves  enlightened,  moral  and  religious 
do  ye  co,.nte„ance  and  practice  a  system  so  characteristic 
of  wild  beasts  and  savages  !  Looking  down  upon  this 
.u.for.nnate  world,  they  see  panthers  and  wolves  tearing 
out  each  other's  entrails  with  claws  and  teeth  ;  thev  see 
-vage  men  knocking  out  each  qther's  brains  ;ith  stone 
tomahawks,  and  flaying  each  other's  heads  with  sharp 
PHices  of  fli„, ,  and  they  behold  the  hired  soldiers  of 
christian  republics  and  catholic  majesties  sending  each 

•  UnderhiU.     Mii«i.  Hi,t.  Coll..  Vol.  XXXVI,  p.  IJ. 


116 


msTORT   OF  THE   INDIANS,    VTC. 


Other  out  Of  the  world  with  instruments  of  death  onl^ 
and  oalcula  ed  to  produce  a  wider  destruction      In  wt 

Wnit  1™  h""'"""'"   "'  ^"^'''=^'  ^°'^''»-"-  and 
breT  that  a,^  "  """''  "^'"'"^'^  '■™™  '"e  human 

maxims  fttCilt  '"'^"'  ^'°^^  ""«  ^-""^^  »<' 


J 


'!! 


only 
•ught 
view 
aim; 

and 
man 
nity 
IS  to 
and 


CHAPTER    IV. 

THE    OVERTHROW    OP    THE    PE^UOTS. 

This  war,  desultory  and  feeble  as  it  was  compared 
with   European   wars,   reduced   the   few  and  scattered 
settlers  of  Connecticut  to  great  distress.     They  could 
neither  hunt,  nor  fowl,  nor  fish,  but  in  fear;  nor  could 
they  go  out  safely  to  work  in  their  fields  without  burden- 
ing themselves  with  instruments  of  defense.     The  dread 
of  a  cunning  and  ferocious  enemy  hung  over  them  all  the 
day,  and  disturbed  their  rest  by  night.     No  woman  felt 
certain,  when  her  husband  left  her  in  the  morning,  that 
she  should  not,  before  the  sun  went  down,  see  his  lifeless 
corpse  brought  home,  hacked  by  the  Indian  tomahawks 
No  man  could  feel  sure,  on  parting  with  his  family  to  go 
out  in  the  fields,  that  he  should  not  return  only  to  find 
his  home  desolate,  and  his  wife  and  children  either  mur- 
dered or  curried  off  by  the  Pequots.     We  who  live  in 
quiet  and  at  rest,  with  no  destroyer  to  come  up  against 
"s,  can  but  ill  realize  the  gloom  and  sickening  anxiety 
of  such  an  evil  time.     The  settlers  were  poor  at  the  best, 
suffering  under  the  lack  of  most  of  the  comforts  of  civili- 
zation, and  even  under  a  deficiency  of  food.     No  help 
had  been  received  from  the  colonies  of  the  Bay:  no  help 
except  the  ill-starred  expedition  of  Endicott,  which,  as 
Gardmer  foretold,  had  only  started  the  wasps  out  of  their 
nests.     Late  in  the  winter,  the  members  of  the  General 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 

Court  of  Connecticut  wrote  letters  concerning  the  situa- 
tion of  affairs  to  the  government  of  Massachusetts.    They 
expressed  strong  dissatisfaction  with  the  management  of 
Endicott's  expedition;    they   mentioned   the   sufferings 
which  the  colonists  of  Connecticut  had  endured  in  con- 
sequence of  it;  they  urged  the  people  of  the  Bay,  since 
they  had  provoked  the  war,  to  prosecute  it  with  more 
energy ;  and  they  declared,  in  conclusion,  that  their  fel- 
low settlers  were  determined  to  send  an  armament  which 
should  attack  the  enemy  in  his  own  country.* 

Immediately  after  this  followed  the  disaster  at  Wethers- 
field,  mentioned  in  the  last  chapter ;  and,  amidst  the 
pressure  of  these  continued  calamities,  was  summoned,  at 
Hartford,  on  the  eleventh  of  May,  one  of  the  most  im- 
portant  meetings  which  ever  took  place  of  the  legislative 
power  of  Connecticut.     The  General  Court  on  this  occa- 
sion consisted  of  two  magistrates  and  three  committee 
men  from  each  of  the  three  towns,  Windsor,  Hartford  and 
Wethersfield,  which  composed  the  colony.     The  pros- 
pect, they  agreed,  was  dark.     Nearly  thirty  of  the  En- 
hsh  had  been  slain.     The  enemy  were  numerous,  a.^d 
seemed  to  be  little  depressed  by  the  defection  of  their 
subjects  the  river  Indians,  or  the  hostility  of  their  late 
allies,  the  Narragansetts.     What  they  wa.ited  m  arms  and 
audacity  they  made  up  in  subtilty  and  knowledge  of  iho 
country.     Past  experience  proved  that  a  defensive  war 
was  of  but  little  use ;  and  there  were  few  means  indeed 
of  carrymg  on  an  offensive  one.     There  were  twenty  or 
thirty  men  at  Saybrook  ;  the  three  towns  contaiued  about 
two  hundred  and  fifty  more ;  and  this  was  the  whole 

•  Winthrop,  Vol.  I,  p.  917. 


Il, 


III 


^:^^S^^^mMmmmmmimmmm^^^ 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


119 


If.      .1    ''^'"^-     ^'  "'  ^^^P'  ^'^'^'''  had  been 
offered  by  Massachusetts,  and  as  it  was   evident  that 

some  decided  measure  must  be  taken,  the  Court  re- 
solved that  an  offensive  war  should  be  commenced 
against  the  Pequots.  It  was  ordered  that  for  the  first 
campaign,  ninety  men  should  be  raised;  forty-two  by 
Hartford,  thirty  by  Windsor,  and  eighteen  by  Wethers- 
neld.  1  he  necessary  supplies  were  voted ;  Mr.  Stone 
mmister  at  Hartford,  was  appointed  to  go  as  chaplain,- 
and  John  Mason,  lately  stationed  at  Saybrook,  was  fixed 
upon  as  commander-in-chief* 

John  Mason  was  a  brave  soldier,  who  had  been  bred  to 
arms  in  the  Netherlands  under  Sir  Thomas  Fairfax:  and 
had  attracted  the  notice  of  that  general  by  his  abi:ities 
and  courage.  He  was  tall  and  large  in  form,  of  an  ener- 
getic, and  even  stern,  but  not  headlong  dispositioii,  and 
of  a  moral,  if  not  a  religious  character.  No  better  choice 
could  have  been  made  by  the  Court  of  a  commander  in 
tins  important  crisis.f 

We  have  already  mentioned  the  rebellion  of  Uncas  the 
son  of  0^veneco,  against  Sassacus ;  and  we  shall  now  see 
of  how  much  use  he  made  himself  to  the  English,  and  how 
deeply  he  revenged  his  past  misfortunes  upon  his  country- 
men. Smarting  with  disappointed  ambition,  with  mortified 
pride,  and  with  a  desire  of  vengeance,  this  traitor  to  the 
1  equot  race  now  came  to  Hartford,  at  the  head  of  a  small 
band  of  follou  ers,  to  assist  the  colonists.  He  was  joined 
by  a  number  of  river  Indians,  probably  from  about  Wind- 

.ioL^^lrxl?;^'^;^"'^"'^'     ^"^-'  ^^--huseUsHi.oHea,Col.ec- 
t  Allen's  Biog.  Die.  of  New  England. 

13 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 

sor  and  Hartford,  and  thus  found  himself  at  the  head  of 
seventy  warriors. 

In  the  meantime,  Massachusetts  and  Plymouth  had 
been  aroused,  and  the  latter  had  voted  forty,  the  former 
two  hundred,  men,  to  assist  in  prosecuting  the  war     As 
It  was  reported  that  the  Pequots  had  sent  their  women 
and  children,  for  safety,  to  Block  Island,  Captain  Daniel 
Patrick  and  forty  men  were  dispatched  overland  by  Massa- 
chusetts, to  join  with  the  Narragansetts,  and  pass  over  in 
canoes  to  the  island.     Having  conquered  it,  they  were 
to  return  to  the  main  land,  and  assist  the  Connecticut 
troops  m  the  campaign  against  the  main  body  of  the 
Pequots.* 

On  the  20th  of  May,  1637,  Mason,  at  the  head  of 
mnety  Englishmen  and  seventy  Indians,  embarked  at 
Hartfc^d  on  board  a  pink,  a  pinnace  and  a  shallop,  and 
began  to  drop  down  the  river.     The  water  was  low  •  the 
vessels  repeatedly  got  aground  ;  and,  at  their  own  request 
the  Indian  allies  were  set  on  shore  to  proceed  to  Saybrook 
by  land.     On  their  way  through  the  forests,   they  fell 
in  with  thirty  or  forty  of  the  enemy,  and  killed  sovcn 
of  them,  with  no   loss  to  themsel.es  except  one  man 
wounded.     The  two  parties  arrived  without  farther  ad- 
venture  at  Saybrook,  where  the  English  were  delighted 
by  hearing  of  the  exploit  of  Uncas,  which  they  looked 
upon  as  a  sure  pledge  of  his  fidelity.f    Lieutenant  Gardi- 
ner,  however,  was  still  suspicious  of  him,  and  said  to 
Mason  :  "  How  dare  you  trust  the  Mohegans,  who  have 
out  a  year  come  from  the  enemy  ?'• 

•  Winthrop,  Vol.  I,  p.  222. 

tMDson.     Ma8fl.ni.t.  Coll..  Vol.  XVIII.  p.  133. 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


121 


t 


"  We  are  forced  to  trust  them,"  replied  the  captain  ; 
"for  we  want  them  to  guide  us." 

Gardiner  was  still  unsatisfied,  and  calling  Uncas  to 
him,  he  said :  "  You  say  you  will  help  Captain  Mason, 
but  I  will  first  see  it :  therefore  send  twenty  men  to  Bass 
River,  for  there  went,  last  night,  six  Indians  there,  in  a 
canoe  :  fetch  them,  dead  or  alive,  and  you  shall  go  with 
Mason  ;  else  you  shall  not." 

Uncas  did  as  he  was  required ;  his  warriors  found  the 
enemy,  killed  four  of  them,  and  took  another,  named 
Kiswas,  prisoner.*     Kiswas  had  lived  a  long  time  at  the 
fort,  and  could  speak  English  tolerably  well  ,•  but  since 
the  commencement  of  the  war  he  had  acted  as  a  constant 
spy  upon  the  garrison,  and  had  been  present  at  all  the 
massacres  of  English  which  had  occurred  in  the  neigh- 
borhood.    He  seems  to  have  been  a  bold  and  cunning 
savage ;  and  now,  in  his  extremity,  he  showed  neither 
fear  nor  sorrow,  but  braved  his  captors  to  do  their  worst. 
The  Mohegans  demanded  permission  to  torture  him ;  and 
the  English  made  no  attempt  to  save  a  man  who  had 
assisted  in  the  tortures  of  their  own  countrymen.     The 
mode  of  execution  was  horrible.     One  of  the  captive's 
legs  was  tied  to  a  post,  a  rope  was  fastened  to  the  other, 
and  twenty  warriors  pulled  him  asunder.     Underbill  put 
an  end  to  the  sufferings  of  the  miserable   wretch,  by 
shooting  him  through  the  head  with  a  pistol.f 

A  little  before  the  army  reached  Saybrook,  a  Dutch 
vessel  arrived  in  the  river,  and  cast  anchor  under  the 
cannon  of  the  fort.    The  garrison,  learning  from  the  crew 

•  Gardiner.     Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  XXIII,  p.  149. 
t  Vincent.     Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  XXXVI,  p.  36. 


;l. 


ijf 


122 


HISTORV    OF    THE    INDIANS 


dians  w'h  te«,;r2  1  '"'  """'''  ^"^P'^  '"«  In- 
laid imn^edia^Te  ^^d"";'"  "'  '»"^''  ^'-h 
altercationensued  which  In  ,  '™^"  '>^='<'^-  An 
"y  offering,  if  hllil     '  "?"  '^"^'^  P"'"""  «"d  to, 

'0  ransom';,.  tTSSiT'"''"""'^^^^ 

'ives.     Thi.  offe,  being  al'ptd^h  ""'  ""^  "  "^''P- 

voyage,  and  soon  came  to  fT'        ^  '^"""""ed  their 

">en  called Pe^no^rLr    Ti.e"  :,:!  T" '""'""'' 
with  an  offer  to  tradp  •  .,   ■       u  ^^^°'^'  "^  "S"a', 

i"  return  for  Z^iJ^^l  T'^'"' '"'"  "'^^  -'--^ 

'WO  English  girls  whom  ,h!  P    '' "°' '™"''™' ''"'  ">« 

fiom  Wethersfield      Sal  """'  ''="'  ""*<»  «*"7 

'e.  the  captives^:     iTeZjl  """'  ^"^  "''"■^^'^  '» 

unscrnpulously    and  hn.  '"  '™"' '"  ^°*  "ore 

of  Whom  wer' '  :^^:::\r:""f  r"  "'^"'  -- 

"ade  them  prisoners  o  1  f  1  """'  "°^^^'>  'h«y 
Pequots  who  stood  on  Z.  t  "  ""^"  ^^"•'''  '"  '"o 
here  seven  of  your  people  o/h'!,'  ""  ""'^  "  ^^  "-« 
=ire  them  again  ye  must  2  .""  ''^^^'-     '^  ^^  de- 

™.  "s  .ui:..y  whrr^r:;i,t  r,:T  ^■'■'^- 

wiJI  hoist  sail  and  turn  .11  '    °''  ^^  "^^  we 

main  ocean."     Th    Pe;    r,"  TV "'■'""'^''  """'h" 
threat,  and  stoutly  r!  led  t  ""        f  ""''  "  ""  '"'^ 

TheDntch^mmedL  y tei.  e/r;:  T  "'"•"'''■ 
by  the  time  they  had  rraelld.l  m  ^  T^'  ''' '  •"" 
Pequots  were  fuUy  convinced  thatth  "■""'■'  "'" 

and  sent  canoes  to  overlaid  .ht      t[  """ '"  '"""^'' 
soon  effected:  the  seven     V  e«hange  was 

firm  ground  •  and  the,         T  '™''  '''  ""'=''  '"<"■<'  on 
S     >nd,  and  the  two  g,rls  were  overjoyed  to  find 


*        -f       ♦ 


I 


i 


or    CONNECTICUT. 


123 


i 


themselves  agam  among  civilized  men.    The  kind-hearted 

Du  ohmen  earned  them  immediately  to  Saybrook,  Xe 

another  Duteh  vessel  was  found,  which  hj  been  sent  by 

he  governor  of  New  Netherland,  with  express  iZll 

^rescue  them  on  any  condiaons,  even  at  the  risk  of  w! 

with  the  Pequots.     Here,  too,  they  found  Mason  and  h^ 

had  thus  an  opportunity  of  obtaining  some  late  intelli- 
geuee  concerning  the  enemy.  They  informed  him  that 
the  Pequots  were  possessed  of  sixteen  guns,  and  ha"   to 

h  Tn  I?b"7  °'  ""^^'^^  ^"-^  ^"o'-  -They  added  tt 
the  Indians  had  questioned  them  as  to  whether  they  could 
make  powder ;  and  finding  that  they  knew  nothing  about 
U,  seemed  to  be  considerably  disappointed,  and  to  s 

Zt.t':t:  '"""  "'  "'''  °"  their  new' acqui   , lot 
St.ll  they  had  been  kindly  treated,  owing  chiefly  to  the 

interposition  of  the  wife  of  Mononotto,  the  second  highel 
sachem  who,  as  they  thought,  had  saved  them  from  bei  4 
put  to  death.     The  Indians  had  tried  to  encourag"   ,     ? 
to  be  merry  and  had  carried  them  about  from  place  to 
P  ace,  and  shown  them  their  fine  wigwams  and  every 
th  ng  wh.h  they  themselves  prized.     Prom  Saybrook 
these  children  were  carried  to  New  Amsterdam,  to  gratify 
the  governor,  who  had  «-isIied  to  see  them  with  his  own 
eyes,  and  then  were  returned  in  safety  to  their  home, 
forty-six  mdes  up  the  Connecticut  River  • 

Mason  had  been  directed  in  his  commission  to  make 
his  attack  upon  the  enemy  by  landing  a,  Pequo.  Harbor; 
and  a  letter  to  the  same  effect  had  reached  him  from  tho 

•  ttnderliill.     Mm,,  h,,,,  Co||  ,  Vol.  XXXVt,  pn  17  ,8  iq     n    A- 
«y»  .ha,  he  p.id  ,,„  Bu..„  .„  p      d,  :„  „„«„;i;',Hj' !"■     °°'^'"" 

1  o 


IS4 


HISTOHr  or  THE  m„^„. 


•         m 


■nagistmtes  since  his  amVal  at   s    .      , 

m.l..ary  judgment  „adehirvervav.'°1-  ""  ^cod 
he  urged  hi.  companions  to  a^l't  r!'"  '.^'^'"™  '^  -<■ 
to  sail  first  to  the  country  of  fZ     n  '"  <=™ch,ding 

"The  Peqnots,"  said  he    "do  I     "'  *«^»-g--'.' 
upon  their  river  night  and'  day      Th''  ^  "''"""""  ^""fd 
ma-ds  tell  us,  with  sixteen  pieces  W    "'^  '^'"'''-  "^  ""^ 
*»'•     Their  numbers  be  gC.  !'  .nn  "^      "  ""^"'^  =""> 
^'11  make  it  difficult  for  J,T\    '^"°'  '"  ""''•  «"'ioh 
-  etrect  a  landing,  th;:     ^^f'  '""■    ^'^•''  '^ 
'hetrswamps  and  thickeL    Whe«ls"f     ^"^  ""^  '''""^  '» 
■'gansett,  we  shall  come  „non  th       '     Z"  ^°  ^''' '"  '^ar- 

-a.  .ake  them  by  a  su^;; rhtrth"'  r't'"'^'' """  ^^ 
Most  of  the  officers  and     """"^ '^»»' expect  it. "# 
P-Po.ition;   not   reZZ   ZV'f'"'^''''  'his 
through  the  wilderness.     ThevJ    "         "  '""^   ™="eh 
hack  to  their  fa„,ilies  and  ,i       7       "'""""^  "'^o  '«  get 
'hi3  was  to  go  at  l^  to  Pe' tfl'T  '""'""'  ^™^  ">'  ' 
«ve  battle.     In  .his  diversi  y  of  "       '  ""' ''°"'"  ^  'i'"'- 
^Wng  Mr.  Stone  to  prayftL  Jr"  ""  ^^"'^''  '"  de- 
might  be  guided  in  V  ^o^H'  %T  '"^^  '"^^ 
honest  minded  minister  spent  mL    7;,,      '"'  P'°"=  ""d 
and,  in  the  morning,  told  Cal"n  Ma        r'^" '"  ^'^y-' 
vmced  that  they  ongh.  .05?,"^""""''"'"^°"- 
-as  no  longer  any  h'i.a.ion      Mas^rr""'     '^'"^''^ 
'"Ily  accepted.     Twenty  men   ,  '*'°  *"'  '"""«'- 

"ver,  to  assist  in  defeld'ing    he  TJlr'  ""''  ""  '"« 


.,j«»,.a..'««*(l»*»*S»*<^-^^ 


?^»JI4(SS>i!«*«l»t**'33»>^ 


mm 


»         m 


or    ''ONNECTICUT. 

It  was  Friday,  the  2qth     /•  ,.  '''^ 

=""1.  on  Saturday  towalf  ^^'  ''''™  "'"^  *'  ^ail  ■ 

,^  .he  Shores  or^hHatUrS  '^  ""PP^'^  aneht' 
land,  and,  although  time  was!!.  '^'^  ""• '««  '» 

-'"Pnlous  observance  of  thrSahhT^u'  '"*  *«^  '"eir 
«"  'he  next  day  on  board  thet!,'  """  ""^^  '«»=■*"«<) 
"o«hwes,  Wind  blew  from  2  '•     °"  """day  the 

-olence  as  effectually  tlpTev^T'  h"  "''''  '^""'-h 
^^^  the  same  on  Tuesdiv    ,,"'*"""''"'=«'<"'•    It 

Mason  landed  and  maSip^'tr"*  '''"''''  -"en 
.'^"«-    He  had  an  immediate  C       '"'"'"^"'^^  °^  Canon- 
-formed  him  of  his  desj  o  t,    "  *'"■  "-^  ^^h^™. 
'he.r  strong  holds,  and  tofd  h  1  th'T',:!  ""'  P«9"<"«  h. 
Narragansetts  was  a  free  1  ™     ,h       ^u'  ^""'^-^  "^  "•« 
The  reply  appears  to  havrbefn        ""^"^  ""^'^  •'"""'rr. 
"He  was  glad,"  he  said,  "of  Z  '"'"  '^  *«»'>n«mo 
The.r  purpose  was  a  ^o„^  """'"S  '"'  'he  English 

and  .he  white  men  w'hom  hrrVT^''"^"' '" -r 
fe-^ 'o  think  of  attacking  ^hem  ^I      '"'"  ""»  "^^  '»o 
'he  Enjiish  permission  to  pirtr     T'''"    ««  Sa™ 
neither  himself  „or  his  Zv    seZ'^  "'^  »™'r7;  but 
Joni  them.»  '^    ^  "  ***'"  ye'  to  have  offered  to 

h4tsTi:t::rt:rcaSn"par"r  '"'''^^  '"^  -mp, 

^  °n  his  march  as  ProviCe  ^he"    't  7"°  "=•"  ^""^  a1 
Wrlhams.     He  urged  Mason  m  t,  '    "'""^"'  "^  Ro?er 
"-  arnval;  but,  fl.hoS "o  tr.!    "'"^  "^  "^  "'»'' 
considered  desirable,  it  was  d  '    ^''.'  '•einforcement  was 

-  "^'"^     The  men'  .ZZXT:^  2^'T"  ""' 


*' 


I 


126 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


night  from  home,  and  were  anxious  to  get  back  to  their 
families  and  their  spring  labors.  It  was  feared,  too,  that 
any  farther  detention  would  result  in  making  their  design 
known  to  the  enemy,  inasmuch  as  a  number  of  squaws 
among  the  Narragansetts  were  known  to  keep  up  an  inter- 
course with  the  Pequots.  Finally  they  wished  to  dispel 
the  doubts  and  sneers  of  these  Indians,  who  still  as- 
serted, that  although  Englishmen  talked  much  they 
would  not  fight,  and  that  they  would  never  dare  to  invade 
the  country  of  Sassacus* 

On  the  next  morning  the  vessels  were  manned  with 
thirteen  whites  and  a  few  Indians,  and  ordered  to  sail  for 
the  mouth  of  the  Pequot  River.  The  land  army,  con- 
sisting of  seventy-seven  Englishmen,  and  about  sixty 
warriors  under  Uncas,  then  took  up  its  journey  westward 
through  the  wilderness.  They  moved  along  a  forest 
path,  much  traveled  by  the  natives,  but  rough  and  diffi- 
cult to  white  men  j  and,  after  marching,  as  it  seemed  to 
them,  eighteen  or  twenty  miles,  they  came  to  a  place 
called  Nehantic.  Here  stood  a  fort  built  as  a  protection 
against  the  Pequots  ;  and  here  lived  one  of  the  Narragan- 
sett  sachems,  probably  the  same  who  was  afterwards  so 
well  known  to  the  whites  under  the  names  of  Yanemo 
and  Ninigret.  On  the  march,  Indian  warriors  flocked  into 
the  army,  until,  when  it  reached  Nehantic,  it  was  at- 
tended by  as  many  as  two  hundred  Narragansetts.  The 
Nehantics  were  at  first  cool  and  suspicious,  and  would 
allow  none  of  the  English  to  enter  their  fort.  Mason's 
indignation  was  excited  by  their  haughtiness  and  inhos- 
pitality  ;  and  suspecting  them  of  hostile  feelings,  he  feared 

•  Hubbard's  Indian  Wars,  pp.  36,37. 


^j«^<^@r'' 


;'gaMM^S******^' 


^^fjtii0k.ili^ 


OP    CONNECTICUT. 


127 


they  would  send  notice  of  his  coming  to  th. 

"Siimon^.,      c  '-"innig  to  the  enemy. 

S  .ce  no„e  of  „s  may  come  in,"  said  lie,  "  none  of  vou 

ha  1  go  out ;"  and  he  fulfilled  his  threat  by  post  n/ sen! 

unels  round  .he  fort  who  kept  them  all  peL^'ed  u"/:.", 

The  number  of  Narragansetts  who  continued  to  join 
the  arrny  mduced  many  of  the  Nehantics,  in  spite  of  the 

^orof't "^;'° ""  "^^  ^^--  ^--o-s  '0  'he  e;,":! 

torn  of  the  Indians,  thdse  boastful  allies  formed  into  a 

funous  gestures,  vaunting  their  prodigious  courage,  and 

When  the  Englishmen  re-commenced  their  march  in  the 
mormng  they  were  accompanied,  as  they  thought  bv 
five  hundred  Indian  wa„iors.t  The  day  was  extremely 
warm;  the  country  was  rough  and  difficult  of  passage- 
and  several  of  the  men  fainted  with  heat  and  with  wani 

twefr     ■,      I'  T"^'"^   ''''"'  ^'PP''"^'^  '»  be  about 
twelve  miles,  the  English  eame  to  the  Paucatuc  River,  a, 

a  ford  which,  the  Narragansetts  said,  was  a  favorite  fish 

.ng  place  of  the  Pequots.     Here  the  Indians  pointed  out 

where  many  persons  had  been  lately  dressing  fish,  from 

whence  they  all  concluded  that  the  enemy  w' re  hddTng 

a  feast  at  their  for.ress.J     The  army  halted  on  the  bank! 

with  !  t T'  '      "";'""*  ^"'*°'^  ''""^^*<'''  'h-'-^^elves 

11      ^t  T  ""'  '°°'-     ^'  "'■^  P'-'^  'he  Narragan- 

etts  and  Nehantics  began  to  exhibit  the  fear  in  which 

they  held   the   Pequots.     The  Paucatuc  was   the   last 

•  Mmon.     M.8,.  His,.  Coll..  Vol.  XVIII,  p.  130.  t  Ibid 

^^  Uoh^on'.  W„„<l„.W„,kta,  P„„ide„ce.    M.S..  His..  CU.,  Vd.  XXIV, 


128 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


boundary  between  themselves  and  those  terrible  enemies  • 
and  m  ,he,r  eyes  the  act  of  erossing  it  was  like  crawling 
head  arst  mto  the  den  of  a  bear.     Forgetting  their  vain 
glorious  boasts  of  the  evening  before,  many  of  them 
turned  back  towards  their  homes,  and  the  rest  appeared 
0  be  m  such  fear  that  Mason  called  Uncas  to  him,  and 
asked  htm  what  he  thought  the  Indians  would  do.    "The 
Narragaasetts,"  replied  this  brave  saehem,  "  will  all  leave 
you  ;  but,  as  for  myself,  I  will  never  leave  you."     "  For 
which  expression,"  says  Mason,  in  his  account  of  the 
war,     and  for  some  other  speeches  of  his,  I  shall  never 
lervice  ""  '  ""'''  ""  '""'  '  ^«""  '"'^'<  -'"  did  us  great 

They  pushed  on  three  miles  farther,  and  came  to  a 
patch  of  ground  winch  had  been  lately  planted  with  In- 
dian corn  Supposing  that  he  was  now  near  the  enemy, 
Mason  ordered  another  halt  and  called  a  council.  The 
Indians  were  interrogated,  and  stated  that  the  Pe,p,ots 
had  two  forts    both  almost  impregnable;  that  one  wa 

w  r  'n'     "    TV""  '""""^'  """■  ^''-■'=  «—  '-ved 
was  sttl    several  hours  distant.     The  design  which  had 

been  entertamed  of  attacking  both  at  the  same  time  was 

herefore  reluctantly  abandoned,  and  the  army  resumed 

U    march  m  the  direction  of  the  nearest,     The  India,. 

aIl^es  had  huhcrto  occupied  the  van,  bnt  now  they  drop- 

the  Pancatuc.     About  an  hour  after  nightfall  the  Enolish 
came  to  a  h.tle  swamp  between  two  lulls,  and  bei,,,:  in 
ormed  that  .he  fort  was  near  ,y,  ,hcv  halted  forShe 
mght.     1  he  sue  of  tins  encampme...  is  still  known,  and 

*  ""■"'•     *•"•'■  ""'•  GM..  Vol.  XVIII,  pp.  .36,  .37. 


•■ 


P' 


Oi'    CONNECTICUT. 


129 


m'le  north  of  a  vm  1  fsf '       '""'  '""'  ^"^  ""'^  '' 
Mystic*  ^    '"  ^'"'""Ston,  called  Head  of 


■Porfn-.  ii,,  e„~ 


The  night  was  cool  and  clear     T),„ 
over  the  rude  landscape  and  an  J  "  *"""'  5^""^ 

i="f  3h  and  their  sav^  ats  as  tirr"'''  '"""""'"' 
">  'he  o,«n  air.     The  cam„  ^  ">'  ""  ">«  §'•»"»<' 

^"Pposcd  themselves  IcTtl  T/"'^  '"""'•  """^  'h"  -"en 
■'en.,  overheard  bythe  ;  '"''r'  ^^  '•'-«"  ■'<• 

"Jvaueed,  a„d  could  heir  .1       ,  "■""""'''  "'""  ''"■• 

I'equots  in  thoir  v.ll.t  T,,,  ^  "''"""  "'"'  -"S"  "f  the 

"'g'«-    This  m-t; ,  dl;!'      ;' ""  ""  ^""  "'^  •'"  "-1- 


that  the  white 


fear.     Sassacus  Jiad 


nit'ji  avoided  tl 


sf^'it  a  rein  for 


•i'kI  had  im, 


Joined 


'  Barl)er' 


I'cemeiit 

I  Coniieciicue,  Groton 


^''I'lot  roimtry  through 
irom  the  other 


130 


HISTOUY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


fort :  they  were  all  feasting  and  rejoicing  over  their  suc- 
cesses ;  and  on  the  morrow  they  were  to  go  out  against 
the  enemy.  Tired  at  last  with  their  games,  they  lay 
down  to  sleep :  almost  all  of  them  for  the  last  time.* 

The  English  rose  before  daybreak,  [Friday,  June  5th,] 
and  solemnly  commended  themselves  and  their  enterprise 
to  the  care  of  God.  Mason  led  on  for  about  two  miles, 
through  an  Indian  path  ;  when,  not  being  able  to  discover 
any  sign  of  a  fort,  he  halted  at  the  foot  of  a  large  hill, 
and  passed  the  word  for  some  of  the  Indians  to  come  up! 


North  View  of  Fequot  Hill,  Groton. 

Uncas  and  a  Nehantic  sagamore,  named  Wequash,  were 
the  only  ones  who  made  thoir  appearance.  "Where is 
the  fort?"  said  Mason.  "On  the  top  of  the  hill,"  they 
replied.    "  And  where  are  the  rest  of  the  Indians  ?"    "  In 

•  Mnson.     MuB^.  IIIbi.  Co!I  ,  Vol.  XVIII,  pp.  137,  138. 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


131 


the  rear,  very  much  afraid."  "  Tell  them  not  to  fly," 
was  the  answer,  ''but  stand  behind,  at  what  distance  they 
please,  and  see  now  whether  Englishmen  will  fight."* 

The  English  being  now  on  the  western  side  of  the  hill. 
Mason  sent  Underbill,  with  part  of  the  men,  round  to  the 
southern  slope,  to  attack  the  fort  on  that  quarter,  while 
he,  with  the  remainder,  led  directly  up  towards  the  prin- 
cipal entrance. 

Fatigued  with  their  dance  of  the  evening  before,  the 
Pequots  were  all  buried  in  a  profound  sleep.     It  was  just 
about  daybreak,    when   men's  slumbers  are  usually  the 
soundest,  and  when  the  Indians  themselves  were  most 
fond  of  attacking  a  sleep-ng  foe.     Mason  and  his  soldiers 
advanced  silently  and  undiscovered  until  the  captain  was 
within  a  rod  of  the  rude  palisade.     At  this  moment  a  dog 
barked,  and  a  Pequot  yelled  out,  Owanux !  Owanuxl 
(Englishmen  !  Englishmen  !)     The  assailants  moved  rap- 
idly forward,  gave  one  fire  through  the  palisade,  and  then 
rushed  to  the  gateway.     It  was  blocked  up  with  bushes, 
but  Mason  clambered  over  them,  and  the  others  pulled 
them  out  of  the  way  and  poured  in  after  him.    A  loud  cry 
from  the  Pequots  answered  the  volley  of  musketry  ;  they 
started  up  in  fear  and  astonishment,  but  not  knowing 
what  to  do  remained  cowering  in  their  cabins.     Mason 
entered  the  main   street,  and  looked  up  and   down  it 
M'ithout  seeing  a  smgle  Indian.     lie  then  forced  his  way 
into  one  of  the  wigwams,   where  he   was  immediately 
attacked  by  several  warriors,  who  attempted  to  seize  hold 
of,  and  capture,  him.     The  gallant  captain  defended  him- 
self stoutly,  killing  one  or  two  of  the  assailants  with  his 

•  Mnson.    Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  XVHI,  p.  138. 
14 


\      : 


132 


HISTORY    OP    THE    INDIANS 


sword ;  and  a  soldier,  named  William  Heydon,  stumbling 
in  after  him,  the  Indians  fled  or  hid  themselves  under  the 
beds.     In  such  a  style  the  English,  scattered  over  the 
fort,  maintained  a  desultory  conflict,  in  which  many  of 
the  Pequots  were  slain,  and  some,  likewise,  of  the  assail- 
ants wounded.     It  had  been  determined  not  to  burn  the 
village,  but  to  destroy  the  garrison  by  the  sword  and  save 
the  plunder.*     But  this,  Mason  soon  saw,  would  be  im- 
possible.    The  Pequots  were  continually  shooting  from 
the  cabins ;  some  of  his  men  were  already  wounded  ;  the 
others  were  confused,  scattered,  and  knew  not  what  to 
do ;  and  he  was  himself  fatigued  and  out  of  breath  with 
his  exertions.     "  We  must  burn  them,"  he  shouted ;  and, 
entering  a  wigwam,  he  seized  a  firebrand  and  applied  it 
to  the  dry  mats  with  which  the  rude  dwelling  was  cov- 
ered.    The  fire  kindled  in  an  instant ;  the  northeast  wind 
swept  it  from  cabin  to  cabin ;  the  whole  fort  was  rapidly 
involved  in  a  furious  conflagration.     The  party  on  the 
southern  side  had  but  just  eff'ected  its  entrance.     It  had 
met  with  a  g.aiant  resistance ;  one  of  its  numbers  had 
been  killed ;  and  Underbill  himself  was  wounded  in  the 
hip  by  an  arrow.     Seeing  that  the  village  was  on  fire,  he 
kindled  it  farther  by  means  of  nowder;  and  then,  with 
his  followers,  retreated  from  the  already  intolerable  heat. 
Mason  had  done  the  same,  and  both  parties,  with  the  In- 
dians in  the  rear,  formed  a  line  about  the  blazing  fortress. 
The  shrieks  of  women  and  children,  the  yells  and  bowl- 
ines of  men,  rose  from  the  conflagration,  and  mingled 
With  the  roar  of  the  English  musketry  and  the  exulting 
shouts   of  the   Mohegans  and   Narragansetts.      Despair 

•  Maicn.    Maas.  Hist.  Con.,  Vol.  XVIII.  p.  139. 


i 


pJiMg|j»illj|#i^ 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


133 


seized  on  the  wretched  inhabitants  :  some  perished  in  the 
flames  without  attempting  to  escape  :  others  rushed  into 
them,  either  deliberately,  or  in  the  blindness  of  mortal 
terror.    Many  brave  warriors  fought  to  the  last  amidst  the 
burning  palisades,  until   their  bowstrings  were  cracked 
and  rendered  useless  by  the  fire.     A  number  gathered 
without  the  fortress,  on  the  windward  side,  and  shot  their 
arrows  at  the  assailants  until  cut  down  by  the  merciless 
discharge  of  musketry.    About  forty  of  the  boldest  rushed 
out,  and  attempted  to  force  their  way  through  the  victors 
and  escape  into  the  neighboring  thickets.     A  few,  only, 
effected  their  purpose :  the  others  were  struck  down  by 
the  English  swords,  or  by  the  arrows  and  tomahawks  of 
the  Indian  allies.*     The  greater  part  perished  amid  the 
flames  of  thetr  blazing  dwellings  ;  and  so  quickly  did  the 
fire  do  Its  work,  that  in  little  more  than  an  hour  this 
frightful  death-agony  of  a  community  was  over.     About 
four   hundred   Indians   had   perished   during   this  short 
period :  only  seven  had  been  taken  prisoners ;  and  seven 
at  the  utmost,  had  escaped.f     Two  of  the  English  were 
killed,  twenty  were  wounded,  and  others  had  been  saved 
from  wounds  or  death,  only  by  the  most  singular  provi- 
dences.    Mason  was  struck  repeatedly  on  his  helmet. 

•  "For  the  Nnrragansetts  beset  the  fori  ao  close  that  not  one  escaped  "-. 
r.  Vtncent.     Mason,  however,  snys  seven  escaped,  and  Und.rliill  five 

t  Mason  snys  six  or  seven  hundred  perished  ;  Winthrop  .ays  one  hnndred 
nnd  h  ty  warnors.  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  old  men.  women  nnd  children  ; 
Undernll  snys  four  hundred.  Judging  from  the  nun.ber  of  wigwams  in  the 
.  for.,  winch  wns  seventy.  I  should  say  that  the  es.imnte  of  Mnson  wns  above 
and  that  of  Win.hmp  under,  the  truth.  The  estimate  of  Underbill,  also,  may' 
be  und.rn,ted  by  f.i.y  or  even  a  hundred  ;  yet  P.  Vincent,  anothe.  mrrator 
nnd  eye-witness  of  the  battle,  puts  the  victims  at  only  between  three  and  four 
hundred. 


vii 


4  -n-;i 


134 


HISTORY    OP    THE    INDIANS 


I 


John  Dier  and  Thomas  Stiles  were  shot  in  the  knots  of 
their  neckcloths.  Lieutenant  Bull  received  an  arrow  into 
a  hard  piece  of  cheese  which  he  carried  in  his  pocket. 

The  victory  had  now  been  achieved,  but  the  situation 
in  which  the  conquerors  found  themselves  was  extremely- 
embarrassing,  if  not  dangerous.     They  were  overcome 
with  fatigue  by  their  rough  march,  by  broken  sleep  and 
by  fighting ;  and  four  or  five  of  their  number  were  so 
wounded  that  they  had  to  be  carried  by  twenty  more. 
Others  were  obliged  to  bear  the  arms  of  these  last ;  and 
thus  only  about  forty  men  were  left  in  a  condition  for 
service.     Some  of  the  Indian  allies,  also,  were  wounded  • 
and  the  Narragan setts,  finding  that  the  white  men  were 
going  westward,  began  to  draw  off  towards  their  own 
country.     The  English  anxiously  scanned  tfte  suriace  of 
the  sound,  but  could  discover  nothing  of  their  vessels 
and  therefore  knew  not  to  what  point  to  direct  their 
march.     After  waiting  about  an  hour,  they  were  relieved 
from  their  perplexity  by  seeing  their  httle  fleet,  six  or 
seven  miles  distant,  sweeping  with  a  fair  wind  into  the 
Pcquot  River.     At  the  same  moment  a  large  body  of 
warriors,  seemingly  three  hundred  in  number,  was  dis- 
covered  rapidly  approaching  from  the  west.     This  was 
composed  of  the  Pequots  from  the  other  fort,  and,  doubt- 
less, from  all  the  surrounding  country,  who  had  been 
startled  by  the  distant  roll  of  musketry,  and  were  coming 
to  revenge  the  destruction  of  their  kinsmen.    Such,  how- 
ever, was  the  feebleness,  the  perfect  imbecility  of  bows 
and  arrows  when  opposed  to  fire-arms,  that  this  numerous 
band  of  warriors,  animated  with  the  desire  of  vengeance, 
was  met  on  its  near  approach,  checked  and  driven  back, 


4 


,v,%jAH«ia-.a»<»»'«»'* 


';^^S*^i!&i««*^aWS«aisaifefi' 


I 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


135 


by  a  couple  of  files  of  soldiers  not  amounting  to  more 
than  fourteen  men.     The  English  were  encouraged  by 
seemg  this  evidence  of  the  incapacity  of  the  enemy  in  the 
open  field,  and  commenced  their  retreat,  directing  their 
march  towards  the  mouth  of  the  Thames.     The  Pequots 
followed  them  until  they  came  to  the  site  of  the  recent 
catastrophe,  where  they  halted  to  gaze  at  the  scene  of 
destruction.    In  place  of  their  late  fortress  with  its  seventy 
wigwams,  bidding  defiance,  as   they  thought,  to  every 
enemy,  they  beheld  only  smoking,  smouldering  ruins 
mingled  with  scorched  and  mangled  corpses.     There  lay 
the  aged  counselor,  the  wise  powwow,  and  the   brave 
warrior ;  there  lay  little  children,  who,  but  the  day  be- 
fore, had  played  in  mimic  warfare  about  the  hill  •  there 
lay  mothers  and  wives,  and  young  girls  just  entering 
upon  womanhood :  all  dead  by  a  horrible  and  agonizing 
death,  and  so  disfigured  that  not  even  the  eye  of  love 
could  recognize  them.     The  stoicism  of  the  Pequot  war- 
riors gave  way  under  so  terrible  a  blow,  and  the  English 
as  they  looked  back,  could  see  them  stamp  and  tear  their 
hair  in  that  bitter  agony  of  grief  and  rage.     In  a  few  min- 
utes they  turned  their  thoughts  to  vengeance,  and  came 
rushing  down  the  hill  after  the  conquerors  as  i{  they  would 
in  an  instant  overrun  and  destroy  them.     But  the  deadly 
effects  of  the  musketry  soon  checked  their  fury :  some 
were  killed,  and  the  others  ran  about  as  if  crazed,  dis- 
charging their  arrows  at  random.     At  the  foot  of  the  hill 
was  a  small  brook,  where  Mason  and  his  people  halted 
and  refreshed  themselves,  having   already  taught    their 
pursuers  to  keep  at  a  cautious  distance.     Here  the  Eng- 
lish hired  some  of  their  Indian  allies  to  carry  the  wounded  • 

14*  ' 


I 


136 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


j:   j 

Mi 

1(3  j 

!  i 


and  thus  resumed  their  march  in  a  better  condition  to  act 
against  the  enemy.  The  Mohegans  and  Narragansetts 
now  ventured  to  skirmish  with  the  Pequots ;  both  parties, 
says  Underbill,  fighting  in  such  a  manner  that  in  seven 
years  they  would  not  kil!  seven  men.  They  stood  at 
a  distance  from  each  other,  and  aimed  their  arrows  at 
an  elevation;  watched  the  course  of  each  one,  and 
never  shot  a  second  until  they  saw  the  effect  of  the 
first.* 

During  the  retreat  about  fifty  of  the  Narragansetts  took 
advantage  of  what  they  thought  a  favorable  moment,  and 
set  off  towards   their  own  country.     The  Pequots  dis- 
covered, pursued  and  surrounded  them  ;  and  were  about 
to  take  a  bloody  revenge  for  their  own  misfortunes,  when 
the  other  Narragansetts,  beholding  the  danger  of  their 
countrymen,  ran  to  the  English  officers  and  begged  them 
to  grant  their  assistance.    The  English  were  angry  at  the 
Narragansetts  for  what  they  called  their  desertion  ;  but  as 
they  were  unwilling  to  have  them  cut  off,  or  to  see  the 
Pequots  obtain  a  triumph,  Underbill  was  sent  with  thirty 
men  to  the  rescue.     Underbill,  who  is  a  great  braggart, 
says  that  a  contest  of  an  hour  ensued,  in  which  the  Nar- 
ragansetts were  rescued  and  above  one  hundred  of  the 
Pequots  killed  or  wounded.     P.  Vincent,  who  seems  to 
have  had  a  spite  against  Underbill,  and  in  another  place 
tries  to  make  him  out  a  poltroon,  says  that  after  five 
muskets  were  fired  the  Pequots  fled.    Underbill  adds  that 
the  Indians  were  greatly  astonished  at  the  English  mode 
of  fighting ;  but  called  it  matchit  or  evil,  because  too 

•Mason.    Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  XVIII.  pp.  141. 142.    Underbill.   Mass. 
HiBt.  Coll.,  Vol.  XXXVI,  pp.  35, 26. 


■::^SSS^iS^i^«»»8*^^a''^^*'*^* = 


OP    CONNECTICUT.  137 

furious  and  destructive  of  too  many  lives.*  The  colonists 
prosecuted  their  retreat  slowly  and  with  caution  ;  when- 
ever they  came  to  a  swamp  or  thicke  ^ring  a  few  shots 
into  It  for  the  purpose  of  discovering  and  driving  out  any 
Inrkmg  ambush.  The  Pequots  hung  on  their  rear,  shoot- 
ing ineifectually  from  behind  rocks  and  trees,  until  within 
about  two  miles  of  the  river,  when  they  drew  together  in 
a  body  and  disappeared. 

The  English,  with  colors  flying  in  token  of  their  vic- 
tory, marched  on  to  the  shore.    On  board  their  vessels  they 
found  Captain  Patrick,  with  his  forty  men,  who  having 
reached  Narragansett  after  the  departure  of  the  land  army 
but  before  that  of  the  fleet,  concluded  to  take  the  oppor- 
tunity aff-orded  by  the  latter  and  sail  round  to  Pequot 
Harbor.     The   whole  force  would  now  have  embarked 
immediately  had  it  not  been  for  an  unwillingness  to  leave 
the  Narragansetts  alone  in  the  enemy's  country.     Accord- 
mgly  only  the  wounded  and  about  thirty-five  others  were 
put  on  board  the  vessels,  while  Mason,  with  twenty  men 
Patrick,  with  forty,  accompanied  by  all  the  Indians,  set 
ofl"  overland  for  Saybrook.     On  their  march  they  came 
upon  a  village  belonging  to  the  western  Nehantics,  the 
nihabitants  of  which  fled  at  their  approach  and  took 
refuge  m  a  swamp.     The  English  pushed  in  after  them 
drove  them  out  on  the  opposite  side,  and  chased  them' 
among  the  low  hills  a  considerable  distance.    But  finding 
that  the  Indians  dispersed  all  over  the  country,  they  gave 
up  the  pursuit,  and  drawing  together  again,  continued 
their  march.     Towards  the  evening  of  this  toilsome  and 

•  Underhm      Mass.  Ili.t.  Coll..  Vol.  XXXVI,  pp.  26.  27.     Vincent.  Mass. 
Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  XXXVI,  p.  38. 


I'll 
\vr. 


Ill 


133 


HISTORY    OP    THE    INDIANS 


eventful  day  they  reached  the  mouth  of  the  Connecticut, 
where  their  arrival  was  soon  discovered,  and  welcomed 
with  discharges  of  cannon,  from  the  little  fortress  on  the 
opposite  shore.* 

Thus  ended  the  famous  expedition  of  the  colonists  of 
Connecticut  against  the  Poquots :  an  expedition  conducted 
with  admirable  skill  and  courage,  and  crowned  with  the 
most  astonishing  success.    But  of  its  moral  fent^^rci,.  -/hat 
shall  we  say?     What  shall  we  say  of  this  indiscriminate 
butchery  of  both  sexes  and  all  ages,  allowing  none  or 
almost  none  to  escape,  but  consigning  nearly  a  whole 
community  to  a  death  of  unsurpassed  anguish  and  horror  ? 
It  was  thought  shocking  when,  nearly  a  century  and  a 
half  later,  and  within  a  few  miles  of  the  same  spot,  the 
soldiers  of  Arnold  bayonetted   eighty-five  gallant  men, 
who  yet  had  dared  and  resisted  the  assault,  and  who,  by 
the  laws  of  war,   were  liable    to  all  its  consequences. 
What  then  would  have  been  said,  had  the  English  sur- 
rounded the  village  of  New  London  by  night,  had  they 
set  fire  to  its  houses,  cut  down  those  of  the  inhabitants 
who  attempted  to  fly,  and  driven  back  the  others,  indis- 
criminately of  age  or  sex,  to  perish  in  the  flames  ?    What 
repentance  or  atonement  should  we  have  thought  suffi- 
cient to  wipe  away  the  stain  of  such  an  atrocity?    When 
would  our  historians  have  ceased  to  record  it,  or  our 
orators  have  forgotten  to  make  it  the  subject  of  their  in- 
dignant comments  ?    Yet  surely  there  is  not  such  a  differ- 
ence between  a  barbarous  and  a  civilized  community,  that 
the  extermination,  the  complete,  bloody  and  sudden  ex- 
termination, of  the  one  may  be  looked  upon  almost  with 

•  Mason.     Mass.  Hist.  Coll,  Vol.  XVIII,  p.  143.  144. 


4 


.gali^a/iiil 


OP    CONNECTICUT. 


139 


i 


' 

^ 


insensibility,  xvhile  that  of  the  other  would  be  regarded 
as  a  master-piece  of  atrocity. 

On  the   other  hand,  there  are  several  considerations 
which  a  supporter  of  Mason  and  his  followers  might,  with 
considerable  force,  allege    in  their   defense.     Cruel,  he 
might  say,  it  certainly  is,  to  put  men,  women  and  chil- 
dren to  an  undistinguishing  slaughter ;'  yet  this  cruelty 
may  be  palliated  by  provocations,  and  may  be  excused, 
or  almost  excused,  by  necessity.     The  Pequots  them- 
selves had  certainly  no  right  to  talk  about  the  violation 
of  the  rules  of  humanity ;  for  the  English  only  did  to 
them  what  they  ivould  have  exulted  in  doing  to  the  Eng- 
lish, and  what  they  had  repeatedly  done  to  individuals 
among  the  English.     The  colonists  had  seen  their  wives 
and  daughters  tomahawked  by  the  enemy ;  they  had  been 
told  of  their  friends  and  brothers  put  to  death  in  cool 
blood  by  lingering  torments;  they  had  heard  the  savage 
foe  boast  of  these  ferocities,  and  repeat  with  mockery  the 
groans   and   prayers   of   the   unhappy   sufferers.     What 
wonder  then,  that  when  they  could  put  the  cup  of  ven- 
geance to  the  lips  of  their  enemies,  they  should  seek  to 
fill  it  to  the  brim  ?     And  more :  when  Mason  gave  the 
order  to  burn  the  fort,  the  conflict  was  still  raging,  and 
victory  was  wavering  in  the  balance.     All  the  colonists 
were  exhausted  by  fatigue  ;*  some  of  them  had  been 
killed,   others  wounded  ;  and  the  remainder  were  con- 
fused with  the  nu  ibers  of  the  enemy.    The  Indian  allies 
hod  as  yet  rendered  no  assistance,  and  still  remained  un- 

*  "About  two  hours  before  the  day,  we  marched  towards  the  fort,  being 
wcnry  and  much  spent,  many  of  ua  having  slept  none  at  all"— Hubbart^a 
Indian  Wars,  p.  38. 


i 


140 


HISTORY    OP   THE    INDIANS 


decided  whether  to  advance  or  to  fly.     Had  Mason  con- 
tinued to  fight  on  as  he  began,  so  many  of  his  soldiers 
would  have  been  killed  and  disabled  that  the  rest  might 
have  been  ovemhelmed  by  the  warriors  from  the  other 
village,  or,  at  best,  obliged  to  abandon  their  wounded  and 
make  a  calamitoi^  retreat.     Had  he,  at  this  critical  mo- 
ment, ordered  a  retreat,  the  Narragansetts  would  have 
fled,  the  Pequots  would  have  resumed  the  jffensive,  and 
the  whole  object  of  the  expedition  would  have  certainly 
been  lost.     He  did  neither:  he  adopted  the  wise  though 
stern  alternative  of  making  fire  assist  steel ;  and  from  this 
moment  his  success  was  no  longer  uncertain. 

My  own  opinion  of  the  burning  of  the  Pequot  fort  is, 
that  it  was  a  piece  of  stern  policy,  mingled  with  some- 
thing of  revenge,  from  which  floods  of  argument  could 
not  wash  out  a  stain  of  cruelty.*     If  it  receives  any  ap- 
proval, it  must  be  that  of  the  intellect  and  not  that  of  the 
heart.     It  would  not  be  fair,  however,  to  try  the  men  of 
a  stern  and  iron  age  by  the  high  standard  to  which  hu- 
manity has  been  elevated  at  the  present  day.    Of  this  we 
must  be  cautions  if  we  wish  to  be  just.     It  is  worthy 
of  remembrance  also,  that  the  colonists  were  led  by  two 
old  soldiers.  Mason  and  Underbill,  to  whose  charge  much 
doubtless  of  their  lack  of  mercy  must  be  laid. 

After  the  Pequots  left  oflf  the  pursuit  of  the  English, 
they  returned,  gloomy  and  dispirited,  yet  enraged,  to  their 
remaming  fortress.  They  revenged  themselves  for  the 
courage  and  success  with  which  Uncas  and  his  followers 
had  assisted  the  English,  by  killing  all  of  their  relations, 
who  remained  among  them,  except  seven.     These  made 

*  See  Appendix,  Article  II. 


■^:p,a  lalllliiJui  IllnOWf 


--jjj^a'..a-fcf'a,angjt^'JAja.'i. 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


141 


heir  escape  by  flight,  and  some  of  them  afterwards  told 
the  colonists  that  one  hundred  of  the  Pequots  were  killed 
and  wounded  in  attacking  Mason's  army  during  the  re- 

On  the  next  day  a  council  of  the  nation  was  held,  at 
which  three  plans  of  action  were  proposed  and  discussed : 
0  fly  from  the  country ;  to  attack  the  English ;  to  attack 
the  Narragansetts.     Sassacus,  whose  spirit  was  still  un- 
broken, urgently  supported  the  braver  alternatives :  but 
the  great  body  of  the  nation,  overwhelmed  by  the  extent 
and  fearful  nature  of  their  calamity,  were  resolved  upon 
flight.     They  were  determined  to  leave  their  country 
their  cabins  and  the  graves  of  their  ancestors,  rather  than 
remain  longer  in  the  vicinity  of  enemies  whose  hostility 
was  so  dreadful,  and  whose  wrath  fell  like  the  lightnino- 
destroying  before  it  was  seen.    With  sad  and  heavy  hearts 
they  applied  the  firebrand  to  their  fortress  and  wigwams 
destroyed  all  their"  property  which  could  not  be  carried 
away;  and  then,  separating  into  several  parties,  began  to 
leave  the  land  which  they  had  so  gloriously  conquered, 
and  hitherto  so  successfully  defended.f      One  band  of 
thirty  or  forty  warriors,  with  a  great  number  of  women 
and  children  moved  westward  a  short  distance  ;  but,  losing 
heart,  returned  once  more  to  its  ancient  country,  and  took 
up  its  residence  in  a  swamp.J     The  main  body,  consist- 
mg  of  several  hundred  souls,  headed  by  Sassacus,  by 
Mononotto,  and  by  most  of  the  sagamores  who  remained, 


*  Vincent.     Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  XXXVI,  p  39 
Coll.,  Vol.  XVIir,  p.  145. 
t  Underbill.     Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  XXXVI,  p.  28. 
t  Winthrop,  Vol.  I,  p.  332. 


Mason.    Mass.  Hist. 


;,l»l.^<i-v.s-r--iCTr  • 


142 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


prosecuted  the  enterprise  with  greater  steadiness.  On 
reaching  the  Connecticut,  they  had  an  opportunity  of 
tasting  a  shght  revenge  for  the  miseries  which  the  Eng- 
hsh  had  caused  them  to  suffer.  They  found  three  colo- 
nists descending  the  river  in  a  shallop,  and  attacked  them. 
The  white  men  fought  bravely,  and  wounded  many  of 
their  assailants,  but  were  overpowered  by  numbers  ;  one 
was  killed  and  the  other  two  were  taken.  The  Indians 
split  the  bodies  open  from  back  to  breast,  and  hung  them 
on  treep  by  the  bank,  that  the  English  who  passed  up 
and  down  the  river  might  behold  them,  and  see  the  ven- 
geance of  the  Pequots.* 

They  now  crossed  the  Connecticut,  and  marched  dov^rn 
to  the  coast  for  the  sake  of  being  more  plentifully  sup- 
plied with  food.    As  it  was  spring,  they  were  able  to  bring 
nothing  away  from  their  fields,  and  their  last  year's  pro- 
visions must  have  been  well-nigh  exhausted.    They  were 
forced  to  dig  in  the  forests  for  roots,  and  to  hunt  carefully 
along  the  shores  for  clams  and  oysters.     Their  women 
and  children  obliged  them  to  make  short  journeys ;  and 
thus  the  country  '^as  exhausted  of  provisions  before  they 
could  pass  through  it.     At  night  they  all  slept  on  tlie 
ground  in  the  open  air,  exposed  to  the  wind  and  tiie 
chilling,  drenching  rain.     Doubtless  we  know  little  of 
the  miseries  which  the  Pequots  endured  in  this  gloomy 
retreat.    They  passed  through  the  territories  of  the  Ham- 
monassetts,  the  Quinnipiacs,  ond  the  Wepawaugs  or  Pau- 
gussetts;  and   finally  halted  in  a  large  swamp  in  the 
present  township  of  Fairfield,  destined  to  be  the  scene  if 
their  last  unavailing  struggle. 

•  Underhill.    Maw.  Kiflt.  Coll..  Vol.  XXXVI,  p.  28. 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


143 


The  success  of  Mason  awakened  great  joy  throughout 
the  colonies,  a:id  it  was  resolved  to  give  the  enemy  no 
time  to  recover  from  the  blow.     But,  as  the  strength  of 
the  Pequots  was  concluded  to  be  already  much  broken 
the  force  to  be  sent  from  the  Bay  was  diminished  to  one' 
hundred  and  twenty  men.     Stoughton  sailed,  with  a  part 
of  this  number,  towards  the  latter  end  of  June,  and  landed 
at  the  mouth  of  t  jquot  River.     He  marched  a  consider- 
able distance  westward ;  and,  finding  none  of  the  enemy 
returned  to  his  starting  place.     Here  some  Narragansetts 
came  to  tell  him,  that  a  party  of  their  countrymen  were 
holding  a  great  body  of  Pequots  confined  in  a  swamp. 
This  was  the  band  which  has  already  been  mentioned, 
as  having  journeyed  westward  a  little  way,  and    then 
turned  back  to  its  former  haunts.    Stoughton  set  off  under 
the  guidance  of  the  Narragansetts ;  and  about    twelve 
miles  distant  found  the  unfortunate  Pequots,  too  few  to 
fight,  and  so  cooped  up  as  to  be  unable  to  fly.    The  whole 
band  was  captured,  apparently  without  resistance;  two 
sachems  were  saved  on  promise  that  they  would  guide 
the  English  to  the  retreat  of  Sassacus ;  the  remainder  of 
the  men,  some  twenty  or  thirty  in  nu'nber,  were  mas- 
sacred in  cold  blood.*     There  were  about  eignty  women 
and  children,  of  whom  thirty  were  given  to  the  Narragan- 
setts,  three  to  the  Massachusetts  Indians,  and  the  re- 
mainder sent  to  the  Bay  as  slaves.     All  this  is  truly 
horrible ;  and,  if  a  historian  were  not,  like  a  witness  on 
oath,  under  strict  obligation  to  tell  the  whole  truth  as 
well  as  nothing  but  the  truth,  I  should  be  tempted  to 
pass   the  transaction  over   in   charitable  silence.      The 

•  Winthrop,  Vol.  I,  p.  232.    Hubbard'B  Indian  Wars,  p.  42. 

15 


144 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


pre5?ont  age,  however,  can  easily  parallel  and  even  sur- 
pass it, 

Stoughton  was  now  joined  by  forty  Connecticut  men 
under  Mason ;  so  that  a  considerable  force  was  collected 
for  the  ensuing  campaign.     It  would  have  been  well  for 
the  reputation  of  our  ancestors  for  humanity,  if  they  could 
have  persuaded  themselves  to  let  the  starving  and  dis- 
spirited  Pequots  fly  in  peace.     What  need  was  there  of 
pursuing  them  sixty  miles  through  a  wilderness,  into  a 
land  where  no  English  settlement  existed,  and  where  the 
foot  of  no  Englishman  had  ev<ir  trod  ?     But  it  was  deter- 
mined to  make  a  full  end  of  the  Amelekites ;  to  make 
sure  that  they  never  again  infested  the  borders  of  the 
Lord's  people  j  and  to  prevent  them  from  occupying  a 
country  which  Israel  might  hereafter  desire  to  inhabit. 
Alas  for  the  fanaticism  and  sternness,  which  sometimes 
marked  the  character  of  the  early  settlers  of  New  Eng- 
land, and  darkened  its  truly  noble  virtues !     They  were 
not  behind  their  age  in  gentleness  indeed,  but  it  is  to  be 
feared  that  they  were  very  little  in  advance  of  it. 

Most  of  the  combined  forces  embarked  at  Saybrook  to 
pursue  the  Pequots  by  sea,  while  a  few  men  joined  Uncas 
who,  with  a  number  of  his  followers,  was  following  on 
the  trail  of  the  fugitives  by  land.  Uncas  and  his  people 
easily  kept  on  the  traces  of  the  exiles;  and  observing 
what  short  journeys  they  had  made,  and  how  they  had 
been  compelled  to  dig  for  roots  and  shell  fish,  were  en- 
couraged with  the  hope  of  overtaking  ihem.  Wanderers 
who  had  separated  from  the  main  body  were  occasionally 
captured  on  tlic  way,  and  information  obtained  from  them 
concernmg  the  numbers  and  condition  of  the  refugees 


Wi 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


145 


" 


The  two  sachems  who  had  been  taken  by  Stoughton  re- 
fused, or  were  perhaps  unable,  to  act  as  guides ;  and  were 
accordingly  put  to  death  at  Menunketuc,  now  Guilford.* 
Winthrop  says  that  it  was  this  circumstance  which  gave 
the  name  to  the  point  called  Sachem's  Head ;  but  Mr. 
Ruggles,  in  his  history  of  Guilford,  gives  a  difTerent  and 
more  interesting  version  of  the  matter.     He  says  that, 
during  their  march,  Uncas  and  his  party  came  upon  a  Pe- 
quot  sagamore  with  a  few  followers,  and  immediately 
pursued  them.     The  Pequots  ran  along  the  shore  until 
they  came  to  the  eastern  point  of  Guilford  harbor ;  and, 
hoping  that  their  pursuers  would  pass  by  on  the  main- 
land, they  turned  off  on  to  this  little  cape  and  concealed 
themselves  near  the  extremity.    Uncas,  however,  was  too 
old  a  hunter  to  be  deceived  by  such  artifices  ;  and  he 
commanded  that  some  of  his  men  should  search  the  point, 
while  the  others  passed  round  to  the  opposite  shore.    The 
Pequots,  seeing  an  enemy  in  the  rear,  owam  across  the 
mouth  of  the  harbor,  and  were  attacked  and  taken  as  they 
landed.     Uncas  shot  the  chief  with  an  arrow,  cut  off  his 
head,  and  stuck  it  up  in  the  crotch  of  a  large  oak,  where 
the  ghastly  trophy  remained  withering  and  bleaching  for 
many  years.f 

Meantime  the  fleet  coasted  along  to  the  westward,  and 
in  three  days  reached  the  harbor  on  which  now  stands 
the  beautiful  city  of  New  Haven.  Here  a  great  smoke 
was  discovered  on  shore,  curling  up  from  among  the  trees  ; 
and  the  troops  landed  hastily,  hoping  that  they  had  found 
the  enemy.  They  hurried  through  the  forests  with  all 
speed  ;  but  on  reaching  the  spot  from  which  the  smoke 

*  Winthrop,  Vol.  I,  p.  233.         t  Mnis.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  X,  p.  100. 


146 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


arose,  were  sadly  disappointed  ic  find  that  it  was  not  the 
work  of  the  Pequots,  but  of  the  timid  and  friendly  Indians 
of  the  vicinity.*    At  Quinnipiac,  a  Mohegan,  named  Jack 
Etow,  Signalized  himself  by  a  feat    which  shows  how 
greatly  the  Pequots  had  become  depressed  by  their  mis- 
fortunes.    Meeting  three  of  this  unfortunate  tribe  in  the 
forest,  he  captured  two  of  them,  and  carried  his  prisoners 
on  board  the  English  vessels.f     Poor  wanderers !  perhaps 
they  had  been,  for  weeks,  on  the  verge  of  starvation,  and 
now  surrendered  for  the  sake  of  obtaining  a  little  food,  or 
some  shelter  from  their  continual  hardships. 

One  Pequot  was  granted  his  life  on  condition  that  he 
would  search  out  Sassacus,  and  either  kill  him,  or  bring 
back  an  account  of  his  place  of  retreat.   He  departed,  found 
his  sachem,  and  remained  in  his  company  several  days 
without  obtaining  an  opportunity  to  execute  his  purpose 
His  murderous  designs  were  at   last  suspected,  and  he 
had  to  fly,  by  night,  to  avoid  the  watchful  jealousy  of  his 
countrymen.    He  returned  faithfully  to  the  EngLsh  camp, 
this  Pequot  Arnold,  and  reported  the  numbers  and  situa- 
tion of  the  forlorn  band  of  fugitives. 

The  army  now  commenced  its  march  westward  to- 
wards Sasco,  a  place  where  there  was  a  great  swamp  not 
far  from  the  seashore.  On  the  way  an  incident  occurred 
which  is  related  by  Johnson,  one  of  the  most  singular  of 
the  early  New  England  writers,  and  which,  as  he  has 
told  It,  IS  truly  ludicrous.  As  the  army  was  toiling 
through  the  forest,  it  passed  by  a  deep  thicket  in  which 
two  stout  Pequots  were   lying   very   quietly,  watching 

*  Mason.     Maaa.  Hiat.  Coll.,  Vol.  XVIII,  p.  145. 
t  Mason.     Mass.  Hist.  Ooll.,  Vol.  XVIII.  p.  146.' 


I 


r 


I 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


147 


an  opportunity  to  achieve  some  notable  exploit.     They 
waited  until,  as  they  supposed,  the  last  man  had  come 
up,  when,  rushing  suddenly  out,  they  tripped  up  his  heels, 
hoisted  him  on  to  their  shoulders,  and  started  off  with 
him  into  a  swamp.     The  soldier,  says  Johnson,  unwilling 
to  be  made  a  pope  of  by  being  borne  upon  men's  shoul- 
ders, struggled  all  he  could  to  get  away,  and  roared  for 
help  at  the  top  of  his  voice.     Fortunately  for  him,  his 
lieutentant,  one  Davenport,  was  still  behind,  and  coming 
up  to  his  help,  commenced  an  attack  upon  the  Indians 
with  his  cutlass.     Upon  this,  the  Pequots  converted  their 
burden  into   a   buckler,  and   tumbled  the  poor  soldier 
about  in  a  most  marvellous  manner,  and  with  such  dex- 
terity, that,  for  some  time,  Davenport  cou  i  not  bring  a 
stroke  to  bear  upon  them.     This  could  not  last  long, 
however ;  blood  was  soon  seen  flowing  down  the  tawny 
skins  of  the  Indians,  and,  letting  go  of  their  intended 
prize,  ihey  fled  hastily  into  the  thicket.* 

Afier  a  march  of  some  twenty  or  twenty-five  miles,  the 
men  in  advance  came  to  a  corn-field,  and,  at  the  same 
time,  saw  a  number  of  Indians  on  a  hill  which  rose  at  a 
little  distance  farther  on.  The  Indians  discovered  them 
at  the  same  instant,  and  immediately  fled  over  the  hill, 
vigorously  pursued  by  the  white  men.  When  the  latter 
reached  the  top  of  the  eminence,  they  beheld  a  large 
swamp  beyond,  filled  with  thickets,  and  on  the  other  side 
of  it  about  twenty  wigwams.  As  the  swamp  consisted 
of  two  parts,  almost  separated  from  each  other  by  firm 
ground,  twelve  or  tlr'•^^cn  men  ran  to  surround  tha 
smaller   end,   while    Li  ii tenant    Davenport  and  several 

•  Mnw.  ilU I.  Coll.,  Vol.  XIV,  p.  50. 
51* 


■^^j^tWW.iifWW^"!"''' 


1^8  BISTORT   OF   THE    INDIANS 

.    .J  in  frnnt   with  the  intention  of  pushing 
others  entered  m  ft""'.  ^  ^^  ,,,,^,,4  sufficient 

directly  through.     Ihe  feqa  ^^^j, 

notice  of  the  aPP';-^»f*;"    The  sachem  of 
lodges  and  take  refuge  m  the  ^"^^  ^^^^  ^    ^is  fierce 

.,e  place,  f^^^^t:^:^^^^  ^ 
guests,  or  fearful  that  the jn  ^^^  ^^^^^. 

i„,ny,  Haa  X'^„:X.U  ,t"::d  Indians,  of  whom 
fore,  occupied  by  nearn  tnr  -^^^en  Daven- 

eighty  or  a  hundred  were  Pequot  varr^rs  ^,^^_^  ^.^^ 

port  and  his  men  rushed  mto  it  mey^we  ^^^ 

.  shower  of  ^^'.''J^^^^^tX^Zv^'^^^  ^-^^ 

""°"':ifer"the  Engil^.  Irew  thel  swords  to  defend 
upon  them ,  the  l^ng  ^^^^  ^^^^  ^^^^^^^ 

^^TTCh  nT  S^Bverallndians  being  killed, how- 
fought  hand  to  hand.  J""">'  wounded  men 
ever,  the  others  were  beaten  back,  a,.d  the  wou 

,0  force  an  entrance.  Be mg  ""^''"J^  J^^in  of  doing 
"T  tn:r"i:  -  dlTm^r  tr;a„t  a  parley  ; 
Tna  Thomarstar:       the  same  who.had  parleyed  w.th  a 

^rrtt^^rwettrt—f^^^^^ 

preter.      He  weuv  Indians  that  life 

havine  obtained   a  hearing,  told  the  inai 

other  of  tho  old  men,  women  and  children 

,.  ,1   V  1  YVITI  no  146.147.  Winlhrop.Vol.  I,p.231. 
•  Mason.  Mosb.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  XVIII.PP.  14''. 


iMki-tMimi^^&>:i^ 


I  I 


fili'i 


u 


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w 


H 

W 

H 

H 


I 
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MiaMBu 


i^MSill&^l^*^' 


mm 


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E' 

< 

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H 
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m 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


149 


i 


followed,  until,  in  about  two  hours,  nearly  two  hundred 
persons  had  left  the  swamp.  None  remained,  it  is  prob- 
able, but  the  Pequot  warriors.  Few  of  these  could  ever 
have  slain  Englishmen,  and  the  greater  portion  of  them 
might  have  surrendered  with  an  almost  certain  prospect 
of  being  let  off  with  life.  Who  then  can  refuse  to  admire 
that  heroic  spirit  and  noble  self-devotion,  which  would 
not  suffer  them  to  desert  each  other  in  this  last  extremity  ? 
With  one  resolution  they  exclaimed :  "  We  will  fight  it 
out  to  the  last."  They  shot  their  arrows  at  the  messen- 
ger of  peace,  and  rushed  upon  him  with  such  violence 
that  the  soldiers  had  to  run  to  his  rescue.* 

As  night  came  on,  the  English  cut  through  the  narrow 
part  of  the  swamp,  so  that  the  men,  by  standing  at  a  dis- 
tance of  twelve  feet  from  each  other,  were  able  com- 
pletely to  surround  the  enemy.  All  night  the  Pequots 
kept  creeping  close  up  to  the  guards  and  discharging  their 
arrows  at  them ;  but,  although  the  clothes  of  the  latter 
were  often  pierced,  not  one  of  them  received  a  wound. 
The  English  musketry  was  not  thus  ineffective,  as  was 
discovered  by  the  dead  bodies  found  next  day,  half-buried 
in  the  trampled  mire.f 

A  little  before  morning,  a  heavy  fog  came  on,  and  the 
Pequots  took  advantage  of  the  deepening  obscurity  to 
attempt  their  escape.  They  rushed  with  loud  yells  upon 
that  part  of  the  line  guarded  by  Patrick's  men,  and  re- 
turned to  the  charge  as  fast  as  they  were  driven  back. 
\s  the  battle  increased  in  violence,  the  other  leaders  came 


M  ,    ( 


»  Mason.     Mnss.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  XVIII,  p.   147.     Winthrop,  Vol.  I, 
pp.  231,2.S2. 
t  Hubbard's  Indian  Wars,  p.  48. 


150 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


up  to  assist  Patrick,  and  the  line  of  the  besiegers  was 
broken  up.  While  Mason  was  marching  along  the  edge 
of  the  swamp,  he  found  the  Pequots  pressing  out  upon 
him.  He  repulsed  them  with  a  discharge  of  musketry, 
upon  which  they  immediately  turned,  and,  falliig  once 
more  upon  Patrick's  line,  forced  their  way  through  and 
fled.  Sixty  or  seventy  thus  mads  iheir  escape,  of  whom 
some  were  found  dead  in  the  pursuit  on  the  following 
day.  A  quantity  of  wampum  and  Indian  utensils  was 
taken,  and  the  victorious  army  carried  back  one  hundred 
and  eighty  prisoners* 

In  this  battle  Sassacus  had  not  been  engaged.     On 
finding  by  the  attempt  of  his  renegade  countryman  that 
he  was  still  exposed  to  the  attacks  of  his  enemies,  he  had 
resolved  to  take  refuge  in  yet  more  distant  regions.     Ac- 
companied by  Mononotto,  with  twenty,  or,  as  some  say, 
forty,  of  his  bravest  warriors,  and  carrying  five  hundred 
pounds  worth  of  wampum,  he  fled  to  the  country  of  the 
Mohawks.     To  desert  his  people  in  the  midst  of  their 
dangers,  does  not  seem  to  correspond  with  his  fame  as  a 
great  chieftain  and  a  brave  warrior..    There  are  two  ways, 
however,  in  which  his  conduct  may  be  honorably  ex- 
plained.    It  was  reported  among  the  English,  that  some 
of  the  Pequots  accused  him  of  being  the  author  of  their 
misfortunes,  and  would  perhaps  have  killed  him  in  their 
rage,  had  it  not  been  for  the  interference  of  his  friends. 
This  quarrel  may  have  pursued  fiim  into  his  present  re- 
treat, and  forced  him  to  leave  his  countrymen  even  against 
his  will.     It  is  possible,  in  the  second  place,  that,  seeing 
there  was  no  safety  but  in  farther  flight,  he  may  have 

•  Mason.   Mass.  Hist.  Coll,  Vol.  XVIII,  p.  148.    Winthrop,  Vol.  I,  p.  232.. 


i 


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OP    CONNECTICUT.  i-j 

ever   a,  .nd  his  fate.     The  Mohawks,  moved  it  wa,  r. 

no«o.  Who  flea  ^^:r:Lir.Tr:°''\T::!z: 

•     were!   ;  '""cn       7-  "    "'  "'  ""^  '""'<'^^«''  -^'^-n^. 

de:^Xirtrr:r  """'^ ''-  ""^"^-  -^ '-« 

The  colonists  at  first  tried  to  make  use  of  their  „ri, 
oners  as  servants,  or,  more  properl,,  as  slave      b     st   h 
was  the  uneasiness  of  these  proud  children  „f  ,v,    r 
and  so  troublesome  did  they  make  tll    f  '""■ 

Among  the  prisoners  taken  in  the  Pairfip]^  o 

wethewifeandchildrenofMonooto         wasaZdv 
known  that  chiefly  through  her  influence  hrdthe  two 
girls  taken  at  Wethersfield  been  saved  from  death      Td 
she  now  attracted  the  admiration  of  the  slth  K    T 
intelligence  and  modesty,  no  less  .Ln   hfha  1e  Jrved 
their  gratitude  by  her  human  if  V     u         i      "**" '^^^^'^^eci 
that  her  honor  m' gh:  'rhe     0^.""::^.^;"  ^T 
not  be  separated  from  her  childr  n      She  T'"""" 

-gned,hkemos.ofherfe:Xtivt.::rEt 

*  Winthrop,  Vol.  I,  p.  235. 

t  Mason.    Ma«.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  XVllI,  p.  148. 


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IllSXOttY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


lish  family ;  but  Governor  Winthrop  gave  strict  injunc- 
tions that  she  should  be  treated  with  kindness.* 

At  the  close  of  the  swamp  fight,  it  weis  calculated  that 
seven  hundred  Pequots  had  been  killed  or  captured  ;  and 
the  prisoners  taken  on  that  occasion  reported,  that,  out  of 
the  twenty-six  sagamores  of  their  nation,  only  thirteen 
survived.  A  large  part  of  these  last,  also,  must  have  per- 
ished in  the  massacre  with  Sassacus.f 

Broken  and  dispirited,  the  Pequots  now  became  an  easy 
prey  to  their  enemies  j  and  the  Mohegans  and  Narragan- 
setts  continually  brought  their  heads  or  hands  into  the 
English  settlements.  Among  these  ghastly  trophies  was 
a  hand  of  the  sagamore  who  led  the  band  which  massa- 
cred Stone  and  his  companions  on  the  Conneclicut.  Some 
of  the  chased  and  persecuted  tribe  took  refuge  with  their 
late  tributaries,  the  western  Nehantics ;  some  fled  to  Long 
Island ;  some  to  the  banks  of  the  Hudson ;  and  others, 
tradition  afterwards  said,  retreated  as  far  as  the  back  por- 
tions of  Virginia  and  North  Carolina.  Many  threw  them- 
selves on  the  mercy  of  Uncas,  and  some  even  on  that  of 
their  ancient  and  hated  enemies,  the  eastern  Nehantics 
and  the  Narragansetts.  The  Narragansetts  were  bound 
by  a  treaty  not  to  receive  them,  and  they  appear  to  have 
kept  their  agreement  with  considerable  fidelity.  Those 
few  who  came  to  them  they  usually  carried  to  Boston  and 
handed  over  to  the  English  magistrates.  At  one  time 
they  brought  in  nearly  eighty  of  these  prisoners,  of  whom 
twenty  were  men,  and  one  of  them  a  considerable  saga- 
more. The  Mohegans,  and  perhaps  the  Nehantics,  were 
under  no  such  obligation ;  and  they  probably  made  little 


*  Hubbard's  Narrative,  p.  49. 


t  Winthrop,  Vol.  I,  p.  234. 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


153 


hesitation  about  receiving  and  adopting  as  many  of  the 
defeated  "tribe  as  would  come  to  them.  As  early  as  July, 
1637,  less  than  two  months  after  the  fight  at  Fort  Mystic, 
the  authorities  of  Massachusetts  had  a  quarrel  with  Nini- 
gret,  the  Nehantic  sachem,  about  his  harboring  Pequots.* 
Uncas,  too,  whose  clan  was  exceedingly  feeble  before  the 
war  broke  out,  now  began  to  make  it  formidable  by  the 
number  of  refugees  from  the  dispersed  tribe  which  he 
continually  received  into  it.  Pequots  and  Mohegans  were, 
until  lately,  all  the  same  people ;  and  when  they  were 
mingled  together  it  was  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  for 
the  colonists  to  distinguish  them.  But  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  crafty  sachem  were  revealed  to  the  English 
by  the  Narragansetts,  between  whom  and  Uncas  a  bitter 
hostility  began  to  grow  up  even  before  the  close  of  the 
present  war. 

In  July,  1638,  while  the  persecution  of  the  scattered 
Pequots  still  dragged  on,  Uncas,  with  thirty-seven  of  his 
warriors,  made  a  ceremonial  visit  to  Boston.  Being  ad- 
mitted before  the  council  of  the  colony,  he  laid  down 
twcL'ty  fathoms  of  wampum  as  a  present  for  the  governor. 
He  was  told  that  the  governor  would  not  accept  it  until 
he  had  made  explanations  and  given  satisfaction  con- 
cerning the  Pequots  whom  he  had  received  and  now  har- 
bored Uncas  was  terribly  perplexed.  He  saw  the  rock 
upon  which  Sassacus  had  split,  and  was  determined  not 
to  draw  upon  himself  the  nger  of  the  English,  while,  at 
the  same  time,  he  could  not  bear  to  part  with  any  of  his 
followers.  He  denied  that  he  had  any  Pequots,  and 
aflirmed  most  expressly,  that  all  the  company  then  present 

•  Winihrop,  Vol.  I,  p.  232. 


154 


HISTORY   or    THE    INDIANS 


with  him  were  true  Mohegans.  His  protestations  and 
his  evident  grief  softened  the  displeasure  of  the  magis- 
trates, and  they  accepted  his  present.  '.le  now  took 
courage.  Placing  his  hand  on  his  heart,  and  addressing 
the  governor,  he  said:  "This  heart  is  not  mine:  it  is 
yours.  I  have  no  men  :  they  are  all  yours.  Command 
me  any  hard  thing  and  I  will  do  it.  I  will  never  believe 
any  Indian's  words  against  the  English.  If  any  Indian 
shall  kill  an  Englishman,  I  will  put  him  to  death  be  he 
never  so  dear  to  me."* 

To  the  spirit  exhibited  in  this  speech  Uncas  was  faith- 
ful, so  far  as  it  agreed  with  his  own  advantage,  as  long  as 
he  lived.  Entirely  devoted  to  his  own  interest,  he  found 
that  he  best  advanced  that  interest  by  exhibiting  great 
devotion  to  the  powerful  foreigners.  He  was  faithful  to 
them  just  as  the  jackal  is  faithful  to  the  lion  :  not  because 
it  loves  the  lion,  but  because  it  gains  something  by  re- 
maining in  his  company. 

How  sincere  he  was  in  his'dealings  on  this  occasion,  we 
may  learn  from  a  fact  preserved  in  the  letters  of  Roger 
Williams.  As  Uncas  was  returning  from  Boston  he  passed 
within  a  mile  of  Williams'  house  ;  and,  one  of  his  com- 
pany being  disabled  from  traveling  by  lameness,  turned 
aside  there  to  rest.  This  man,  named  Wequaumugs,  had 
a  Narragansett  father  and  a  Mohegan  mother,  so  that  he 
was  on  free  terms  in  the  country  of  either  tribe.  He  soon 
fell  into  conversation  with  his  kind  host,  and  answered 
his  questions  without  reserve.  He  stated  that  there  were 
only  two  Pequots  with  Miantinomo,  neither  of  whom  had 
come  in  of  themselves,  but  both  having  been  captured  by 

«  Winthrop,  Vol.  I,  pp.  265,  266. 


,*isa**«!. 


■JkiM'^!il^" 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


155 


his  warriors.  In  the  Nehantic  country  thv?re  were  about 
sixty  under  Wequash  Cook,  nephew  of  Ninigret  the  Ne- 
hantic sachem.  Williams  then  asked  him  if  there  were 
any  Pequots  in  the  company  which  Uncas  took  with  him 
to  Boston.  Wequaumugs  replied  that  there  were  six,  and 
gave  their  names,  observing  that  two  of  them,  Pamatesick 
and  Weaugonhick,  were  slayers  of  Englishmen.  Williams 
wrote  down  the  names,  and  sent  thc>m,  with  an  account 
of  the  conversation,  to  Governor  Winthrop,  that  Uncas 
might  not  lose  the  credit  of  his  praise-worthy  fidelity  to 
the  English,  and  his  singular  regard  for  truth.*  The 
revelation  must  have  been  peculiarly  gratifying  to  Win- 
throp, as  he  had  given  the  sachem  a  fine  red  coat  on  his 
departure,  had  defrayed  his  expenses  while  he  remained 
in  Boston,  furnished  him  with  provisions  l ur  his  home- 
ward journey,  and  dismissed  him  with  a  general  letter  of 
protection. 

The  Pequots  who  remained  independent  at  last  became 
tired  of  being  chased  about,  like  wolves  and  foxes,  from 
one  hiding  place  to  another.  They  sent  in  some  of  their 
chief  men  to  Hartford,  with  an  offer  that,  if  only  their 
lives  might  be  spared,  they  would  give  themselves  up  to 
the  English  and  become  their  servants.  This  offer  was 
accepted;  and  Uncas  and  Miantinsmo  were  both  sum- 
moned to  Hartford,  to  agree  with  the  magistrates  in  the 
disposition  of  the  conquered  people.  This  invitation 
demonstrates,  perhaps,  the  power  and  influence  to  which 
Uncas  had  already  arisen.  Had  he  been  no  more  potent 
now  than  he  was  at  the  commencement  of  the  war,  it  is 
very  possible  that  he  might  not  have  received  such  a  token 

•  Rhode  Island  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  140, 141.* 
16 


156 


HISTORY   OF   THE    INDIANS 


of  consideration.     It  seems  probable,  also,  that  the  colo- 
nists had  already  fixed  their  eye  upon  him,  as  one  whom 
they  could  safely  build  up  as  a  bulwark  and  a  watch- 
tower  for  themselves  against  the  other  aborigmes  ot  this 
part  of  New  England.     Another  cause  likewise  existed 
for  this  meeting,  in  a  circumstance  to  which  I  have  before 
alluded      The  Pequots  and  Mohegans  had  already  ceased 
fighting,  and  began  to  unite   under  Uncas'  authority. 
Partly  in  consequence  of  this,  and  partly  from  the  remem- 
brance of  ancient  hostility,  a  quarrel  had  arisen  between 
this  new  community  and  the  Narragansetts.     Insults  and 
injuries  Mete  bandied  to  and  fro ;  and  the  sachems  were 
now  summoned  ^^  Hartford,  as  well  to  adjust  their  own 
disputes,  as  to  sea     the  distribution  of  the  Pequots. 

Miantinomo  set  out  for  the  place  of  meeting  in  great 
state  ;  being  attended  by  his  wife  and  children,  by  several 
sachems,  and  no  less  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  warriors. 
Three  Englishmen  also  traveled  in  his  company,  one  of 
whom  wus  Roger  Williams.     This  large  number  of  war- 
riors was,  probably,  not  so  much  in  ostentation,  as  for 
protection  against  real  or  fancied  danger  from  the  follow- 
ers of  Uncas.     On  the  way,  various  Narragansetts  were 
met  coming  from  Conne-  ticut,  who  complained  that  they 
had   been    plundered  by   the   Pequots  and   Mohegans. 
Some  Wunnashowatuckoogs,*  a  tribe  subject  to  Canon- 
icus,  also   came   into   camp  and  told  alarming   stories. 
"  They  had  been  robbed,"  they  said,  "  two  days  before, 
by  a  band  of  six  or  seven  hundred  Indians,  composed  of 
Pequots  and  Mohegans,  and  others  who  were  their  con- 
federates.    This   great   band  had   spoiled  twenty-three 

•  Probably  a  Nipmuck  clan. 


ft2atgS*M&S«feS^-i*ii- 


,^i£^^-iM)^Maa^< 


jis«sirii*»i*  ■' 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


167 


fields  of  their  corn,  and  had  rifled  several  Narragansetts 
who  were  staying  among  them.  Now  they  were  lying 
in  wait  to  stop  Miantinomo  on  his  journey ;  and  some  of 
them  had  threatened  to  boil  him  in  a  kettle." 

These  reports  being  continually  swelled  and  strength- 
ened, the  three  Englishmen,  with  the  design  of  preventing 
bloodshed,  advised  a  return;  and  Roger  "Williams  pro- 
posed to  go  himself  to  Connecticut,  by  water,  and  use  his 
influence  to  have  a  stop  put  to  this  insolence  of  the  Mohe- 
gans.     Byit  as  the  distance  was  already  half  accomplished, 
Miantinomo  rejected  this  plan  ;  and    9solved  at  any  risk 
to  proceed  in  the  path  on  which  he  had  set  out.     The 
journey  was  continued,  therefore  ;  the  sachems  marching 
in  the  center;  Roger  Williams  and  his  companions  in. 
front ;  and  forty  or  fifty  men  scouting  the  woods  on  either 
side.     No  attack  was  made,  perhaps  none  was  intended ; 
and,  proceeding  in  this  manner,  they  finally  crossed  the 
Connecticut  and  entered  the  little  village  of  Hartford. 

As  soon  as  he  obtained  an  interview  with  the  magis- 
trates, Miantinomo  brought  forward  his  complaints  against 
Uncas,  for  all  the  acts  of  injustice  and  violence  which  he 
had  committed,  or  was  said  to  have  committed,  upon  the 
Narragansetts.  The  Mohegan  chief  was  not  there,  having 
sent  a  messenger  to  say  that  he  was  lame  and  could  not 
come.  Haynes,  a  principal  member  of  the  council,  and 
afterwards  governor  of  the  colony,  replied  that  it  was  a 
very  lame  excuse  ;  and  dispatched  an  urgent  request  that 
he  should  make  his  appearance.  Uncas  recovered  from 
his  lameness  sufficiently  to  reach  Hartford ;  and  an  ex- 
amination was  then  commenced  of  the  charges  brought 
against  him  by  the  Narragansetts.    The  Mohegan  sachem 


^ 


158 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


brought  in  one  of  his  followers,  to  testify  in  his  defense. 
This  man  stated  that  he  was  in  the  party  which  was  said 
to  have  plundered  the  Wunnashowatuckoogs ;  that  in- 
stead of  six  hundred  and  sixty  warriors,  as  the  Narragan- 
setts  affirmed,  there  were  only  one  hundred  ;  and  that 
they  did  nothing  more  than  roast  corn,  and  a  few  other 
harmless  things  of  the  like  nature.     The  Narragansetts 
contradicted  this,  and  the  Mohegans  rejoined  :  both  parties 
commenced  criminations  and  recriminations :  the  magis- 
trates heard  them  patiently  for  a  whilj,  to  let  them  blow 
off  their  anger  in  words ;  but,  having  no  evidence  upon 
which  they  could  depend,  they  finally  ordered  the  charges 
to  be  dismissed.     They  then  attemptod  to  effect  a  recon- 
ciliation between  the  sachems,  and  succeeded  so  far  as  to  • 
make  them  shake  hands.     Miantinomo  seemed  to  be  the 
most  sincere,  and  twice  invited  his  rival  to  feast  with  him 
on  some  venison  which  his  men  had  just  killed.     The 
magistrates  urged  Uncas  to  accept  the   invitation;  but, 
either  from  sullenness,  or  from  suspicion  of  the  Narragan- 
sett's  intentions,  he  refused.  * 

In  a  private  conference  Miantinomo  gave  in  the  names 
of  six  Pequot  sachems  who  remained,  and  of  all  the  sur- 
viving men  of  that  nation  who  had  been  guilty  of  Eng- 
lish blood.  A  list  of  these  names  was  v/ritten  out,  and 
was  afterwards  read  to  Uncas,  who  acknowledged  it  to  be 
correct.  The  sachems,  or,  more  properly  sagamores,  were 
Nausipouck,  now  on  Long  Island,  Puppompogs,  brothei 
of  Sassacus,  Kithansh  and  Nanasquionwut  at  Mohegan, 
and  Mausaumpous  at  Nehantic. 

An  investigation  was  now  commenced,  as  to  the  num- 
ber of  Pequots  still  remaining,  and  where  they  were  to 


1 


1 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


159 


be  found.  Canonicus,  the  Narragansetts  said,  had  not 
one.  MiantinOmo  had  ten  or  eleven,  the  remains  of 
seventy  who  had,  at  vaxious  times,  submitted  to  him,  out 
had  either  never  come  to  his  country,  or  had  afterwards 
departed.  All  the  rest  of  the  Pequots,  they  asserted,  were 
now  in  their  ancient  territory  or  among  the  Mohegans. 

Uncas  was  very  unwilling  to  give  in  his  account,  and 
endeavored  to  avoid  it  with  his  characteristic  duplicity. 
"  He  did  not  know  the  names  of  his  Pequots,"  he  said, 
"  and  so  could  not  state  them.  He  had  but  a  few .  Nini- 
gret  and  three  other  Nehantic  sachems  had  Pequots  ;  but, 
as  for  himself,  he  had  only  twenty." 

Thomas  Stanton,  the  interpreter,  told  him  that  he  dealt 
very  falsely ;  and  other  persons  stated  that  he  had  fetched 
over  thirty  or  forty  Pequots  from  Long  Island  at  one 
time.  He  now  acknowledged  that  he  had  thirty,  but  de- 
clared that  he  was  unable  to  tell  their  names.  He  was 
allowed  ten  days  to  bring  in  the  names  and  the  exact 
number ;  and  a  messenger  was  sent  to  the  Nehantics  to 
obtain  a  list  of  the  Pequots  who  were  with  them.* 

Whether  these  conditions  were  exactly  fulfilled  or  not 
is  uncertain ;  for  we  have  no  minute  account  of  the  fur- 
ther proceedings  of  this  English  and  Indian  council.  At 
the  next  meeting,  however,  it  was  agreed  on  all  hands, 
that  about  two  hundred  Pequots  remained  besides  women 
and  children.  This  number  included  all  the  grown 
males,  the  old,  the  infirm  and  the  maimed,  as  well  as 
those  who  were  strong  and  fit  for  war. 

A  tripartite  treaty,  dated  October  1st,  1638,  was  now 
entered  into  by  John  Haynes,  Roger  Ludlow  and  Edward 

•  Roger  WUIiams'  Letters.   Rhode  Island  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  14S— 148. 

16* 


.  I 


160 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS,    ETC. 


Hopkins,  for  the  English  of  Connecticut ;  by  Miantinemo 
on  behalf  of  the  sachems  of  the  Narragansetts ;  and  Po- 
quim,  or  Uncas,  on  the  part  of  himself  and  the  sagamores 
under  him. 

There  was  to  be  perpetual  peace  between  the  parties, 
all  former  provocations  and  enmities  being  buried  forever. 
If,  however,  any  quarrel  should  take  place  between  the 
Narragansetts  and  Mohegans,  the  party  aggrieved  was  to 
appeal  to  the  English,  whose  decision  was  to  be  held 
binding.     And  if  either  of  the  tribes  should  refuse  to  be 
g  ided  by  that  decision,  the  English  might  take  up  arms 
aud  forcibly  compel  it  to  submit.     The  Mohegans  and 
^Farragansetts  were  to  destroy  those   Pequots  who  had 
been  guilty  of  English  blood,  and  to  bring  in  their  heads 
tc  the  magistrates.     The  two  hundred  Pequots  were  to 
be  divided,  eighty  to  Miantinomo,  twenty  to  Ninigret, 
and  the  remaining  one  hundred  to  Uncas.     For  these 
captivts  the  chieftains  were  to  pay  an  annual  tribute  of  a 
fathom  of  wampum  for  every  man,  half  a  fathom  for  every 
youth,  and  a  hand  for  every  male  child.     The  Pequots 
were  not  to  live  in  their  ancient  country,  nor  to  be  called 
by  their  ancient  name,  but  to  become  Narragansetts  and 
Mohegans.     Lastly,  the  Pequot  territory  was  not  to  be 
3laimed  by  the  sachems,  but^o  be  considered  as  the  prop- 
erty of  the  English  of  Connecticut.* 

Such  was  the  peace  which  closed  the  famous  Pequo* 
war ;  and  thus,  for  a  time,  was  the  national  existence  of 
that  brave  though  savage  people  extinguished. 

•  Rhode  Island  Hist.  Coll.  Vol.  Ill,  p.  177. 


I 


%■ 


^^lijUUstU^mmMrnhMiiiUMIttiilt'^^ 


CHAPTER    V. 


FROM   THE    DIVISION    OP    THE    PEq,UOTS    TO   THE    DEATH    OP 

MIANTINOMO. 

The  overthrow  of  the  Pequots  relieved  the  English 
colonists  from  a  very  troublesome  barrier  to  the  prosecu- 
tion of  their  settlements  in  Connecticut.  New  emigrants 
arrived  from  England,  and  the  white  men  began  to  flow 
into  this  recently  opened  field  of  colonization  in  consider- 
able numbers.  The  whole  land  was  open  to  them,  for 
the  natives  were  both  fearful  of  their  prowess,  and  grate- 
ful for  their  own  late  deliverance  from  the  ravages  and 
taxes  of  the  Pequots.  Neither  had  they  the  foresight  to 
anticipate  the  evil  consequences  which  would  ensue  to 
themselves  from  the  establishment  of  the  strangers  in 
their  country.  They  did  not  so  much  as  suppose  that  it 
would  cause  the  game  to  disappear ;  much  less  that  it 
would  result  in  their  own  depression  and  the  extinction 
of  their  race.  Setting  little  value  upon  land  and  much 
on  the  utensils  and  ornaments  which  the  English  could 
offer  them,  they  willingly  exchanged  the  one  for  the 
other,  and  perhaps  thought,  until  they  began  to  feel  the 
consequences  of  their  simplicity,  that  they  were  the 
greatest  gainers  by  the  transaction. 

According  to  the  late  treaty,  the  Connecticut  colonists 
claimed  the  country  in  which  the  Pequots  had  chiefly 
lived,  as  their  own  by  right  of  conquest.     This  tract  lay 


162 


HISTORT    OP   THE    INDIANS 


on  the  coast,  between  the  Niantic  and  Paucatuc  Rivers, 
and  comprised  the  ancient  large  townships  of  New  Lon- 
don, Groton  and  Stonington.  No  one  pretended  to  dis- 
pute the  title  of  it  with  the  victors,  and  they  consequently 
never  purchased  it  of  any  one,  although  for  several  years 
no  settlements  were  commenced  within  its  limits. 

By  their  oursuit  of  the  Pequot  refugees,  the  English 
had  become  acquainted  with  the  seacoast  lying  west  of 
the  Connecticut  River.     They  were  highly  pleased  with 
the  advantages  which  it  afforded  them  for  settlements, 
and  immediately  commenced  extending  themselves  in  this 
direction.     In  the  spring  of  1638,  six  months  before  the 
final  division  of  the  Pequots,  a  considerable  body  of 
planters  arrived  from  ^oston  in  the  little  bay  of  New 
Haven.     The  Q-uinnipiacs  made  no  objection  to  their 
stay,  well  pleased,  no  doubt,  at  the  triendly  settlement  of 
so  powerful  a  race  among  them,  whose  vicinity,   they 
concluded,  would  act  as  a  barrier  to  the  incursions  of  the 
Mohawks.     On  the  fourth  of  the  following  December,  a 
treaty  was  entered  into  between  the  strangers  and  the 
aborigines :  John  Davenport  and  Theophilus  Eaton  stood 
forth  on  the  part  of  the  colonists ;  Momauguin,  sachem 
of  the  Quinnipiacs,  Shaumpishuh  his  sister,  Sugcogisin, 
Q,uesaquanash,*  Carroughood  and  Wesaucucke,  his  coun- 
cillors, on  the  part  of  the  Indians.     The  treaty  opens  by 
a  declaration  from  Momauguin,  his  council  and  his  people, 
that  Momauguin  is  the  sole  sachem  of  Cluinnipiac,  and 
has,  with  his  council  and  people,  an  absolute  power  to 
dispose  of  all  or  any  part  of  it,  unrestricted  by  any  other 
person   whatsoever.     The  declaration  then  goes   on  to 

•  In  this  treaty  spelt  Quosaquash ;  in  that  of  Guilford  as  above. 


] 


•  iiirifr'rVr"--"-^"^" 


MwittiiTii iiiKiiMmiKlrtir 


OP    CONNECTICUT 


163 


say,  that  the  Quinnipiacs  had  not  forgotten  the  heavy 
taxes  and  continual  alarms  which  they  had  felt  and  feared 
from  the  Pequots,  Mohawks  and  other  Indians ;  that,  in 
consequence  of  their  sufferings  and  terrors,  they  had  not 
been  able  to  remain  in  their  own  country,  but  had  been 
forced  to  seek  shelter  among  the  English  of  Connecticut 
River ;  and  that,  since  the  English  had  begun  to  build 
and  plant  among  them,  they  had  tasted  some  of  that  ease 
and  safety  which  all  those  Indians  enjoyed  who  lived 
near  the  English  and  under  their  protection.     For  this 
reason  they  gave  up  to  the  white  men  all  the  lands  of 
Quinnipiac,  wherever  they  might  extend,  together  with 
all  the  rivers,  ponds,  trees  and  other  appurtenances  which 
belonged  to  them.     For  themselves  they  stipulated,  that 
they  might  hunt  over  the  district  as  before,  and  that  a 
tract  might  be  reserved  for  them  on  the  east  side  of  the 
harbor  sufficient  for  their  small  population  to  plant  on. 
Even  on  this  tract  the  English  might  use  the  meadows 
and  cut  down  the  trees  at  pleasure ;  nor  should  the  Quin- 
nipiacs,  in  their  hunting,  set  their  traps  in  such  a  manner 
as  would  be  likely  to  injure  the  cattle  of  the  settlers. 
Many  other  conditions  were  annexed,  each  party  prom- 
ising not  to  molest  the  other,  and  to  make  all  suitable 
reparation  if  any  injury  should  ever  be  done.    The  Quin- 
nipiacs  stated  the  numbers  of  their  men  and  youths  at 
forty-seven ;  and  covenanted  that  they  would  admit  no 
other  Indians  among  them  without  first  having  leave  from 
the  English.     The  treaty  was  signed  by  the  totems  of  the 
sachem,  of  his  four  councilors,  and  of  his  sister.     The 
totem  of  Momanguin  was  a  bow;  that  of  Sugcogisin  a 
fishhook ;  that  of  Quesaquanash  an  irregular  horizontal 


t 


1C4 


mSTORT    OP    THE    INDIANS 


line;  that  of  Weiaucuck  apparently  a  war-club;  whle 
that  of  Shauropishuh  may  or  ma/  not  have  been  a  to- 
bacco pipe.* 

In  return  for  the  gift  of  so  large  a  tract  of  land,  the 
colonists  made  the  Quinnipiacs  what  they  styled,   "a 
free  and  thankful  retiibution"  of  the  following  articles  ; 
twelve  coats  of  English  trading  cloth,  twelve  alchymy 
spoons,  twelve  hatchets,  twei/e  hoes,  two  dozen  of  knives, 
twelve  por-ingers,  and  four  cases  of  French  knives  and 
scissors.     Doubtless  some  such  present  as  this  was  ex- 
pected by  the  Indians  ;  but  the  tenoi  of  the  treaty  shows 
that  their  principal  inducements  in  making  it  were,  grati- 
tude for  the  English  protection,  and  a  desire  for  its  con- 
tinuance.    Knowing  little  of  European  modes  of  life,  and 
judging  of  the  colonists  greatly  by  themselves,  they  sup- 
posed that  the  latter  would  cultivate  but  a  little  laud,  and 
support  themselves,  for  the  rest,  by  trading,  fishing  and 
hunting.     Little  did  they  think,  that  in  the  course  of 
years  the  white  population  would  increase  from  scores  to 
hundreds,  and  from  hundreds  to  thousands ;  that  the  deep 
forests  would  be  cut  down ;  that  the  wild  animals  would 
disappear ;  that  the  fish  would  grow  few  in  the  rivers  • 
and  that  the  poor  remnant  of  the  Quinnipiacs  would 
eventually  leave  ti)3  graves  of  their  forefathers,  and  wan- 
der away  into  aLothei  land.    Could  they  have  anticipated 
that  a  change  so  wondeiful,  and,  in  their  history,  so  un- 
precedented, v/ould  of  necessity  fo'low  the  coming  of  the 

•  Records  of  New  Hnven  Colony.  A  full  copy  of  the  irenty  mny  he  seen 
in  Bacon's  Historica-  Discourflcs.  Appendi::,  op.  331— 3.7fi.  Foc-mmi!.>s  of 
the  totems  of  Momauguin  and  Shoumpishub.  with  those  of  f.ev.Mitcc.i  o.licr 
Connecticut  Bachcnn  and  BagamortB,  are  presented  in  the  iippcndix  to  tho 
prtNnt  v«)lum«,  Anicle  IV. 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


165 


S 


white  man,  they  would  have  preferred  the  wampum 
tributes  of  the  Pequots  and  the  scalping  parties  of  the 
Five  Nations,  to  the  vicinity  of  a  people  so  kind,  so  peace- 
able and  yet  so  destructive. 

There  is  n©  proof,  however,  but  that  the  treaty  was  well 
observed  by  both  parties^  or  that  any  difficulty  ever  arose 
between  them  as  long  as  the  Indians  remained  in  exist- 
ence. In  fact,  the  puritans  of  New  Haven  colony  are 
perhaps  not  less  worthy  of  praise  than  the  quakers  of 
Philadelphia  for  the  peace  and  quietness  which  invariably 
existed  between  them  and  the  aborigines  *  The  Q,uin- 
nipiacs  collected  on  their  little  reservation  on  the  east 
side  of  the  bay,  where  they  lived  for  a  long  time,  quiet 
and  unnoticed,  having  a  fort  to  protect  them  against  in- 
vaders, and  subsisting  chieily  upon  the  shell-fish  to  be 
found  in  the  harbor. 

A  few  days  subsequently,  the  New  Haven  settlers  made 
a  similar  treaty  [December  21st,]  with  Montowese,  son 
of  Sowheag,  and  sachem  of  the  country  north,  northeast 
and  northwest  of  Q.uinnipiac.  The  tract  thus  obtained 
was  ten  miles  in  breadth  by  thirteen  in  length,  extending 
eight  m'les  east  of  the  river  Quinnipiac,  and  five  miles 
west.  The  population  of  so  considerable  a  region,  com- 
prising at  least  one  hundred  and  thirty  square  miles,  con- 
sisted, besides  the  sachem,  often  warriors  and  a  proportion, 
able  number  of  squaws  and  papooses.  The  English  gave 
in  return  a  present  of  eleven  coats  of  trading  cloth  and 
one  coat  of  fine  cloth  for  Montowese  :  a  small  reservation. 


*  Pei'iaps  some  one  will  sneeringly  nsk,  what  has  become  of  the  Indian 
who  used  lo  live  around  Nev  Haven  ?  To  which  may  b«  replied,  wiih  equal 
justice,  What  has  become  of  the  Indians  who  used  to  live  around  Philadelphia  ? 


166 


HISTORY   OP    THK    INDIANS 


also,  was  made  by  the  Indians,  and  they  were  allowed  to 
hunt  on  the  land  as  before.  The  totem  of  Montowese  is 
attached  to  the  treaty,  and  also  that  of  Sawseunck,  an 
Indian  who  attended  to  witness  and  give  his  consent  to 
the  transaction,  and  who  may  perhaps  have  been  a  deputy 
from  Sowheag.  The  totem  of  Montowese  was  a  bow 
with  an  arrow  fitted  on  the  string  ;  that  of  Sawseunck 
was  a  hatchet.  It  is  worthy  of  remark,  as  illustrating  In- 
dian customs,  that  in  this  treaty  Montowese  states  that 
he  obtained  his  land  from  his  deceased  mother,  whom  wp 
may  conclude,  therefore,  to  have  been  the  daughter  of 
some  petty  sachem.* 

In  February,   1639,  Ansantawae,  sachem  of  the  Pau- 
gussetts  or  Wepawaugs,  sold  the  English  a  considerable 
tract  near  the  center  of  the  present  township  of  Milford. 
The  purchasers  laid  down  before  the  sachem  six  coats, 
ten  blankets,  one  kettle  and  a  quantity  of  hoes,  knives' 
hatchets  and  looking-glasses.     A  twig  and  a  piece  of  turf 
were  handed  to  Ansantawae  by  one  of  his  followers.    He 
stuck  the  twig  into  the  turf  and  gave  both  into  the  hands 
of  the  English.     By  this  ceremony,  he  considered  him- 
self to  have  passed  over  to  them  the  soil,  and  all  which 
the  soil  sustained.     An  instrument  of  sale  was  likewise 
drawn  up,  which  was  signed  on  the  part  of  the  Indians 
by  Ansantawae,  Anshuta,  Arracowset,  Manamatque  and 
several  others.f     The   Wepawaugs   were  considered  so 
numerous  at  this  time  fjiat  the  colonists  deemed  it  neces- 
sary for  their  own  safety  to  enclose  the  whole  town  plot 
of  a  mile  square  with  a  palisade. 

•  Records  of  New  Hnven  Colony. 

t  Lamherfs  History  of  New  Haven  Colony,  p.  86. 


t^^^  iteMrtftifa"  ■■■■im 


mill  iiMiiiiiiiimlr 


or    CONNECTICUT. 


167 


During  the  same  year  the  little  clan  resident  at  Pair- 
field  sold  a  large  tract  to  the  whites,  who  immediately 
commenced  a  settlement  there,  which  they  at  first  called, 
after  the  Indian  name  of  the  place,  Unquowa.  As  the 
original  records  of  Fairfield  have  been  destroyed,  the  par- 
ticulars of  this  sale  are  now  unknown. 

Another  and  the  only  other  settlement  eflfected  in  1639, 
was  the  gne  commenced  at  Menunketuc,  now  Guilford! 
The  purchase  was  made  [October  9th]  of  Shaumpishuh, 
sister  of  Momanguin,  and  sunk  squaw  or  female  chief  of 
the  Indians  of  Guilford.     The  tract  purchased  extended 
from  the  Aigicomock  or  East  River  of  Guilford,  to  a  place 
called  Kuttanoo,  most  probably  some  part  of  the  present 
township  of  East  Haven.     For  a  consideration  of  twelve 
coats,  twelve  fathoms  of  wampum,  twelve  looking-glasses, 
twelve  pairs  of  shoes,  twelve  pairs  of  stockings,  twelve 
hatchets,  four  kettles,  twelve  knives,  twelve  hats,  twelve 
porringers,  twelve  spoons  and  two  English  coats,  Shaum- 
pishuh and  her  people  acknowledged  themselves  fully  paid 
and  satisfied.     The  Indians,  according  to  agreement,  soon 
left  the  purchased  tract,  part  of  them  taking  up  their  resi- 
dence in  Branford,  and  part  moving  still  farther  west  Dn>\ 
uniting  with  the  main  body  of  their  kindred  at   EaU 
Haven.    Among  the  former  was  Quesaquanash,  who,  with 
others,  signed  the  treaty  of  New  Haven  ;  and  among  the 
latter  was    Shaumpishuh    herself,  who  thus  joined  her 
brother  Momauguin.     The  number  of  Indians  who  ac- 
companied Shaumpishuh  was  fourteen  men,  six  women, 
and  fourteen  children.* 

It  will  be  remembered  that,  during  the  Pequot  war, 

•  Guilford  Records. 

17 


168 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


some  difficulties  occurred  between  Sowheag  and  the  p^^nt- 
ers  of  Wethersfield ;  and  that,  in  consequence,  the  former 
joined  the  Pequots,  or  at  least  advised  them,  in  their  at- 
tack on  that  settlement.  The  affair  was  then  brought 
before  the  General  Court  of  Connecticut ;  but  it  was 
found,  on  examination,  that  the  Wethersfield  people  had 
been  the  aggressors.  A  message  was  therefore  sent  to  the 
Wangunk  sachem,  offering  to  renew  friendship  with  him, 
provided  he  would  surrender  those  of  his  men*who  had 
been  concerned  in  the  above  mentioned  attack.  At  this 
time  the  contest  was  not  yet  decided  against  the  Pequots ; 
and  Sowheag,  confiding  in  their  assistance,  and  in  the 
numbers  of  his  own  tribe,  refused  to  give  up  his  followers 
to  the  fate  of  malefactors.  In  August,  1639,  the  Pequot 
■;var  being  fully  over,  the  matter  was  again  brought  before 
the  Court,  and  the  magistrates  resolved  to  punish  Sow- 
heag as  they  had  already  punis,hed  the  Pequots,  A  levy 
of  one  hundred  men  was  ordered,  and  messengers  were 
dispatched  to  Qtuinnipiac  to  warn  the  settlers  there  of  the 
coming  war,  so  that  they  might  provide  for  their  own  de- 
fense. Governor  Eaton  and  his  fellow  townsmen  were 
not  at  all  pleased  at  the  news ;  entirely  friendly  hitherto 
with  the  Indians,  they  had  not  learned  either  to  hate  or 
fear  them ;  they  accordhigly  remonstrated  with  earnest- 
ness against  the  design  ;  they  mentioned  the  expenses 
and  sufferings  caused  by  the  late  contest,  and  they 
urged  that  the  colonists  needed  all  their  men  and  means 
to  prosecute  the  settlement  of  the  country.  The  Con- 
necticut settlers  were  wise  enough  to  be  convinced  by 
these  arguments ;  the  difficulties  of  the  Wethersfield  peo- 
ple with  Sowheag  were   amicably  adjusted  ;  and   that 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


169 


sachem,  who  had  already  removed  to  Mattabesett  or  Mid- 
dletown,*  was  allowed  to  remain  in  peace.f 

Another  affair  was  under  the  consideration  of  the  Court. 
News  had  been  brought  that  many  of  the  Pequots  had 
violated  the  treaty  of  1638,  by  gathering  together  as  a 
distinct    people,   and   settling  in  their  ancient  country. 
They  had  built  a  village  on  the  banks  of  the  Paucatuc, 
close  to  the  territories  of  the  Nehantics,  and  they  probably 
acknowledged  some  sort  of  allegiance  to  the  Nehantic 
sachems.     As  they  had  thus  not  only  broken  the  treaty, 
but  intruded  on  land  which  the  English  claimed  as  their 
own,  the  Court  resolved  that  they  should  be  punished 
and  driven  out  by  force.     Forty  soldiers  were  raised  and 
placed  under  John  Mason,  and  the  expedition  was  joined 
by  Uncas,  with  twenty  canoes  and  one  hundred  warriors. 
The  united  armament  then  sailed  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Paucatuc.     On  entering   the  river,  Mason  fell  in  with 
three  Pequots  of  the  devoted  village,  to  whom  he  de- 
livered a  message  for  their  countrymen.     "  They  must 
leave  the  country  immediately,"  he  said,  "  or  he  would 
drive  them  away  by  force,  carry  off  their  corn,  and  burn 
their  wigwams."     The  three  Indians  promised  to  bring 
back  an  answer ;  but,  having  once  got  out  of  the  hands 
of  the   English,  they  took  good  care  never  to  be  seen, 
again.     Mason  sailed  up  the  river,  disembarked,  and  at- 
tacked the  village  so  suddenly  that  he  captured  some  old 
men  who  had  not  time,  in  the  general  scamper,  to  make 
their  escape.     As  it  was  now  the  Indian  harvest,  they 
found  the  wigwams  stored  with  an  abundance  of  corn. 


I 


?•' 


•  Treaty  with  Montoweee  in  the  New  Kaven  Records. 

t  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  I,  pp.  19,  31.     .  -umbull.  Vol.  I,  p.  108. 


170 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


Uncas  and  his  people  immediately  began  to  plunder ;  but, 
while  they  were  engaged  in  this  profitable  service,  about 
sixty  Indians  appeared  on  a  neighboring  hill  and  rushed 
down  upon  them.     The  Mohegans  waited  in  silence  until 
their  enemies  were    witnin  thirty  yards,  when,  raising 
loud  yells,  and  brandishing  their  weapons,  they  ran  for- 
ward to  the  charge.     A  confused  and  noisy  conflict  en- 
sued, while  the  English,  drawn  up  one  side,  remained  for 
a  while  quiet  spectators  of  the  scene.    They  were  exceed- 
ingly amused  with  this  Indian  battle,  in  which  there  was 
a  vast  amount  of  shouting  and  yelling,  but  no  lives  lost, 
and  very  little  blood  spilt.     After  a  few  moments.  Mason 
made  a  movement  as  if  to  surround   the  enemy,  upon 
which  they  immediately  dispersed  and  fled.     Seven  were 
taken  prisoners;  but  the   English  killed  none,  as  they 
were  anxious  to  accomplish  the  object  of  the  expedition 
without  provoking  the  Indians  to  desperation  and  revenge. 
The  captives,  however,  behaved  so  outrageously  and  in- 
solently, that  Mason  was  about,  as  he  expressed  it,  to 
make  them  a  head  shorter ;  when  Yotaash,  a  brother  of 
Miantinomo,  came  forward  and  begged  for  their  lives. 
"  They  are  my  brother's  men,"  said  he.    "  He  is  a  friend 
to  the  English.     You  shall  have  the  heads  of  seven  mur- 
derers in  their  stead."     The  English  were  easily  per- 
suaded, and  the  captives  were  committed,  for  the  present, 
to  the  care  of  Uncas,  though  with  what  result  is  now 
unknown. 

At  night  the  soldiers  slept  in  the  open  air  on  the  banks 
of  a  creek.  Early  in  the  morning  they  were  startled  by 
seeing  a  large  body  of  Indians  on  the  opposite  side,  whose 
numbers  they  estimated,  in  the  uncertain  light,  at  three 


^:Sij^£iii-'^i**^'^-'^*^ 


OP    CONNECTICUT. 


171 


hundred.     They  sprang  to  their  arms,  on  which  the  In- 
dians  immediately  disappeared,   some   skulking  behind 
rocks  and  trees,  and  others  running  entirely  away.     The 
English  called  across  the  creek,  and  asked  to  speak  with 
them ;  upon  which  a  considerable  number  rose  from  their 
hiding  places  and  came  forward.     Mason  then  explained 
to  them,  through  his  interpreter,  that  h    had  a  just  cause 
for  his  present  expedition ;  the  Pequots  having  violated 
the  treaty  at  Hartford,  first  by  living  as  a  separate  people, 
secondly  by  settling  in  their  ancient  country.    "  The  Pe- 
quots who  live  here  are  good  men,"  replied  the  Indians ; 
"and  we  will  certainly  fight  for  them  and  protect  them." 
"  Very  well,"  said  Mason  coolly ;  "  it  is  not  far  to  the 
head  of  the  creek ;  I  will  meet  you  there,  and  you  may 
do  what  you  can  at  fighting."     "  We  will  not  fight  with 
the  English,"  returned  the  Indians,  "for  they  are  spirits; 
but  we  will  fight  with  Uncas." 

These  warriors  were  Neliantics  and  Narragansetts,  who 
had  come  to  prevent  their  tributaries  from  being  driven 
from  their  country,  but  had  not  the  hardihood  to  en- 
counter the  white  men,  who,  from  their  late  exploits, 
seemed  to  them  manittos,  or  supernatural  beings.  Mason 
told  them  that  he  should  spend  the  day  in  burning  the 
Peqiiot  village  and  carrying  off  the  Pequct  corn,  and  that 
they  were  at  liberty  to  attack  him  whenever  they  chose. 
The  drums  beat,  causing  the  woods  to  echo  with  their 
rolls  of  defiance  ;  and  the  English  went  about  their  work 
at  leisure,  and  finished  it  without  being  disturbed  by  an 
enemy.  Having  destroyed  the  village  and  laden  his  bark 
with  corn,  Mason  sailed  away,  followed  by  his  Mohegan 
allies.     The  latter  rejoiced  in  a  great  quantity  of  trav% 

17* 


1T2 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


mats,  kettles  and  other  Indian  valuables,  with  which  they 
had  loaded  their  own  canoes,  as  well  as  thirty  others 
taken  from  their  plundered  enemies  *  We  hear  but 
little  of  the  Pequots  for  seven  or  eight  years  after  this 
event ;  and  it  is  certain  that  they  gave  no  more  military 
occupation  to  their  nominal  lords,  the  English  cobnists. 

No  one  can  reasonably  condemn  the  foregoing  trans- 
action ;  no  one  can  assert  with  truth  that  it  was  unjust, 
or  hasty,  or  cruel.    But  it  was  followed  by  another,  which 
I  believe  no  unprejudiced  person  will  refuse,  or  scarcely 
hesitate,  to  condemn.     The  colony  of  New  Haven,  re- 
markable for  never  having  had  a  quarrel  with  the  abo- 
rigines in  its  vicinity,  sullied  its  fair  fame  by  ipprehending 
Messatunck,  or  Nepaupu6k,  a  brave  Pequot  chieftain,  as  I 
crimmal,  and  executing  him  as  a  murderer.     This  man 
had  fought  gallantly  in  the  late  war,  was  known  to  have 
killed  Abraham  Finch,  a  settler  of  Wethersfield,  and  was 
reported  to  have  slain  several  other  white  men  and  carried 
their  hands  to  Sassacus.     After  the  subjugation  of  his 
tribe  he  ivandered  about,  for  some  time,  unnoticed;  but 
venturmg  at  last  (October,  1639,}  into  the  settlement  of 
New  Haven,  with  another  Indian,  was  recognized  and 
apprehended.     He  was  bound,  but  had  nearly  escaped 
agam  by  the  help  of  his  companion,  when  the  attempt 
was  discovered  and  prevented.     He  was  thrown  into  the 
stocks,  and  his  friend  was  dismissed  with  a  sound  flog- 

hnL?T."''*'"^-  ^'"«'-  "^«*-  Coll..  Vol.  XVIII.  pp.  149-151.  The 
band  thus  broken  up  was  probably  under  Wequash,  or  Wequash  Cook,  who 
.s  we  earn  frojn  Roger  Willian.'  letters,  [Rhode  I.„„d  Hist.  Coll..  Vo  .  m.' 

ook      T  r  """■'••   ""'""  ^''^  ''"'''''•  '^^^-'l*  — ed  to  near  S«" 
brook,  on  the  Connecticut,  where  he  died  in  1642. 


T 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


173 


T 


ging.  The  Quinnipiac  sachem,  with  several  of  his  tribe, 
were  summoned  before  the  magistrates  of  the  colony,  to 
declare  what  they  knew  of  the  prisoner  The  greatest 
part  of  them  agreed  that  he  had  killed  one  or  more  Eiig- 
lish  people,  and  that  he  had  presented  the  hands  of  several 
to  Sassaciis,  boasting  that  he  had  slain  them  himself. 
While  the  examination  was  progressing,  a  auinnipiac, 
named  Mewhebato,  kinsman  to  the  accused,  came  to  in- 
tercede for  his  life.  He  was  immediately  brought  before 
the  Court  and  ordered  to  declare  what  he  knew  as  to  the 
prisoner's  guilt.  Trembling  with  fear  at  finding  himself 
HI  the  hands  of  the  English  magistrates,  he  at  first  pre- 
tended ignorance ;  but  his  countenance  seemed  distracted 
with  terror,  and  being  sternly  admonished  to  speak  truth, 
he  finally  confessed  that  his  kinsman  was  guilty  of  the 
actions  laid  to  his  charge. 

The  Indian  witnesses  were  now  sent  out,  and  Nepau- 
puck  was  brought  in,  and  made  acquainted  with  the 
charges  agahist  him.  He  replied,  that  these  things  were 
true  with  regard  to  Nepaupuck ;  but,  as  for  himself,  he 
was  not  Nepaupuck.  Mewhebato,  being  again  called  in, 
told  his  kinsman,  with  a  sorrowful  air,  that  he  knew  him,' 
and  knew  him  to  be  guilty  of  the  things  of  which  he  was 
accused.  Wattone,  son  of  Carroughood,  one  of  the  Quin- 
nipiac  councilors,  now  came  into  the  Court,  and  charged 
the  prisoner  to  hi«  face  with  his  guilt,  asserting  that\e 
himself  stood  on  an  island  in  the  Connecticut  River,  and 
saw  him  kill  Abraham  Finch  of  Wethersfield.*    Momau- 

•  The  Q..innipiac8,  It  will  be  remembered,  had  at  that  time  taken  refuge 
tmongthe  Enfelisi,  settlements  on  the  Connecticut  from  the  attacks  of  the 
PeijUoisand  the  Mohawks. 


174 


HISTORY    OP    THE    INDIANS 


oner  s  gmlt  and  his  identity  with  Nepaupuck. 

F,„d,„g  it  impossible  t.o  deny  his  name,  the  captive 

death    the  Enghsh  might  cut  his  head  off,  or  liill  him  in 
any  other  way :  only  fire  was  God  and  r/i 
«„•.!,  I,-  ■       ,  "'  *™  "od  was  anerv 

with  him ;  wherefore  he  desired  not  to  fall  into  his  hands  " 
He  was  now  sent  back  to  the  stocks,  and  a  guard  set  over 
him  for  his  safe  keeping. 

The  colony  of  New  Haven  was  at  this  time  distinct 
from  the  colony  of  Connecticut,  and  maintained  a  separate 
existence.    It  will  be  remembered,  also,  tha,  the  towns 
composing  It  were  not  founded  at  the  time  of  the  Pequot 
war,  and  that  many  of  its  inhabitants  did  not  arrive  in  the 
ccnintry  till  that  contest  was  virtually  closed.     Thus  the 
ac  ions  for  which  Nepaupuck  was  imprisoned  were  not 
only  committed  without  the  jurisdiction  of  New  Haven 
Colony   bu,  even  before  that  colony  had  an  existence. 
Nevertheless,  on  the  next  day,  [November  8th,   1639  1 
Nepaupuck  was  brought  before  a  General  Cour    of  the 
colony,  ,0  be  tried  for  his  life  as  a  murderer.    There  could 
be  httle  doubt  about  the  result.     The  ftuinnipiacs  gave 
their  evidence  as  they  had  done  before.    The  Court  found 
Nepaupuck  guilty  of  murder  and  condemned  him  to  death. 
The  prisoner  was  asked  if  he  would  not  confess  that  he 
deserved  to  die.     It  is  probable  that  he  looked  upon  his 
own  execution,  not  as  a  judicial  act,  such  as  the  English 
were  anxious  to  have  it  considered,  but  merely  as  an  act 
of  vengeance,  such  as  Hs  own  people  >vere  accustomed  to 
take  upon  their  enemies.    He  simply  replied,  "  Wcregin." 


^^'iHmr^it 


or    CONNECTICUT.  tjg 

Thus,  for  haring  fought  bravely  and  with  effect  aeainst 

ffe^':;:"*"'".'" "'' "«'""'  ^  <•-  pequor  s 

a'™  tim   n7  "      «-"">^'»<=-.  --  indeed  in  acc^ 
ance  with  Indian  custom,  but  certainly  not  with  ih. 

.«ci.i,i.ed  lands.     Nepaupuck  wTn'o^  K^nXh" 
subject,  therefore  not  amenable  to  English  laws      H. 

^"giish ,  and,  if  he  had  been,  he  could  not  leeallv  hnuo 

^•:sr"'r.'°r:n""™"'"«'^  p-^~^^^ 

and    „  V  '      '"^''"''  ^"^  "  ■"«'«  <•"««. »  nothing 

looked  rr ";"  ^"T^"*  "^  '"^  ■==-'  ■■'  "> »« o-^ 

ooked.     It  IS  evident  that  liis  execution  was  dictated  bv 
he  unjust  and  relentless  policy  of  the  colonists,  of  afot- 
>»S  their  enemies  only  two  alternatives,  compete  s^ 

availed  him   nothing :  ^S  .rrgHsCer:: 
therefore,  however  taken,  he  must  die.     cZZv  Zt 
Pe,uots  themselves  would  hardly  have  been  t^'st  ™ 
in  their  po hey,  or  more  unrelenting  in  their  vengeance 
During  1640  and  1641,  the  English  continued  torn  ke 

n  theCr      "'  '"'""• """  •"  '^'=""'*  '"- "ve 

t  wm  he  'r":i  '""  '"""^  P""'""^  "^  «•«  'and. 

It  will  be  remembered  that,  in  1636,  Sequassen  sold  a 

7:t  otr  a  '"  """''^'  --hingVrom  aro„:d  H^! 

ord  on  the  Connecticut  River,  as  far  west  as  the  terri- 

tons,  of  the  Mohawks.     This,  however,  did  not  plvent 

•  New  Haven  Recorda. 


ZSSSmK»M 


176 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


a  number  of  Hartford  people,  who  settled  Farmington  in 
1640,  from  making  another  purchase,  for  the  sake  of  satis- 
fying the  Indians.  They  bought  all  the  ground  which 
the  latter  then  had  planted,  and,  in  return,  made  them  a 
reservation  which  has  ever  since  been  known  under  the 
name  of  Indian  Neck.  It  was  a  beautiful  little  plain  of 
rich  meadow  land,  triangular  in  shape,  inclosed  on  one 
side  by  the  forest,  and  on  the  other  two  by  the  deep,  nar- 
row and  slowly  flowing  current  of  the  Farmington.* 

Private  sales  and  gifts  were  also  not  unknown,  although 
apparently  much  less  numerous  in  this  early  period  than 
afterwards.     No  later,  indeed,  than  1638,  an  order  seems 
to  have  been  passed  by  the  General  Court,  that  no  indi- 
vidual should  purchase  iland  from  the  Indians  without 
authority  from  itself.f     This  law,  and  others  of  a  similar 
nature,  were  always  more  or  less  violated ;  and  it  is  of 
private  individuals,  I  suspect,  that  the  Indians  have  most 
to  complain,  wherever  they  have  been  unfairly  deprived 
of  their  lands.     But  where  or  when  have  laws  ever  been 
observed  with  implicit  obedience  ?    And  what  community 
ever  succeeded  in  conferring  perfect  sjscurity  from  dis- 
honesty and  violence  on  the  property  even  of  its  own 
citizens  ?     Doubtless,  however,  it  was  not  for  the  benefit 
of  the  Indians  only  that  the  above  order  was  promulgated  ; 
but  also,  if  not  entirely,  for  the  purpose  of  asserting  and 

*  Farmington  Records. 

t  This  law  is  mentioned  by  Doctor  Johnson,  who  at  one  time  was  agent 
for  Connecticut,  in  England,  during  the  trial  of  the  Mohegan  Case.  [Ind. 
Pap.,  Vol.  I,  Doc.  277]  It  is  not  indeed  to  be  found  on  the  records  of  the 
colony,  yet  is  it  in  one  place  distinctly  referred  to.  [Colonial  Records,  Vol.  I, 
p.  214.]  Trumbull  states  ':iat  such  laws  were  enacted  both  by  Connecticut 
and  New  Haven.    See  History  of  Connecticut,  Vol.  I,  p.  1 17. 


■• 


• 


ssaa 


immmm 


OP    CONNECTICUT. 


177 


., 


preserving  the  jurisdiction  power  of  the  General  Court 
over  the  unbought  and  unoccupied  lands  of  the  colony 

On  the  fifth  of  March,  1C40,  the  Nor^yalk  Indians  sold 
a  considerable  part  of  their  territory  to  Roger  Ludlow,  an 
mhabitant  oi  Fairfield.     The  deed  comprehended  all  the 
land  lying  between  the  Norwalk  and  Saugatuc  Rivers,  a 
day  s  walk  from  the  sea  into  the  country.    The  price  paid 
was  e:ght  fathoms  of  wampum,  six  coats,  ten  hatchets, 
ten  noes    ten  knives,   ten  scissors,   ten  jewsharps,   ten 
f^ithoms  of  tobacco,  three  kettles  of  six  hands  about,  and 
ten  looking-glasses.     The  deed  of  sale  was  signed  by  Ma- 
hackemo   the  sachem,  and  by  Tomakergo,   Tokaneke, 
Adam  and  Prose wamenos. 

In  the  following  April,  Captain  Daniel  Patrick,  the  same 
who  had  fought  against  the  Pequots,  bought  two  islands 
off  the  mouth  of  Norwalk  River,  and  a  tract  on  the  main- 
land west  of  the  river.  This  purchase,  also,  was  made 
of  Mahackemo  and  his  people ;  and  the  consideration 
given  was  similar  in  kind,  although  inferior  in  amount  to 
the  other.* 

In  1641,  [July  11th,]  two  sagamores,  named  Ponus  and 
Wassacussue,  sold  Rippowams,  now  Stamford,  reserving 
to  themselves  only  a  small  parcel  for  planting.  They  re- 
ceived for  the  land  twelve  coats,  twelve  hoes,  twelve 
hatchets,  twelve  glasses,  twelve  knives,  two  kettles,  and 
four  fathoms  of  white  wampum;  altogether,  says  Trum- 
bull, equal  to  about  thirty  pounds.f 

In  recording  these  transactions  a  doubt  easily  crosses 
the  mmd,  whether  such  purchases,  where  large  tracts  of 
laud,  which  are  now  valuable,  were  obtained  for  consider- 

•  Hall's  Hiat.  of  Norwalk,  pp.  30.  41.     t  Pres.  Stiles'  Itinerary,  Vol.  II. 


r 


lal 


ITS 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


ations  which  to  us  would  be  trifling,  can  be  considered 
fully  in  accordance  with  honesty  and  justice.    It  must  be 
remembered,  however,  that  the  severs  were  themselves 
what  would  now  be  considered  poor;  that  the  articles 
which  they  paid  to  the  Indians  were  brought  from  a  great 
distance,  m  vessels  which  came  at  long  intervals;  that 
twelve  hoes  and  twelve  hatchets,  for  instance,  were  no 
slight  consideration  to  a  community  which,  perhaps,  did 
not  possess  a  single  plow;*  and  that  the  land  which  u.e 
purchasers  obtained  was  worth  almost  nothing  to  them  in 
Us  wild  state,  and  could  only  be  made  valuable  by  hard 
and  long  continued  labor.     On  the  other  hand,  the  act  of 
tie  Indians  was  free;  they  were  never  induced  to  part 
w.th  their  land  by  threats  and  force;  nor  does  it  appear 
that  they  were  ever,  at  this  period,  inveigled  into  it  by 
intoxicating  liquors.     They  were  undoubtedly,  at  first 
as  highly  pleased    with    the  bargain   as  were  the  pur- 
chasers ;  and  probably  never  thought  of  being  dissatisfied 
until  they  found  that  what  they  had  received  had  been 
wasted,  aad  what  the  white  man  had  received  had  been 
improved. 

It  is  worth  while  here,  to  stop  and  look  at  the  first  con- 
vert to  the  Christian  faith  among  the  aborigines  of  New 
England.  This  man  was  Wequash,  the  Nehantic  saga- 
more, who  assisted  Uncas  in  guiding  Mason  and  his  army 
against  the  ill-fated  fort  at  Mystic.  Wequash  was  ex- 
ceedingly astonished  at  the  success  of  the  colonists  in  that 
enterprise,  and  attrib.Ued  to  the  superiority  of  the  English 

•  In  1637.  there  were  only  thirty  plows  in  all  Massachusetts  ;  it  is  probable 
ha    there  we^  not  ten.  perhaps  not  five,  in  Connecticut.     So  says  Trun.buU 
(Vol.  I  page  fi!),  note  ;]  and  this  was  true,  it  will  be  noticed,  seventeen  yean, 
•fter  the  nlgruns  landed  in  New  England. 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


179 


God  over  the  gods  of  the  Pequots.  This  behef  led  him 
to  inquire  of  the  settlers  concerning  their  religion ;  and 
what  he  thus  heard  seemed  to  produce  upon  him  a  deep 
and  lasting  impression.  He  became  more  and  more  in- 
terested in  the  subject ;  he  made  it  the  chief  theme  of 
his  conversation  when  among  the  English ;  and.  in  the 
opiniotx  of  some  of  them,  he  "  attained  to  a  good  know- 
ledge of  tlie  things  of  God  and  salvation  by  Jesus  Christ."* 
Not  satisfied  with  embracing  the  Christian  religion  him- 
self, he  began  to  preach  it  to  his  countrymen  ;  but  here 
he  found  none  to  sympathize  with  him,  none  who  desired 
that  treasure  which  he  thought  so  precious.  The  Indians 
were  violently  attached  to  their  ancient  superstitions,  and 
not  only  refused  to  follow  the  example  of  '"equash,  but 
abused  him,  and  treated  him  with  contumt  ly,  for  having 
forsaken  the  faith  of  his  ancestors.  The  sagamore,  hov/- 
ever,  was  firm  in  his  profession,  and  continued  to  hold  re- 
ligious conversations  with  his  English  friends,  among 
whom  were  George  Fenwick  vf  Saybrook,  and  the  still 
better  known  Roger  Williams.  During  the  year  1642,  he 
fell  dangerously  sick,  with  strong  suspicions  that  he  had 
been  poisoned  by  those  Indians  who  hated  hiin  fei-  having 
become  a  Christian.  Two  days  before  his  death,  Roger 
Williams  happened  to  stop  at  Saybrook  ;  and,  while  there, 
paid  a  visit  to  his  esteemed  friend,  Mr.  Fenwick,  Being 
informed  by  that  gentleman  of  the  grievous  sickness  of 
Weqiiash,  he  expressed  a  desire  to  see  him ;  and  they 
both  walked  out,  about  two  miles,  to  the  cabin  of  the 
dying  sagamore.  Wequash  conversed  with  them  on  his 
sickness  and  probable  death,  and  bequ<jalhed  his  only  son, 

•  Wiiiiliiop.  Vol.  II,  p.  74. 
18 


•I  > 


180 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


Wenamoag,*  to  Mr.  Fenwick's  care.  Roger  Williams 
then,  as  he  tells  us,  "  closed  with  him  about  his  soul." 
In  reply,  Wequash  told  him  how,  two  years  before,  he 
had  lodged  with  him  at  Providence,  and  how  he  then 
informed  him  of  the  miserable  condition  of  men  in  this 
world,  of  their  fallen  and  sinful  nature,  of  the  wrath  of 
God  against  them,  and  of  the  necessity  of  repentance  and 
faith  in  Christ.  "  And,"  continued  he,  "  your  words  were 
never  out  of  my  mind  to  this  time :  very  much  have  I 
prayed  to  Jesus  Christ."  Williams,  anxious  that  he  should 
not  deceive  himself  :'n  this  important  hour,  told  him  that 
many  people  did  the  same  who  yet  never  turned  to  Christ 
in  their  hearts  nor  loved  him.  The  reply  of  the  saga- 
more was  in  broken  English :  "Me  so  big  naughty  heart ; 
me  heart  all  one  stone."  "  Savory  expressions,"  con- 
tinues Williams,  in  his  account  of  the  interview,  "and 
such  as  are  used  to  breathe  from  compunct  and  broken 
hearts,  and  a  sense  of  inward  hardness  and  unbrokenness. 
I  had  many  discourses  with  him  in  life  ;  but  this  was  the 
sum  of  our  last  parting,  until  our  general  meeting."! 

What  became  of  the  son  of  Wequash  is  not  known ; 
but  he  left  a  younger  brother,  named  Cushawashet,  who 
adopted  his  name,  and  was  for  some  time  known  as  We- 
quash Cook.  Both  Wequash  and  Cushawashet  were  sons 
of  Momojoshuck,  the  earliest  grand  sachom  of  the  Ne- 
hantics  whose  name  has  descended  to  our  times.  Cusha- 
washet, however,  was  not  of  pure  royal  blood,  and  the 

•  Thnt  this  wbh  his  name  appears  by  the  testimony  of  the  wife  of  Weqnnsh, 
(dated  July  l3th,lG49,  old  style,)  concerning  some  land  afiairs,  preserved  in 
the  volumes  of  papers  on  Towns  and  Lnnda,  Vol.  VII. 

t  Roger  Willinma'  Key.  Mush.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  206.  Winthrop, 
Vol.  II.  p.  74. 


s^2S;S^SaSSkS*^^?%**^«* 


u^ikmm!^tB«^i 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


181 


a 


and 


same  was  probably  true  of  Wequash ;  for,  on  the  death  of 
Moraojoshiick,  his  brother  Yanemo,  or  Ninigret,  succeeded 
him  in  the  sachemship,  while  his  two  sons  never  became 
the  heads  of  any  considerable  community.  As  Wequash 
was  sometimes  called  a  Pequot,  and  as  Cushawashet  was 
always  more  closely  connected  with  the  Pequots  than 
with  the  Nehantics,  it  seems  probable  that  their  mother 
was  a  woman  of  the  Pequot  race.  Cushawashet,  though 
for  some  time  called  Wequash  Cook,*  finally  adopted  the 
English  cognomen  of  Hermon  Garret,  under  which  name 
We  shall  hereafter  become  better  acquainted  with  him.f 

Having  disposed  of  matters  of  inferior  importance,  it  is 
now  time  to  look  about  for  our  old  and  crafty  acquaint- 
ance, Uncas.  After  the  overthrow  of  the  Pequots,  this 
sachem  laid  claim  to  the  sovereignty  of  their  country  on 
the  ground  of  his  connection  with  the  royal  family  of  the 
tiibe.  He  readily  gave  up  that  district  along  the  seacoast 
which  the  English  had  seized,  but  the  remainder  he  con- 
sidered as  justly  and  undeniably  his  own.  He  thus  came 
into  possession  of  all  the  northern  part  of  New  London 
County,  together  with  the  southern  portions  of  the  coun- 
ties of  Tolland  and  Windham.  The  former  tributaries  of 
the  Pequots,  however,  now  considered  themselves  inde- 
pendent ;  and  those  of  them  who  submitted  to  Uncas, 
either  at  the  present  or  any  future  time,  were  mostly,  if 
not  all,  brought  to  submit  by  force.  His  tribe  was  vastly 
increased,  perhaps  doubled,  by  the  one  hundred  Pequots, 
who  had  been  given  him  at  the  treaty  of  1638.  Some 
refugees  had  joined  him  from  the  conquered  tribe  before 


!  ■!' 


•  Weqiinshcuk,  originnlly,  it  i»  probnble, 

t  Hazard,  Vol.  II,  p.  464.    Rhode  lelaud  Hist.  Coll.  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  64,  65. 


182 


HISTOny    OF    THE    INDIANS 


that  event,  and  others  had  attached  themselves  to  him 
since.     It  was  nntural  that  the  Pequots,  rather  than  fly 
from  their  country,  or  become  slaves  to  the  English,  or 
join  their  ancient  foes,  the  Narragansetts,  should  choose 
to  identify  themselves  with  a  fragment  of  their  own  tribe, 
even  though  that  fragment  had  been  rebellious  and  hos- 
tile.    Wanderers  from  other  nations,  too,  collected  around 
Uncas,  and  increased  the  numbers  and  influence  of  the 
Mohegans.     Among  these  warlike  and  unsettled  commu- 
nities, wherever  a  sachem  distinguished  himself  by  his 
abilities  and  success,  he  was  sure  to  attract  many  adven- 
turers from  the  neighboring  tribes.     Some  came  out  of  a 
desire  for  protection,  some  from  a  wish  to  distinguish 
themselves  under  so  fortunate  a  leader,  and  some,  doubt- 
less, because  they  were  forced  to  come  by  the  sa.hem 
himself  in  his  eff'orts  to  increase  the  number  of  his  fol- 
lowers.    Uncas  considerably  extended  his  territories  by 
marrying  the  daughter  of  the  Hammonassett  sachem,  Se- 
bequanash ;  thus  coming  into  possession  of  the  seashore 
as  far  east  as  the  Aigicomock,  or  East  River,  in  Guilford. 
In  1641,  indeed,  he  sold,  [December  27th,]  for  a  small 
consideration,  nearly  the  whole  of  the  tract  to  the  people 
of  Guilford  ;*  but,  as  most  of  the  Hammonassetts  prob- 
ably passed  over  to  the  east  side  of  the  Connecticut,  liis 
eff-ective  strength  in  warriors  was  very  likely  increased, 
rather  than  diminished,  by  this  transaction. 

Uncas  had  another  source  of  influence  in  the  consider- 
ation which  his  late  services  brought  him  among  the  Eng- 
lish. His  faithfulness  during  the  Pequot  war  was  repaid 
by  the  colonists  with  their  llivor,  when  it  could  be  granted 

*  Ciuilford  liccorda. 


irtfi  T "-"- 


% 


I 
I 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


183 


with  justice,  and  sometimes,  perhaps,  when  it  could  only 
be  granted  with  injustice.  But,  aside  from  gratitude,  the 
colonists  were  not  insensible  of  the  advantages  which 
would  accrue  to  them  from  having  always  at  their  com- 
mand so  active  and  influential  a  native  chieftain.  In  war 
he  would  be  useful  as  an  ally,  and  in  peace  he  could  act 
as  a  spy  upon  the  proceedings  of  his  fellow  sachems. 
Such  an  ally  and  such  a  spy  Uncas  was  willing  to  be,  as 
long  as  it  would  increase  his  power  and  gratify  his  ra- 
pacity. 

The  first  transaction  of  importance  between  Uncas  and 
Connecticut,  after  the  treaty  of  1638,  was  an  agreement 
drawn  up  and  signed  on  the  8th  of  October,  1640.  The 
nature  of  this  agreement  was  ambiguous ;  and  it  way, 
many  years  afterwards,  made  one  ground  of  a  tedious, 
fluctuating  and  expensive  law  suit  between  the  Mohegans 
and  the  colony.  The  colonial  authorities,  and  all  who 
were  interested  in  their  success,  affirmed  that  it  was  a 
true  deed  of  purchase  and  sale.  The  Indians  and  their 
supporters  declared  that  it  was  a  mere  right  of  pre-emption, 
by  which  Uncas  interdicted  himself  from  parting  with  his 
land  to  any  but  the  colony,  or  the  settlers,  of  Connecticut. 
Which  was  the  most  reasonable  of  these  two  opinions, 
may  be  judged  from  the  value  of  the  gift  which  was 
made  to  the  sachem  when  the  deed  was  obtained :  "  fivo 
yards  of  cloth  and  a  few  pairs  of  stockings."  In  return 
for  this  insignificant  present,  hardly  worth  a  dozen  beaver 
skins,  Uncas  is  said  to  have  parted  with  his  whole  coun- 
try, except  that  on  which  the  Mohegans  were  then  plant- 
ing.*    There  are  some  circumstances,  however,  it  must 

•  See  the  pnppr  itself  in  ilif  Apponlix,  Article  V 

18* 


184 


HISTORY    or    THE    INDIANS 


T 


be  confessed,  which  tend  to  favor  this  conclusion.  Uncas, 
at  this  time,  had  on^"*  held  his  country  two  years,  and 
.  had  barely  ceased  to  be  considered  a  tributary  of  the  Pe- 
quots.  He  had  besides  been  subdued  in  war  by  Sassacus, 
and  had  thus,  according  to  Indian  custom,  forfeited  his 
ands  to  his  conquerors,  as  well  as  to  whoever  should  con- 
quer them. 

This  affair,  however,  gave  no  trouble  to  Uncas,  during 
whose  life-time  the  English  never  urged  their  pretended 
right  to  the  Mohegan  territory  j  and,  for  the  present,  his 
power  and  influence  went  on  increasing  in  such  a  manner 
as  to  awaken  the  envy  and  fear  of  all  the  surrounding 
chieftains.     The  Narragansetts  hated  him  as  a  Pequot ; 
they  had  cause,  also,  to  hate  on  his  own  account ;  and 
now  their  hatred  was  increased  by  seeing  him  become  a 
formidable  rival.    Jealousy  and  ancient  enmity  made  him 
likewise  an  object  of  bitter  dislike  to  the  kinsman  and 
ally  of  the  Narragansetts,  Sequassen,  the  sachem  of  the 
Connecticut  River.     This  chieftain  had  doubtless  strong 
hopes,  on  the  overthrow  of  the  Pequots,  that  he  should 
recover  his  ancient  influence,  and  perhaps  become  even 
more  powerful  than  before.    But  the  sudden  rise  of  Uncas 
blighted  all  these  expectations,  and  ever  afterwards  he 
hated  him  with  all  the  rancor  of  disappointed  ambition. 
The  events  which  followed,  render  the  supposition  prob- 
able, not  only  that  Sequassen  and  the  Narragansetts  were 
acquainted  with  each  other's  sentiments  towards  the  Mo- 
hegan chief,  but  that  they  had  formed  a  conspiracy  to 
overthrow  and   destroy  him.     Uncas,  on  the  contrary, 
strove  to  defend  himself  and  to  injure  his  enemies,  by 
spreading  unfavorable  reports  of  their  feelings  and  designs 


i 


•mim-»¥:r 


dlMiMIHHMll 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


185 


with  regard  to  the  English.  "  Miantinomo,"  the  Mohe- 
gans  would  say,  '•  wants  to  make  himself  sachem  of  all 
the  Indians  in  New  England.  Miantinomo  is  trying  to 
bring  all  the  Indians  into  a  great  conspiracy  against  the 
white  men." 

These  reports  produced  so  much  suspicion  in  the  ma- 
gistrates, that  in  November,  1640,  they  summoned  the 
Narragansett  chief  to  Boston.  He  obeyed  immediately, 
thus  at  once  producing  a  strong  impression  in  his  favor. 
When  questioned,  he  was  deliberate  in  his  answers ;  would 
never  speak  except  when  some  of  his  councilors  were 
present  that  they  might  be  witnesses  ;  showed  much  in- 
genuity in  his  observations,  and  a  good  perception  of 
what  was  wise  and  equitable  in  policy.  He  offered  to 
prove  that  Uncas  and  the  Mohegans  alone  had  raised  the 
reports  against  him  ;  asked  that  his  accusers  jnight  be 
brought  before  him,  face  to  face ;  and  demanded  that,  if 
unable  to  prove  their  charges,  they  should  be  put  to 
death.  His  dignity,  his  frankness,  and  the  justness  of 
his  remarks,  silenced  the  complaints  of  the  magistrates ; 
they  acquitted  him  of  all  suspicion  of  conspiracy,  and  he 
departed  from  Boston  iu  peace.* 

This  affair  doubtless  increased  his  hatred  of  Uncas; 
and,  not  long  after,  an  event  occurred  which  was  said  to 
be  an  effect  of  that  hatred.  One  evening,  as  Uncas  was 
passing  from  one  wigwam  in  his  fort  to  another,  an  arrow, 
discharged  by  some  unseen  .marksman,  pierced  his  arm. 
He  reached  the  cabin  to,  whitch  he  was  going,  without 
further  injury,  and,  enteiing  it,  was  safe.  The  wound 
»vas  slight  and  soon  healed.     The  perpetrator  of  this  at- 

*  VVinthioi),  Vol.  11,  pp.  80—83. 


186 


HISTORY    OP    THE    INDIANS 


tempted  assassination  was  unknown ;  but  a  young  Pe- 
quot,  one  of  Uncas'  subjects,  being  observed  to  have  a 
large  quantity  of  wampum,  fell  under  suspicion.  He  was 
interrogated,  and,  as  he  could  give  no  reasonable  expla- 
nation of  how  he  came  by  so  much  property,  the  suspi- 
cions against  him  were  increased.  Observing  this,  he 
stole  away  out  of  the  village,  fled  over  to  the  Narragaii- 
sett  country,  and  took  refuge  with  Miantinomo.  Uncas 
laid  the  matter  before  the  magistrates  of  Massachusetts ; 
charging  Miantinomo  with  being  the  instigator  of  the  at- 
tack on  him ;  and  the  Narragansett  sachem  once  more  felt 
himself  compelled  to  go  to  Boston.  He  carried  the  Pe- 
quot  with  him,  and  the  young  man  was  examined  by  the 
magistrates  in  the  chieftain's  presence.  He  told  a  most 
extraordinary  story ;  how  he  was  staying,  at  one  time,  in 
Uncas'  fort ;  how  Uncas  engaged  him  to  tell  the  English 
that  he  had  been  hired  by  Miantinomo  to  kill  Uncas,  and 
how  Uncas  then  took  the  flint  of  his  gun  and  cut  his  own 
arm  on  two  sides,  so  as  to  make  it  appear  as  if  it  had  been 
pierced  by  an  arrow.  This  tale,  improbable  in  itself,  and 
unpleasing  to  the  colonists,  who  already  distrusted  the 
Narragansetts,  as  well  as  favored  the  Mohegans,  not  only 
did  not  clear  the  culprit,  but  brought  Miantinomo  under 
deep  suspicion.  It  seemed  as  if  the  story  had  been  con- 
cocted between  the  sachem  and  his  tool,  for  throwing  off" 
the  guilt  of  a  conspiracy  from  their  own  shoulders,  and 
laying  it  on  the  intended  victim  of  that  conspiracy,  who 
had  barely  escaped  from  it  with  his  life.  The  magis- 
trates expressed  themselves  convinced  of  the  Pequot's 
guilt,  and  declared  that  he  ought  to  be  delivered  over  to 
the  vengeance  of  the  Mohegan  sachem.    Miantinomo  ob- 


i 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


187 


t 


jected,  arguing  that  the  man  was  under  his  protection  ; 
but  finally  promised  that,  if  he  might  only  carry  him 
back  to  his  own  country,  he  would  then  surrender  him  to 
Uncas.  His  earnest  request  was  granted  ;  he  was  allowed 
to  depart  with  the  prisoner ;  but  on  the  way  home  he  had 
liim  murdered  by  his  own  followers.  This  action  deep- 
ened, with  good  reason,  the  suspicions  already  excited 
against  him,  as  it  was  immediately  concluded  that  he  had 
put  his  accomplice  to  death  to  prevent  his  own  guilt 
from  being  completely  exposed.  Other  motives,  indeed, 
may  be  imagined.  He  was  doubtless  unwilling  to  gratify 
a  hated  rival  by  surrendering  to  him  a  man  who  had  once 
sought  his  protection ;  and  he  may  have  feared  that  Uncas 
would  make  use  of  the  unscrupulous  Pequot  for  the  pur- 
pose of  bringing  still  deeper  and  more  dangerous  accu- 
sations against  himself  and  the  Narragansetts.  The  dark- 
est and  most  natural  inference,  however,  prevailed,  and 
this  act  of  violence  and  bad  faith  afterwards  cost  Mian- 
tinomo  dear.* 

Sequassen  now  began  to  play  his  part  against  the  Mo- 
hegans  and  their  sachem.  Some  of  his  warriors  assassi- 
ns., i^-'ding  Mohegan,  and  others  way-laid  Uncas 
him,...  shot  arrows  at  him  as  he  was  sailing  in  a 
canoe  c  .  ?  Connecticut.  Uncas  complained  of  these 
provocations  to  the  magistrates  at  Hartford,  and  Governor 
Haynes,  having  summoned  the  two  sachems,  attempted 
to  effect  a  reconciliation  between  them.  Uncas  said  that 
the  Mohegan  who  had  been  murdered  was  a  man  of  con- 
sequence, and  that  he  must  have  six  of  Sequassen's  war- 
riors to  put  to  death  in  revenge.    Haynes  labored  hard  to 


•  Hazard,  Vol   11,  p.  8. 


188 


HISTORY    or    THE    INDIANS 


reduce  this  extravagant  demand,  so  contrary  to  English 
ideas  of  justice,  and  with  difficulty  persuaded  Uncas  to 
accept  of  one  individual  who  was  acknowledged  to  be  the 
murderer.  But  the  murderer  was  likewise  a  man  of  con- 
sequence, and  he  was  moreover  a  relation  and  a  great 
favorite  of  MiantinOmo.  Sequassen  therefore  would  not 
surrender  him ;  said  that  he  would  defend  him  by  force 
of  arms ;  and  expressed  his  reliance  upon  the  Narragan- 
sett  sachem  for  assistance.  The  magistrates,  finding  an 
agreement  impracticable,  dismissed  the  two  sachems,  and 
gave  Uncas  liberty  to  avenge  his  own  wrongs.  He  did 
so ;  he  invaded  Sequassen's  country ;  defeated  him,  kill- 
ing seven  or  eight  of  his  warriors,  and  wounding  thirteen  ; 
burned  his  wigwams,  and  carried  away  a  quantity  of 
plunder.* 

This  was  soon  known  in  the  country  of  the  Narragan- 
gansetts,  and  MiantinOmo  began  to  think  of  war  and 
revenge.  He  sent  a  message  to  Governor  Haynes,  com- 
plaining that  Uncas  had  injured  his  relation,  Sequassen, 
and  his  allies,  the  Indians  of  Connecticut  River.  Haynes 
replied  that  the  English  had  no  hand  in  the  affair,  and  did 
not  mean  to  uphold  or  encourage  Uncas  in  such  conduct 
as  he  described.  The  Narragansett  chief  also  gave  notice 
of  what  the  Mohegans  had  done,  to  Winthrop,  Governor 
of  Massachusetts ;  and  asked,  in  particular,  with  much 
earnestness,  whether  the  people  of  the  Bay  would  be 
offended  with  him  if  he  should  make  war  upon  Uncas. 
The  reply  of  Winthrop  was  still  more  satisfactory  than 
that  of  Haynes ;  for  he  informed  Miantinomo  that,  if 
Uncas  had  done  him  or  his  friends  any  wrong,  and  refused 


Winthrop,  Vol.  II,  p.  130.    Hazard,  Vol.  II,  p.  9. 


;fc,i5si;ijifc»««i*''^^ 


.;>ui*.>-««is***-*'">*'' 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


189 


to  grant  satisfaction,  the  English  would  leave  him  to 
choose  Jiis  own  course.*  Doubtless  the  representations 
which  Miantinomo  made,  to  both  Haynes  and  Winthrop, 
were  considerably  exaggerated ;  but  these  gentlemen,  it 
seems,  did  not  consider  the  matter  worthy  of  investiga- 
tion, and  the  Narragansett  sachem  had  now  fulfilled  the 
treaty  of  1638,  by  submitting  his  complaints  to  the  Eng- 
lish before  he  appealed  to  arms.  He  immediately,  there- 
fore, set  about  avenging  his  own  and  his  kinsman's  quar- 
rel, with  more  promptness  and  energy,  indeed,  than  good 
fortune.  Collecting  a  large  band  of  Narragansett  warriors, 
he  advanced  rapidly  and  unexpectedly  into  the  country 
of  his  rival. 

On  a  sudden,  the  Mohegan  watchers  on  the  hills  of 
Norwich  beheld  the  Narragansetts  emerge  from  the  woods, 
and  cross  the  river  Shetucket,  at  a  fording  place  a  little 
above  its  junction  with  the  Cluinnibaug.  The  runners 
immediately  dashed  off,  some  to  carry  the  startling  intel- 
ligence to  their  sachem,  some  to  alarm  and  collect  their 
scattered  warriors.  Uncas  had  a  fort  on  the  banks  of  the 
Thames,  about  five  miles  below  the  site  of  the  present 
city  of  Norwich  ;  and  here,  probably,  the  messengers  of 
clanger  found  him.  The  Mohegans  came  pouring  in  on 
all  sides  from  their  villages  and  scattered  wigwams,  and 
he  was  soon  able  to  advance  towards  the  enemy  with 
nearly  the  whole  force  of  his  tribe.  The  chroniclers  of 
those  times  say  that  he  had  four  or  five  hundred  warriors, 
and  that  the  invaders  amounted  to  nine  hundred  or  a 
thousand.  These  estimates,  depending  as  they  must  have 
done  entirely  on  the  reports  of  the  Indians,  are  undoubt- 

"  Winthrop,  Vol.  II,  p.  129. 


i4 


190 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


edly  exaggerated ;  and,  if  we  rate  the  Mohegans  at  three 
hundred,  and  their  adversaries  at  twice  that  number,  we 
Shall  go  as  high,  I  suspect,  as  probability  will  warrant 

Uncas  moved  forward  three  or  four  miles,  until  he  came 
to  a  spot  situated  in  the  present  township  of  Norwich,  and 
now  known  as  the  Great  Plain.     Here  he  halted  his  men 
on  a  small  rising  ground,  and  explained  to  them  a  strata- 
gem  by  which  he  hoped  to  make  up  for  his  inferiority 
m  numbers.     The  Narragansetts,  in  the  meantime,  had 
crossed  the  fords  of  the  Yantic,  and  soon  appeared  de- 
scendmg  m  loose  array  the  declivity  opposite  to  the  Mo- 
hegans.    Uncas  now  sent  forward  a  messenger  to  ask  an 
interview  with  Miantinomo.    It  was  granted,  and  the  two 
sachems  snortly  met  eabh  other  in  a  narrow  space  between 
the  armies.     On  both  sides,  the  warriors,  standing  within 
bow-shot  of  each  other,  remained  spectators.     The  Narra- 
gansetts were  waiting  unsuspiciously  the  result  of  the  con- 
ference :  the  Mohegans  were  watching  anxiously  for  the 
preconcerted  signal  from  their  sachem.     Uncas  addressed 
Miantmomo  on  the  folly  of  mutually  wasting  the  lives  of 
their  brave  warriors  in  a  contest  which  could  as  well  be 
decided  by  themselves  alone.     "Let  us  fight  it  out,"  he 
concluded  ;  "if  you  kill  me,  my  men  shall  be  yours    if 
kill  you,  your  men  shall  be  mine  »  /         ,      i. 

Miantinomo  was  a  tall  and  strong  man,  nor  is  it  likely 
hat  he  was  so  deficient  in  personal  cou;age  as  to  rej    t 
Uncas^  proposition  through  fear.     But  he  was  confiden 
m   he  superior  numbers  of  his  followers,  and  was  reso  ved 
not    o  throw  away  what  seemed  to  be  a  certainty,  for 

ngnt,    said  he,  "and  they  shall  fight." 


Kaismmmiamm 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


191 


Uncas  had  expected  this  answer,  and  now  the  time  had 
come  for  his  stratagem.  He  threw  himself  suddenly 
upon  the  ground ;  his  men  recognized  the  signal ;  and, 
drawing  their  ready-bent  bows,  they  poured  a  shower 
of  arrows  among  the  astonished  Narragansetts.  Uncas 
sprang  up,  and  his  warriors,  pealing  forth  the  yell  of 
battle,  and  brandishing  their  tomahawks,  rushed  forward 
with  him  upon  the  staggering  enemy.  The  Narragan- 
setts, panic  struck  at  this  sudden  assault,  made  hardly  an 
attempt  at  resistance,  and  speedily  took  to  flight.  The 
Mohegans  pursued  them  with  impetuous  fury,  drove  them 
through  the  shallows  of  the  river,  and  continued  the  chase 
into  the  forests  beyond.  All  over  that  rude  and  hilly 
country  the  pursuers  and  pursued  might  be  seen,  leaping 
over  rocks  and  dashing  through  thickets,  like  wolves  in 
chase  of  timid  deer.  Miantinomo  fled  with  his  followers, 
but  his  flight  was  impeded  by  an  English  corselet  which 
he  had  put  on  to  protect  him  in  battle.  Two  of  the  Mo- 
hegan  captains  followed  him  closely,  and  still  further  pre- 
vented his  escape  by  springing  against  him  and  jostling 
him  as  he  ran.  They  might  have  taken  or  killed  him 
with  their  own  hands,  but  this  honor  they  were  willing 
to  reserve  to  their  sachem.  The  first  of  these  men  who 
reached  the  flying  chieftain  was  a  sagamore,  named  Tan- 
taquigeon,*  whose  descendants  were  long  held  noble 
among  the  Mohegans,  and  have  scarcely  yet  cersed  to 
boast  of  this  exploit  of  their  ancestor.f  Uncas,  a  robust 
and  powerful  man,  finally  came  up  and  seized  Miantinomo 
by  the  shoulder.    The  ill-fated  sachem,  as  soon  as  he  felt 

•  Appendix  to  Savage's  Winthrop,  Vol.  II,  p.  381. 
t  History  of  Norwich,  p.  18. 

19 


i'( 


Hm 


192 


HISTOKr    OF    THE    INDIANS 


the  hand  of  his  enemy  upon  him,  ceased  his  flight  and 
sat  down  upon  the  ground.  His  heart  must  indeed  have 
been  swelled  with  grief  and  shame  ;  but  from  those 
closed  lips  came  no  word  to  indicate  its  misery.  Thirty 
of  the  Narragansetts  had  been  slain,  and,  undoubtedly, 
many  more  wounded ;  the  rest,  without  an  effort  to  wipe 
out  their  disgrace,  or  to  rescue  their  captive  sachem,  re- 
treated to  their  own  country. 

Miantinomo  still  continued  silent,  although  some  of  his 
warriors  were  brought  up  and  tomahawked  before  his 
eyes.  Uncas  was  disappointed  at  not  being  able  to  ex- 
tract from  him  a  single  confession  of  weakness  or  fear, 
*'  Why  do  you  not  speak  ?"  said  he.  "  If  you  had  taken 
me  I  should  have  besought  you  for  my  life."  But  the 
captive  made  no  answer. 

He  was  carried  in  triumph  to  the  Mohegan  fortress,  but 
his  life  was  not  taken,  and  he  was  even  treated  with 
some  degree  of  kindness  and  respect.*  It  would  appear, 
also,  that  a  truce  was  opened  between  the  tribes,  which 
continued  as  long  as  the  fate  of  Miantinomo  remained  in 
suspense.  The  Narragansetts  sent  their  sachem  several 
packages  of  wampum  during  his  captivity,  which  he  gave 
away,  some  to  Uncas,  some  to  Uncas'  wife,  and  some  to 
his  principal  councilors.  He  made  these  presents,  as  the 
Mohegans  and  their  supporters  affirmed,  partly  by  way  of 
thanks  for  his  courteous  treatment,  and  partly  to  persuade 
Uncas  to  put  him  mto  the  hands  of  the  English  and  refer 
his  fate  to  their  decision.  The  Narragansetts  asserted 
that  the  wampum  was  given  as  a  ransom,  and  they  sub- 

•  The  nbove  aorount  is  from  the  History  of  Norwich,  Cimpter  Il.conipnred 
With  Winthrop,  Vol.  II,  p.  131,  ond  Hazard,  Vol.  H,p.  9. 


'^^W^Sm^^^^^ 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


193 


sequently  made  it  a  strong  ground  of  accusation  against 
the  Mohegan  sachem.* 

The  news  of  Miantinomo's  capture  excited  a  deep  in- 
terest among  the  English  of  Rhode  Island.     Many  of 
them  were  men  who  had  been  driven  from  Massachusetts 
on  account  of  their  religious  opinions,  and  had  found  a 
refuge  and  a  home  in  the  country  of  the  Narragansetts. 
The  generous  and  dignified  character  of  the  captive  sa- 
chem had  won  their  good  will ;  and,  from  always  hearing 
the  Narragansett  side  of  the  story,  they  believed  that  he 
was  in  the  right  and  his  enemies  in  the  wrong.     Samuel 
Gorton,  a  wild-headed  but  kind-hearted  enthusiast  who 
had  settled  at  Warwick,  is  said  to  have  written  Uncas  a 
letter,  commanding  him  to  set  Miantinomo  at  liberty,  and 
threatening  him  with  the  English  power  if  he  refused. 
The  epistle  reached  Uncas,  and,  being  explained  to  him 
by  the  messenger,  gave  him  not  a  little  perplexity.     He 
was  by  no  means  willing  to  set"  his  captive  free  ;  but  he 
did  not  dar     on  his  own  authority,  to  put  him  to  death, 
and  he  had  reason  to  fear  that  he  should  not  be  able  to 
keep  him  safe  as  a  prisoner.     In  this  uncertainty  he  con- 
cluded to  refer  the  matter  to  his  old  friends,  the  English 
of  Connecticut.     He   carried  MiantinOmo   to   Ha-tford, 
represented  the  case  to  the  Governor  and  Council,  and 
begged  them  to  show  him  the  path  in  which  he  should 
walk.    The  magistrates  replied  that,  as  there  was  no  open 
war  between  their  government  and  the  Navragansetts,  it 
was  not  prudent  for  them  to  interfere,  but  they  would 
advise  him  to  wait  for  the  first  meeting  of  the  Commis- 
sioners of  the  United  Colonies  of  New  England,  which 

Hazord,  Vol.  II,  passim. 


194 


HlSTOllY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


would  take  place  in  the  following  September,  and  refer 
the  matter  to  their  decision.* 

Miantinomo,  finding  himself  in  Hartford,  begged  ear- 
nestly that  he  might  be  kept  there  in  the  custody  of  the 
EtigHsh  magistrates.  He  doubtless  expected  that  the 
Enghsh  would  at  least  preserve  his  life,  and  feared  that, 
if  Uncas  got  him  back  to  Mohegan,  he  might  resolve  to 
make  sure  of  his  fate  by  putting  him  to  death.  The 
magistrates  were  wilHng,  and  Uncas  consented  on  con- 
dition that  Miantinomo  should  still  be  considered  as  his 
prisoner.f 

The  firat  Court  of  Commissioners  of  the  United  Colo- 
nies of  New  England,  met  at  Boston  on  the  seventeenth 
of  September,  1643.  It  consisted  of  John  Winthrop  and 
Thomas  Dudley  from  Massachusetts,  Edward  Winslow 
and  William  r'oUier  from  Plymouth,  George  Fenwick 
and  Edward  Hopkins  from  Connecticut,  and  Theophihis 
Eaton  and  Thomas  Gregson  from  New  Haven.  The  first 
object  of  the  commissioners  was  to  ratify  the  agreement, 
and  approve  of  the  articles  of  confederation,  which  had 
been  drawn  up  in  the  previous  May.  They  then  pro- 
ceeded to  examine  the  case  of  the  Narragansett  sachem. 
Prepossessed  in  favor  of  Uncas  on  account  of  his  obse- 
quiousness to  the  English,  fearful  of  MiantiuOmo's  power, 
and  perhaps  of  his  independent  spirit,  they  yet  hesitated 
in  their  judgment,  and  at  first  decided  that,  while  it  would 
not  be  safe  to  liberate  the  captive,  there  was  still  no  sufR- 

•  Hazard,  Vol.  II,  pp.  7,  8.  Winthrop,  Vol.  II,  p.  1.11.  It  is  pretty  certain 
that  Gorion  wrote  a  letter  to  Uncas,  byt  somfwhat  doubtful  whether  he  uted 
•ny  threatH.  Winthrop  nt  first  slated  that  he  did,  but  afterwards  erawd  the 
passage  as  if  he  had  fouiui  that  the  asaertion  was  incorrect. 

♦  Winthrop,  Vol.  II,  p.  131. 


t^i53»iSi^%>s^'«»-'******^*****'*^*^*^'      -  ' 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


195 


cient  cause  to  put  him  to  death.  In  this  uncertainty  it 
was  determined  to  refer  the  case  to  the  clergy,  a  general 
convocation  of  whom  was  then  held  in  Boston,  as  many 
as  fifty  being  assembled  there  from  all  parts  of  New  "En^ 
land.  For  some  reason,  however,  only  five  of  this  num- 
ber were  selected,  to  give  their  voices  on  thi^  important 
question :  these  were  called  in,  the  whole  affair  was  laid 
before  them,  and  they  were  asked  for  their  opinion.  What 
is  our  astonishment  to  find  that  these  reverend  and,  as  it 
is  to  be  hoped,  pious  gentlemen,  came  to  that  stern  de- 
cision at  which  laymen  and  public  magistrates  had  fal- 
tered !     Miantinomo,  they  said,  ought  to  die.* 

The  Commissioners,  having  all  their  doubts  removed 
by  the  verdict  of  the  ministers,  decided  that  the  unfor- 
tunate sachem  was  worthy  of  death,  and  that  Uncas 
might  justly  kill  him,  since  his  own  life  would  be  in  con- 
stant danger,  either  by  treachery  or  open  force,  as  long  as 
such  a  false  and  blood-thirsty  enemy  lived.  It  was 
clearly  discovered,  they  said,  that  there  was  a  general 
conspiracy  among  the  Indians  against  the  colonies,  and 
that  the  prisoner  was  at  the  head  of  it.  His  disposition, 
too,  was  proud,  turbulent  and  restless.  He  had  broken 
his  promise  of  surrendering  the  Pequot  who  attempted  to 
take  Uncas'  life.  Finally  he  beat  one  of  the  men  of 
Pomham,  a  sachem  who  had  submitted  to  the  English, 
took  away  his  wampum  and  bade  him  complain,  if  he 
would,  at  the  Massachusetts.  In  short,  he  had  forfeited 
his  life  by  the  Indian  customs,  and  by  the  fashions  of  all 
countries-! 

•  Winthrop,  Vol.  II.  p.  131. 

t  Hazard.  Vol.  II,  p.  9.     Winthrop,  Vol.  TI,  pp.  133,  134. 


196 


HISTORY    OP    THE    INDIANS 


Such  were  the  pretences,  some  false,  some  unjust,  some 
frivolous,  by  which  the  Commissioners  vindicated  their 
course  in  the  condemnation  of  a  free  and  independent 
S£M2hem  :  false,  because  it  had.wo^  been  clearly  discovered 
that  there  was  a  general  conspiracy  among  the  Indians, 
and  because  the  innocence  of  Miantinomo  on  that  point 
had  already  been  acknowledged  ;  unjust,  because  nothing 
could  well  be  more  so  than  to  send  men  out  of  this  world 
for  being  proud,  turbulent  and  restless  ;  frivolous,  because 
the  charges  concerning  Pomham  and  his  man  were  alto- 
gether too  trifling  to  have  any  weight  in  a  question  of 
life  and  death.  As  to  the  assertion  that  he  had  forfeited 
his  life  by  Indian  customs  and  by  the  fashions  of  all 
countries,  the  first  part  is  true,  but  the  second  is  as  clearly 
false.  It  is  not,  at  least,  the  fashion  of  civilized  countries, 
to  keep  prisoners  of  war  alive  for  weeks,  and  then  bring 
them  in  cool  blood  to  execution. 

The  Commissioners  decided  that  Uncas  and  some  of 
his  best  men  should  be  summoned  to  Hartford;  that 
Miantinomo  should  there  be  surrendered  into  his  hands  ; 
that  he  should  be  put  to  death  without  the  limits  of  the 
English  settlements ;  and  that  some  of  the  colonists 
should  witness  the  execution,  "  for  the  more  full  satisfiic- 
tion  of  the  commissioners."  If  Uncas  refused  to  kill  the 
prisoner,  he  was  not  to  be  surrendered  to  him,  but  to  be 
sent  to  Boston  by  sea,  and  there  detained  until  the  Court 
could  decide  further  as  to  his  fate.  But,  if  Uncas  carried 
the  sentence  into  eff'ect,  he  was  to  be  taken  under  Eng- 
lish protection,  and  it  was  to  be  the  especial  duty  of  Con- 
necticut to  defend  him  against  all  enemies  whom  he 
might  thus  create.     Plymouth  was  to  restore  Massasoit, 


K«i.^^'>f*'**'"^'?'?^ ": 


■■tei*to*»*M*«ite; 


\ 


'  -  /      \ 


'      ■'  Ml.  I  -I,     '    *'  ' 


a 

H 
25 


O 

K 

H 
•<1 
M 
» 

m 
a 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


197 


z; 

H 


O 

K 

H 
Q 

n 


the  sachem  of  the  Pokanokets,  to  a  perfect  freedom  from 
all  the  encroachments  which  had  been  made  upon  hini 
by  the  Narragansetts.  Massachusetts  was  to  give  the 
Narragansetts  notice  that  Uncas  acted  under  the  authority 
of  the  English,  and  would  be  defended  by  them  against 
all  assailants. 

The  decision  was  kept  secret  until  it  was  known  that 
the  Connecticut  and  New  Haven  Commissioners  had 
reached  home.  It  was  feared  that,  if  the  Narragansetts 
should  know  what  was  to  be  done,  they  would  intercept 
these  gentlemen,  and  thus  obtain  hostages  by  whom  to 
ransom  their  sachem.  Such  a  design  had  indeed  been 
agitated  among  them,  as  the  frank  and  noble  minded 
Miantinomo  himself  gave  notice  to  Governor  Haynes. 

As  soon  as  Eaton  and  his  friends  were  in  safety,  Uncas 
was  ordered  to  repair  to  Hartford,  at  the  head  of  a  suffi- 
cient number  of  his  followers.  He  came,  attended  by 
his  brother,  VV'awequa,  and  a  select  band  of  warriors. 
The  decision  of  the  Commissioners  was  made  known  to 
him  :  a  decision,  doubtless,  after  his  own  heart ;  and  he 
offered  not  the  least  objection  to  carrying  it  into  execution. 
His  captive  was  then  delivered  into  his  hands,  and  two 
Englishmen  were  designated  to  go  with  him  and  witness 
the  murder.  They  left  Hartford,  and  traveled  on  through 
the  forests  until  they  came  to  the  plain  where  the  battle 
had  been  fought  and  the  prize  taken.  Wawequa  was 
walking  close  be;iirid  Miantinomo,  who  was  still,  per- 
haps, uncertain  what  would  be  his  fate.  Uncas  gave  a 
signal,  and  Wawequa,  silently  raising  his  tomahawk, 
sunk  it  with  a  heav>  blow  into  the  head  of  the  un- 
suspecting prisoner.     Uncas  cut  a  large  piece  from  the 


i! 


'!!■ 


n 


198 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


shoulder  and  ate  it  with  savage  exuUation.  "  It  is  the 
sweetest  meat  I  ever  ate,"  said  the  barbarian.  "  It  makes 
my  heart  strong."* 

Miantinomo  was  buried  on  the  site  both  of  his  defeat 
and  his  death,  and  the  spot  afterwards  received,  from  the 
English  settlers,  the  name,  which  it  still  retains,  of  the 
Sachem's  Plain.     A  heap  of  stones  was  raised  over  the 
grave,  and,  for  a  long  time  afterwards,  every  Narragansett 
who  passed  that  way  added  one  or  more  to  the  pile.    Du- 
ring many  subsequent  years,  parties  of  this  tribe  used  to 
visit  the  spot  every  September,  in  spite  of  the  almost  con- 
tinual hostility  which  existed  between  them  and  the  Mo- 
hegans.     On  reaching  the  rude  monument  they  would 
break  forth  into  lamentations,  and  then  throwing  new 
stones  upon  the  heap,  would  consecrate  them  with  mourn- 
ful  cries  and  frantic   gestures.     The  moimd   remained 
standing  for  many  years,  but  was  finally  torn  down  by 
the  economical  owner  of  the  land,  who  wished  to  use  the 
stones  in  the  foundation  of  a  new  barn.f 

Such  was  the  end  of  Miantinomo  ;  a  sachem  who  seems 
to  have  been  respected  and  loved  by  every  one  who  was 
not  fearful  of  his  power.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  his 
death  was  perfectly  in  accordance  with  Indian  customs  ; 
yet,  for  the  sake  of  the  memory  of  our  ancestors,  I  wish 
that  it  had  not  happened  through  their  influence.  Had 
Uncas  killed  and  scalped  him  on  the  field  of  battle,  or 
had  he  tortured  him  to  death  in  cool  blood  on  his  own 

*  See  Hazard,  Vol.  II,  pp.  11—13,  and  Winthrop,  Vol.  II,  p.  134.  Win- 
throp  indeed  says  that  he  was  killed  between  Windsor  and  Hartford ;  but 
Trumbull,  on  the  authority  of  some  private  manuscripts,  places  the  scene  of 
his  murder  in  Norwich,  and  his  account  is  confirmed  by  tradition. 

<  History  of  Norwich,  p.  20. 


7^^^^^miu^^>sk^^:m^^^:^^^*^*^*^ 


f 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


199 


responsibility,  no  one  could  have  had  any  occasion  for 
surprise.     It  would  have  been  no  more  than  MiantinOmo 
would  probably  have  done  to  Uncas,  and  no  more  than 
all  the  Indian  tribes  were  in  the  constant  habit  of  doing 
to  their  captive  enemies.     The  English  committed  a  great 
error  in  receiving  the  prisoner  into  their  hands,  and  from 
this  error  they  went  on  until  the  result  was  an  act  highly 
unjust  and  deliberately  cruel.     Even  after  receiving  him, 
they  might  have  returned  him,  and  have  left  Uncas  to  act 
as  he  pleased,  on  condition  that  he  should  take  upon  him- 
self all  the  consequences.     But  we  have  seen  that  the 
Commissioners  resolved  to  return  him  to  the  Mohegans 
only  h  the  latter  would  put  him  to  death,  and  that  they 
pledged  themselves  to  support  the  executioners  against 
all  who  should  call  their  conduct  in  question.     The  real 
causes  of  the  sachem's  execution  seem   to  have  been,  fear 
of  his  power,  jealousy  that  he  was  inimical  to  the  colonies, 
and,  perhaps,  also,  the  fact  that  he  had  favored  the  hereti- 
cal settlement  of  Gorton  and  his  company  at  Pautuxet. 

According  to  the  resolutions  of  the  Commissioners, 
Governor  Winthrop  dispatched  messengers  to  the  Narra- 
gansetts.  They  charged  them  with  havi-^g  broken  their 
faith  with  the  English,  and  having  combined  with  Mian- 
tinOmo in  his  design  to  root  out  the  colonies.  They  told 
them,  also,  that  the  English  justified  Uncas  in  what  he 
had  done,  and  were  determined  to  protect  him  against 
whoever  should  offer  to  do  him  harm.  As  Canonicus, 
however,  and  Mascus,  the  deceased  father  of  Miantinomo, 
had  always  guided  the  tribe  in  a  peaceable  way,  the  Com- 
missioners were  willing  to  ascribe  the  late  tumults  to  the 
proud  and  unquiet  spirit  of  the  deceased  sachem.     They 


200 


HISTORY   OF    THE    INDIANS,    ETC. 


therefore  offered  the  Narragansetts  peace  with  the  Eng- 
lish, and  with  Uncas,  and  Massasoit,  and  all  the  other 
allies  of  the  English  * 

The  Narragansetts  could  do  no  better  for  the  present, 
than  receive  this  unpalatable  message  with  a  good  grace, 
and  remain  in  quiet.  We  shall  see,  however,  before  long, 
that  neither  messages  nor  treaties  were  sufficient  to  over- 
come their  hatred  of  the  Mohegans,  or  restrain  their  burn- 
ing desire  of  revenge. 

•  Hazard,  Vol.  II,  p.  12. 


-. 


CHAPTER    VI. 


FROM   THE    EXECUTION    OP    MIANTINOMO    TO    THE    RE-ESTAB- 
LISHMENT   OF    THE    PE^UOTP. 

The  Indians  in  this  early  period  loitered,  during  much 
of  their  time,  around  the  villages  of  the  whites,  and  gave 
the  settlers  not  a  little  annoyance.     They  frightened  the 
women  and  children,  by  entering  the  houses  without  lib- 
erty, and  sometimes  caused  lamentable  accidents  through 
their  excessive  eagerness  to  handle  fire-arms.    They  were 
not  perfectly  honest,  either,  being  very  apt  to  steal  what- 
ever excited  their  longing,  and  more  desirous  of  running 
in  debt  than  of  paying  what  they  already  owed.     If  a 
man  trusted  an  Indian  to  any  amount,  he  was  pretty  sure 
io  lose  both  his  debt  and  his  customer ;  the  latter  very 
commonly  transferring  his  valuable  patronage  to  some 
other  part  of  the  country.     To  put  a  stop  to  these  and 
other  annoyances,  penal  laws  were  enacted,  both  by  the 
colonial  courts  and  by  the  assemblies  of  the  towns.     For 
handling  weapons,  an  Indian  was  to  pay  a  fine  of  half  a 
fathom  of  wampum.    If  he  wounded  any  one  by  his  care- 
lessness or  ignorance,  he  was  to  defray  the  expense  of 
curing  the  patient.     If  the  injured  person  died,  life  was 
to  be  exactod  for  life.*    Indians  who  came  round  the 
settlements  by  night  might  be  summoned  by  the  watch- 

•  Se«  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  I,  p.  52.    .Tuno,  IG^O. 


202 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


men  to  surrender,  and,  if  they  refused  to  obey,  might  be 
shot  down  without  hesitation.*  Laws  like  these  were 
sometimes  accompanied  by  a  provision,  that  notices  of 
them  should  be  given  to  the  neighboring  sachems,  so  that 
they  might  warn  and  restrain  their  people. 

In  1642,  when  there  v     e  suspicions  of  a  conspiracy 
among  the  Indians,  having  its  head  at  Tunxis,  the  General 
Court  of  Connecticut  enacted,  that  no  ordinary  citizen 
should  admit  a  native  into  his  house.     Magistrates  only 
were  excepted,  who  were  allowed  to  receive  a  sachem, 
provided  he  came  with  not  above  two  men.f     A  like 
order  was  passed  in  1644,  except  that  magistrates  and 
traders  were  permitted,  to  entertain  sachems  attended  by 
four  men.     Mncas,  however,  was  granted  some  superior 
privileges  on  account  of  his  friendship  for  the  colonists : 
he  might  come  into  the  English  houses  with  twenty  fol- 
lowers, and  his  brother,  Wawequa,  might  come  with  ten.| 
In  1647,  Indians  were  forbidden  to  hire  lands  of  the  Eng- 
lish, because,  by  this  means,  they  mingled  freely  with 
the  settlers,  and  corrupted  the  young  men.<§.     There  was, 
in  fact,  good  reason  for  this  caution,  for  the  moral  ex- 
ample of  the  natives  was,  beyond  question,  far  more  cor- 
rupting than  beneficial.     Dutch  and  French  vessels  were 
forbidden  to  trade  with  the  Indians,  within  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  colony,  just  as  the  Dutch  and  French  colonial 
governments  had  forbidden  foreigners  to  trade  with  the 
Indians  in    their  territories.  ||     These   restrictions   were 
laid,  not  so  much  to  monopolize  the  trade  of  the  abori- 

•  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  I,  pp.  46, 240.    t  Colonial  Rec,  Vol.  I,  p.  73. 
t  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  I,  p.  106.  §  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  I,  p.  149^ 

II  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  I,  pp.  197,  218. 


.".awiat^^tf'fe*^  i^ifVii 


,.>,tmx^i*^i 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


203 


gmes,  as  to  prevent  them  from  becoming  supplied  with 
ammunition  and  fire-arms.  ^ 

As  the  Indians  complained  of  being  cheated  out  of  their 
territories,  a  law  was  passed  [1663]  interdicting  private 
individuals  from  purchasing  lands  of  them.*  In  1650,  an 
enactment  was  made,  forbidding  any  person,  under  any 
circumstances,  to  buy  wood  of  an  Indian.f  Such  rules 
were  not  needless ;  some  of  the  whites  were  dishonest  and 
rapacious ;  all  of  the  Indians  were  thoughtless  and  im- 
provident. 

Nothing  operated  with  more  injurious  effect  upon  the 
natives  than  intoxicating  liquors.  The  unnatural  excite- 
ment which  these  produce  was  an  agreeable  stimulus  to 
men  whose  avocations  and  pleasures  were  few,  whose 
leisure  hung  heavily  on  their  hands,  and  whose  minds 
were  most  of  the  time  dissolved  in  a  tiresome  vacuity. 
They  drank  them  greedily  whenever  they  could  get  them ; 
and  the  race,  as  well  as  individuals,  soon  began  to  ex- 
hibit proofs  of  their  deleterious  influence.  One  law  after 
another  was  passed,  forbidding  any  person  to  furnish  an 
Indian  with  such  liquors  under  considerable  penalties.  In 
1654,  this  penalty  amounted  to  five  pounds  for  every  pint 
thus  sold,  and  forty  shillings  for  the  least  quantity.^ 
Notwithstanding  these  laws  the  evil  still  went  on  in- 
creasing, as  spirituous  liquors  grew  more  abundant,  and 
could  be  obtained  by  the  Indians  at  a  less  expense.  Per- 
haps the  evil  was  never  greater  than  at  the  present  day. 
Let  us  be  careful,  then,  how  we  reproach  our  predecessors. 

A  war  was  now  raging  between  the  Dutch  of  New 


4, 


!S^ 


•  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  I,  p.  402.       t  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  I,  p.  214. 
X  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  I,  p.  263. 
20 


204 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


Amsterdam  and  several  of  the  neighboring  tribes  of  In- 
dians, which  finally  involved  some  of  the  clans  of  Con- 
necticut.    In  1642,   some    Dutch   traders,  having  saga- 
ciously contrived  to  get  an  Indian  drunk,  robbed  him  of 
his  valuable  dress  of  beaver  skins.     In  vengeance  for  this 
injury  the  warrior  killed  two  white  men,  and  then  fled 
for  safety  to  a  distant  tribe.     Governor  Kieft  demanded 
the  murderer ;  refused  to  believe  that  he  could  not  be 
found,  and  finally  revenged  himself  by  an  act  of  barbarous 
cruelty.     In  the  following  winter,  two  tribes  living  on  the 
Hudson  were  surprised  by  the  Mohawks,  seventy  of  their 
warriors  were  killed,  and  many  prisoners  were  left  in  the 
hands  of  the  enemy.     Half  dead  with  cold  and  hunger, 
the  remnant,  amounting  to  several  hundred  souls,  fled  for 
protection  to  the  vicinity  of  New  Amsterdam.     Kieft  at 
first   kindly  furnished   them  with  corn;   but   the  dark 
thought  soon  came  into  his  mind  that  now  he  could  re- 
venge the  insult  which  had  lately  been  off"ered  to  his 
government.     Some  of  his  councilors  agreed  with  him ; 
a  Dand  of  soldiers  and  colonists  was  dispatched  on  the 
horrid  errand ;  the  unsuspecting  savages  were  surprised 
in  their  sleep,  and  more  than  a  hundred  of  them  were 
massacred  in  cold  blood.     The   Indians  living  on  the 
Hudson  rose  to  revenge  this  cruel  treachery,  and  were 
joined  by  the  tribes  of  Long  Island.     A  confederacy  of 
eleven  clans,  numbering  more  than  fifteen  hundred  war- 
riors, was  formed,  and  a  fierce  war  blazed  wherever  a 
Dutch  settlement  was  to  be  found  ;  on  Long  Island  and 
on  Manhattan,  along  the  Connecticut    and    along   the 
Hudson.     The  Indians  desolated  the  Connecticut  coast 
as  far  east  as  Stamford,  killing  not  only  Dutch  but  Eng- 


iSBi^HI 


OP    CONNECTICUT. 


205 


lish ;  for  the  English  in  this  quarter  were  few  in  number, 
and  had  been  compelled  to  submit  to  the  government 
of  New  Amsterdam.     The  pretended  prophetess,  Anne 
Hutchinson,  who  had  taken  refuge  here  from  her  perse- 
cutors in  Massachusetts,  was  among  the  victims.   Until  the 
last  moment  the  Indians  came  to  the  house  in  their  usual 
friendly  manner  ;  then  the  hatchet  fell,  and  the  ill-fated 
woman  perished,  with  seventeen  others,  in  the  massacre. 
To  close  the  scene,  the  horses  and  cattle  were  driven  into 
the  barns,  the  barns  were  set  on  fire,  and  the  helpless  ani- 
mals were  roasted  to  death  in  the  flames.    Great  numbers 
of  Indians  were  now  living  in  this  part  of  Connecticut, 
where  they  had  formed  several  large  villages  or  encamp- 
ments.    They  were  not,  however,  natives  of  the  district, 
but  had  only  retreated  here  from  Long  Island  and  the 
Hudson,  so  as  to  be  less  exposed  to  the  expeditions  of  the 
Dutch. 

Mayn  Mayano,  a  sachem  living  between  Stamford  and 
Greenwich,  distinguished  himself  by  a  feat  of  daring 
though  unsuccessful  courage.  At  a  time  when  one  Eu- 
ropean was  considered  a  match  for  several  natives,  he  had 
the  audacity  to  attack  with  his  bow  and  arrows  three 
Dutch  settlers  armed  with  muskets.  He  killed  one,  and 
was  engaged  in  conflict  with  another,  when  the  third 
struck  him  down.  Had  he  succeeded  in  his  desperate 
enterprise,  he  would  have  gained  a  glorious  name  among 
his  people,  and  would  perhaps  have  been  regarded  as  the 
greatest  brave  among  all  the  tribes  of  his  race. 

Mayn  Mayano's  tribe  having  been  as  hostile  as  its 
sachem,  an  expedition  was  sent  against  it  from  New  Am- 
sterdam.    The  troops  landed  at  Greenwich,  and,  relying 


206 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


i   I 


upon  some  information  given  them  by  Captain  Daniel 
Patrick  of  that  place,  marched  all  night  in  search  of  the 
enemy's  encampment.  But  the  Indians  had  escaped,  and 
the  Dutch  marched  on  to  Stamford  in  an  ill  humor  at 
their  d-sappointment,  and  believing  that  they  had  been 
mtentionally  misdirected  One  of  them,  meeting  Patrick 
m  that  village,  charged  him  with  falsehood  and  treachery. 
The  high-tempered  Englishman  angrily  retorted,  spit  in 
his  accuser's  face,  and  turned  on  his  heel  to  walk  away. 
Enraged  at  the  insult,  the  soldier  drew  a  pistol  and  shot 
him  dead. 

Thus  perished  one  of  those  captains  who  had  led  the 
troops  of  New  England  against  the  iU-fated  Pequots. 
The  deed  was  committed  at  the  house  of  another,  the 
famous  John  Underbill,  who  was  likewise  living  at  Green- 
wich under  the  authority  of  the  Dutch.  Both  these  men 
had  been  members  of  New  England  churches,  but  thei'r 
conduct  had  little  corresponded  with  their  professions, 
and,  unable  to  bear  the  restraints  and  frequent  admoni- 
tions  which  met  them  in  Massachusetts,  they  had  retired 
to  these  lonely  shores  where  ministers  and  church  com- 
mittees were  few  and  far  between. 

Before  the  armament  returned  to  Manhattan,  twenty- 
five  of  the  soldiers  undertook  a  more  successful  expedi- 
tion.  By  a  forced  march  they  surprised  a  small  Indian 
village,  killed  eighteen  or  twenty  of  the  inhabitants,  and 
took  the  rest,  an  old  man  with  some  women  and  children 
prisoners.  * 

Underbill  now  joined  the  Dutch  armies,  was  placed  at 
the  head  of  a  small  force,  and  did  good  service  in  an 
expedition  to  Long  Island.    On  his  return  from  thii.  enter- 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


2or 


M 


prise,  he  went  to  New  Amsterdam,  from  whence  he  was 
immediately  sent  to  obtain  information  concerning  the 
hostile  Indians  in  the  vicinity  of  Stamford.  He  brought 
back  word,  that  an  encampment  of  five  hundred  of  them 
had  been  discovered,  and  urgently  advised  that  an  imme- 
diate effort  should  be  made  to  destroy  it.  One  hundred 
and  thirty  men  were  instantly  raised,  [February,  1644,] 
and  sent  off  for  Greenwich,  under  the  command  of  Under- 
bill and  Ensign  Van  Dyck.  They  landed  that  same  eve- 
ning at  Stamford,  but  a  heavy  snow  storm  obliged  them 
to  remain  nearly  all  night  in  the  settlement.  The 
weather  having  moderated  towards  morning,  they  set 
forward,  and  made  a  long,  painful  and  fatiguing  day's 
march.  About  eight  in  the  evening  they  came  to  two 
rivers,  one  of  them  two  hundred  feet  wide,  and  three  feet 
deep.  They  were  now  near  the  enemy,  but  thought  it 
best  to  halt  awhile  for  the  sake  of  resting  the  men  and 
preparing  for  the  approaching  struggle.  At  ten  o'clock 
they  resumed  their  march  and  moved  on  easily,  the  sky 
being  clear,  and  a  full  "moon  glancing  over  the  brilliant 
surface  of  the  snow.  They  soon  came  in  sight  of  three 
long  rows  of  wigwams,  situated  at  the  foot  of  an  emi- 
nence which  protected  them  from  the  northeast  wind. 
This  was  the  Indian  village.  Its  inhabitants  were  on 
thair  guard,  and  soon  showed  that  they  had  discovered 
the  presence  of  their  enemies.  The  Dutch,  however, 
advanced  with  such  celerity  as  to  surround  the  village 
before  its  inmates  could  make  their  escape.  The  Indians 
charged  gallantly,  with  the  hope  of  breaking  the  lines ; 
but  twelve  of  them  were  taken  prisoners,  and  the  rest 

were  driven  back.    A  heavy  fire  of  musketry  was  opciH^d 

20* 


iU 


208 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


by  the  white  men,  and,  after  a  furious  conflict  of  an  houi 
the  Indians  retreated  to  their  wigwams,  leanng  one  hun- 
dred and  eighty  of  their  number  stretched  on  the  trampled 
and  crimsoned  snow.     Not  one  would  venture  out  any 
longer ;  but  they  still  maintained  the  conflict,  from  loop- 
holes, with  their  bows  and  arrows.     Underbill,  following 
Mason's  example  at  Fort  Mystic,  now  gave  orders  to  fire 
the  village.     The  same  result  followed  which  had  been 
witnessed  in  the  attack  on  the  Pequots ;  the  Indians  were 
driven  out  of  their  cabins  by  the  fire,  and  were  driven  into 
them  again  by  the  Dutch  sabres  and  musketry.     They 
perished  miserably,  men,  women  and  children  ;  only  eight 
escaping,  and  five  hundred,  as  the  Indians  afterwards  as- 
serted, being  destroyed  by  fire,  lead  and  steel. 

The  soldiers  kindled  large  fires,  and  encamped  for  the 
remainder  of  the  night  on  the  field  of  battle.     The  next 
morning  they  set  out  on  their  return,  and,  "  the  Lord 
enduing  the  wounded  with  extraordinary  strength,"  they 
reached  the  English  settlement  of  Stamford  about  noon. 
Public  thanksgivings  were  ordered  at  New  Amsterdam 
for  this  great  success ;  and  the  Dutch  chroniclers  expressed 
their  gratitude  for  the  victory  in  the  same  devout  strain 
with  which  the  New  England  writers  recorded  the  simi- 
lar triumph  on  the  banks  of  the  Mystic.    They  remarked 
it,  for  instance,  as  a  particular  providence,  that,  whon  the 
attack  was  made  on  the  village,  "  the  Lord  had  collected 
most  of  their  enemies  there  to  celebrate  some  peculiar 
festival." 

This  terrific  slaughter  put  an  end  to  the  war,  as  the 
carnage  at  Fort  Mystic  had  virtually  ended  the  contest 
between  the  English  and  the  Pequots.     Not  very  long 


'\jMr^iiifU!Sa^ii'-m-%i&0a>i^^SSM-\:- 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


209 


after  the  Dutch  Wctory,  the  Indians  begged  the  interven- 
ion  of  Underhill,  whom  they  seem  to  have  considered 
the  leading  spirit  among  their  adversaries,  and,  having  ob- 
tained ,t,  very  soon  [April,  1644,J  consented  to  a  peace.* 
During  this  violent  and  sometimes  prosperous  struggle 
with  the  Dutch  colonists  of  New  Netherland,  it  was  not 
surprising  that  the  Indians  of  this  vicinity  should  occa- 
sionally manifest  insolence  towards  the  English  colonists 
ot  Connecticut.     In  the  summer  or  fall  of  1644,  one  of 
them  named  Ashquash,  murdered,  between  Fairfield  and 
fetamford,  an  English  servant  who  was  running  away 
irom  his  master  in  Massachusetts.     The  fact  being  re- 
vea  ed  about  six  weeks  after,  by  an  Indian,  the  settlers 
applied  to  the  sachem  of  Ashquash's  tribe  for  satisfaction. 
He  promised  to  surrender  the  murderer,  and  actually  kept 
his  pledge  so  far  as  to  have  him  brought  within  sight  of 
Fairfield.     Some   English   were  already  coming  out  to 
receive  him,  when  the  Indians,  beginning  to  pity  their 
doomed  comrade,  unbound  him  and  let  him  go.     The 
settlers  were  enraged,  and  seizing  eight  or  nine  of  the 
natives,  carried  them  into  the  village  and  kept  them  con- 
fined there  several  days.    Pour  sagamores  then  appearing, 
and  promising  to  surrender  the  culprit  within  a  month 
the  prisoners  were  released.f  ' 

Not  long  after  this  agreement  was  made,  an  Indian 
came  into  a  house  at  Stamford,  in  broad  day,  and  attack- 

•  The  above  events  are  taken  almost  entirely  from  O'Cnllaghan's  Historr 
of  New  NHh.-rland..  Rook  III.  Chapfem  III.  IV  and  V.  Trumbull  tells  of  the 
war  oontinuing  till  1646.  and  of  a  great  battle  being  fought  that  year  at 
St,...kl.nd8  Plain  in  Horneneck  j  but  this  is  a  mistake,  for  peace  was  con- 
eluded  two  years  before. 

t  Hazard.  Vol.  II,  p.  23. 


Ml' 


210 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


ing  a  woman  who  was  there  alone  with  her  infant,  left 
her  on  the  floor  for  dead,  plundered  the  house  and  went 
away.  The  settlers  were  alarmed  and  provoked  at  these 
repeated  outrages,  and  demanded  a  conference  of  the  na- 
tives for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  reparation.  The  In- 
dians refused  to  appear ;  left  their  corn  unweeded  ;  fired 
off  muskets  in  the  vicinity ;  and  showed  themselves  in  a 
tumultuous  and  threatening  manner  about  the  settlement. 
Some  of  their  number  told  the  villagers  that  their  people 
were  intending  to  attack  them.  The  settlers  sent  mes- 
sages to  Hartford  and  New  Haven  for  assistance,  and,  at 
some  of  the  plantations  in  this  vicinity,  a  guard  was  kept 
up  both  night  and  day.  Soldiers  were  raised  at  New 
Haven,  and  dispatched  to  the  threatened  district ;  and  a 
new  demand  was  made  for  the  surrender  of  Ashquash. 
Tne  woman  who  had  been  attacked  finally  recovered 
from  her  wounds,  though  her  reason  was  gone  forever. 
She  was  able,  however,  to  describe  the  person  and  dress 
of  her  assailant,  so  that  the  townsmen  were  enabled  to 
recognize  in  him  a  fellow  named  Busheag.  With  a  great 
deal  of  difficulty  the  Indians  were  persuaded  to  surrender 
him ;  he  was  carried  to  New  Haven,  tried  for  his  crime, 
convicted  and  sentenced  to  decapitation.  Busheag  sat 
erect  and  motionless,  while  the  unskillful  executioner 
mangled  him  with  eight  blows  upon  the  neck,  before  he 
could  detach  the  head  from  the  body.  This  execution 
seems  to  have  satisfied  both  parties ;  the  Indians  became 
tranquil,  and  the  English  do  not  appear  to  have  made  any 
further  demands  for  the  murderer  of  the  servant.* 

•  Hazard,  Vol.  IT, p.  23.     We  find  indeed  certain  recommendations,  [Haz- 
ard, Vol.  II,  p.  128,]  but  no  proof  that  they  were  followed  by  action. 


""ffrfW 


■^,,M^^K>i>^'Arm»^^^fi'"^ 


.%i:a^^ie^««^^-'"^"^ 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


211 


During  this  time,  the  Narragansetts  had  by  no  means 
remained  quiet  under  the  loss  of  their  sachem,  but  were 
continually  harassing  the  Mohegans  with  their  war  parties. 
Miantinomo's  authority  was  inherited,  at  least  to  some 
degree,  by  his  brother,  a  young  man  of  about  twenty, 
named  Pessicus.  Within  a  month  after  the  death  of 
Miantinomo,  and  also  in  the  following  March,  Pessicus 
sent  presents  to  Boston,  with  messages  that  he  wished 
peace  with  the  English,  but  was  resolved  to  make  war 
upon  Uncas.  His  presents  were  refused ;  unfriendly  an- 
swers were  returned  to  his  communications  ;  and  he  was 
told  that  the  English  would  stand  by  Uncas  whenever  he 
should  be  attacked.  These  replies,  however,  produced 
I  little  effect,  for  threats  alone  could  not  restrain  the  hatred 

and  desire  of  vengeance  which  burned  in  the  bosoms  of 
the  Narragansetts.  Twelve  or  fourteen  Englishmen,  sent 
by  Hartfojrd  to  protect  Uncas,  probably  had  enough  and 
more  than  enough  to  do,  all  summer,  in  keeping  watch, 
and  running  about  from  this  point  to  that,  to  chase  away 
the  intruders.  Things  finally  became  so  troublesome, 
that  the  Commissioners  determined,  [September,  1644,] 
that  both  parties  should  be  summoned  to  Hartford,  and 
plead  their  cause  before  the  Court.  Nathaniel  Willet  and 
the  interpreter,  Thomas  Stanton,  delivered  the  summons 
first  to  Uncas,  and  afterwards  to  the  Narragansetts.  Both 
tribes  were  ordered  to  remain  at  peace  until  the  decision 
of  the  case,  and  to  promise  not  to  intercept  each  other's 
deputies  on  the  journey  to  and  from  Hartford.  The  sa- 
chems of  the  Narragansetts  consulted  with  Ninigret,  and 
then  sent  one  of  their  own  number,  Weetowisse,  and  three 
councilors,  to  make  their  accusation  against  Uncas.    The 


I 


212 


HISTORY    OP    THE    INDIANS 


Mohega,,  sachem  made  his  appearance  in  person.    The 
Narraganset.  deputies  came,  and  .he  cause'was  opened 
The  Narragansetts  spoke  firs,.     They  said  that,  whib 
Miantmomo  was  a  prisoner,  a  sum  of  wampum  h^d  been 

mnhar""''^""'™^^"-  '"^  MoLgansLh-: 
ransom    that  some  portions  of  this  ransom  had  actually 

m  puttmg  his  prisoner  to  death* 

Uncas  flatly  denied  that  any  such  ransom  had  been 
ag  eed  upon ;  asserted  that  the  wampum  sen,  was  so  in- 
considerable in  amount  as  to  be  totally  inadequate  for 
such  a  purpose;  and  that  it  had  moreover  been  len 

otSfr'"""  '"  P---.«"'>erfor  thesa^r  ? 
obtaining  favors,  or  ,n  return  for  favors  roceived.t 

^.ith  »  «  °"""!r'™"''  investigated  the  case,  doubtless, 

decided  r"'    T  '"  ""  ''"'="  '""'"='^»«'  =>""  «-"y 
dec  ded  apparently,  too,  with  justice,  that  the  Narragan^ 

Thev  told"!'!!  '""  """^  '°  ""'^'™'''"«'  '"-  cha'rge. 

.To' tdthatT        r'""  ^'""P^"^<» '«  give  satisfac- 
tion, and  that  the  colonies  would  still  oblige  him  to  do  so 

whenever  the  Narragansetts  should  be  abfe  to  prove   ,e 
t'h        °'  """7="»^«"»n^-     They  then  cautioned  them 
ha.  neither  their  tribe  nor  the  Nehanties  must  attack 
Uncas,  under  peril  of  the  English  hostility,  until  "hey 
were  ab  e  to  satisfy  the  Court  that  he  was  guilty  of  ,1 
crime  alleged.     The  deputies  consulted  together    a  id 
-.uated,  doubtless,  by  fear  of  the  power  of  tl.e  cobn^' 
as  we  1  as  intimidated  by  the  presence  and  the  demaTd: 
of  the  Commissioners,  they  consented  to  a  temporary 


•  Hajiird,  Vol.  II,  p.  S5. 


t  Ibid. 


,.»teiy»?«Si4»«fe 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


213 


cessation  of  the  war.  They  promised  not  to  attack  (Jncas 
till  after  the  next  planting  time,  and  not  even  then  with- 
out giving  thirty  days  notice  to  the  Governor  of  Massa- 
chusetts. Neither  would  they  use  any  means  to  bring 
the  Mohawks  against  him  during  the  truce,  and  if  any  of 
the  Nehantic  Pequots  attacked  him,  they  would  deliver 
them  up  to  be  punished.  The  treaty  to  this  effect  was 
subscribed,  [September,  29th,  1644,]  on  the  part  of  the 
colonies,  by  the  eight  Commissioners  ;  on  the  part  of  the 
Narragansetts  by  Weetowisse,  sachem,  and  Pawpiamet, 
Chimough  and  Pummumshe,  councilors.* 

But  either  the  Narragansetts  did  not  consider  them- 
selves bound  by  this  agreement  of  their  deputies,  (who 
perhaps  had  no  power  to  conclude  such  a  peace,)  or  their 
bitter  hatred  of  the  Mohegans  would  not  suffer  them  to 
abide  by  it.     They  re-commenced  hostilities  almost  as 
soon  as  they  had  signed  the  treaty,  and  their  war  parties 
again  swept  over  the  territories  of  Uncas.     In  the  spring 
of  1645,  without  giving  the  promised  notice  to  Massa- 
chusetts, a  large  force  of  their  warriors  poured  into  the 
Mohegan  country,  under  the  command  of  Pessicus.    They 
destroyed  every  wigwam  and  plantation  in  their  progress, 
drove  the  Mohegans  before  them,  and  forced 'Uncas  to 
take  refuge  in  one  of  his  forts.     This  stood  on  Shantok 
Pomt,  a  rough  promontory  on  the  western  bank  of  the 
Thames,  nearly  opposite  to  the  place  known  as  Pocque- 
tannok.     It  coiitained  a  fine  spring  of  water ;  the  English 
allies  of  Uncas  had  assisted  in  fortifying  it,  and  the  Mo- 
hegans could  easily  defend  it  against  a  foe  as  unskillful 
and  as  poorly  armed  as  themselves.     The  Narragansetts 

•  Hazard,  Vol.  II,  pp.  25,  26. 


214 


HisTony  or  the  Indians 


had  no  hopes  of  taking  it  by  force;  but  they  seized  the 
canoes  in  the  river,  spread  themselves  over  the  surround- 
ing country,  and  attempted  to  reduce  the  besieged  by 
famine.     The  English  garrison  from  Hartford  had  gone, 
but  Uncas  succeeded  in  sending  news  of  his  situation  to 
the  fort  at  Saybrook.     A  Mohegan,  creeping  cautiously 
out  by  night,  crawled  undiscovered  along  the  margin  of 
the  river,  and  made  his  way  across  the  country  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Connecticut.     Saybrook  was  then  com- 
manded by  John  Mason,  who  entertained  a  kind  and  grate- 
ful remembrance  of  Uncas  for  his  services  during  the  Pe- 
Huot  war,  and  was  willing  to  assist  him  in  his  present 
extremity.     He  did  not  indeed  attempt  to  raise  the  siege 
by  lorce  ;  but  he  alloived  one  of  his.  garrison,  a  young 
man  named  Thomas  Leffingwell,  to  undertake  the  enter- 
prise of  introducing  a  supply  of  food  into  the  beleaguered 
fortress.    It  is  probable,  although  not  certain,  that  Leffing- 
well was  accompanied  in  his  expedition  by  two   other 
men  named  Thomas  Tracy  and  Thomas  Miner.    A  canoe 
capable  of  bearing  twenty  hundred  weight  was  laden  with 
provisions  from  the  fort,  and  was  then  brought  round  to 
the  mouth  of  the  Pequot  or  Thames  River.     From  there 
the  adventurers,  taking  advantage  of  a  dark  night,  pad- 
dled up  to  Shantok  Point,  ten  miles  or  more,  and  suc- 
C€9dedin  landing  their  cargo  without  being  discovered 
by  the  besiegers.     The  Mohegans  shouted  with  delight 
when  they  saw  the  beef,  corn  and  peas  which  Leffingwell 
had  brought,  and  save  notice  of  their  relief  to  the  enemy 
by  elevating  a  larg.  piece  of  the  meat  on  a  pole.     When 
daylight   came    the   Narragansetts   saw   it,   and   seeing, 
also,  one  or   more  Englishmen   among   the  Mohegans,' 


OP    CONNECTICUT. 


215 


they  gave  up  the  siege  in  despair  and  returned  to  their 
homes> 

Close  on  the  heels  of  this  invasion  followed  another,  of 
several  hundred  warriors,  thirty  of  whom  were  provided 
with  fire-arms.  They  came  silently  and  secretly,  and  by 
making  a  show  of  only  forty  men,  they  drew  Uncas  and 
his  followers  within  their  reach.  The  whole  body  then 
rose,  poured  in  a  shower  of  arrows  and  bullets,  and  pur- 
sued the  Mohegans  furiously  to  the  walls  of  their  forts. 
Four  Mohegan  sagamores  and  two  common  men  were 
killed  in  this  battle,  and  they  had  between  thirty  and 
forty  wounded.  A  few  Englishmen  who  were  in  the 
neighborhood  shortly  made  their  appearance,  at  sight  of 
whom  the  Narragansetts  retired.  John  Winthrop  and 
Thomas  Peeters,  both  among  the  early  settlers  of  New 
London,  went  to  Uncas'  fort  and  dressed  the  wounds  of 
the  injured  Mohegans.  Uncas  told  them  the  story  of  the 
battle,  and  boasted  that,  if  it  were  not  for  the  guns  of  the 
Narragansetts,  he  would  not  care  a  rush  for  them.  From 
the  letter  of  Peeters,  which  preserves  these  particulars,  we 
learn  that,  either  at  this  time  or  some  other,  he  cured 
Tantaquigeon,  the  sagamore  who  first  overtook  the  flying 
Miantinomo.  Some  Narragansett  warriors  had  found  their 
way  to  his  cabin,  by  n-ght,  and  struck  him  en  the  breast, 
with  a  hatchet,  as  he  lay  on  his  couch.  The  brave  warrior 
had  notice  enough  of  their  presence  to  parry  the  blow  in 
part,  with  his  arm,  and  thus  to  save  his  life.  The  avengers 
of  blood  took  to  flight  when  they  found  themselves  dis- 
covered, and  Tantaquigeon  escaped  with  only  a  wound.f 

»  Mis^  Caulkins's  History  of  Norwich,  pp.  23 — 26. 

t  Apjieiidix  to  Sav.'iq;i''s  Winthrop,  Vol.  II,  p.  381. 

21 


m  I' 


216 


HISTORY    OP    THE    INDIANS 


During  the  remainder  of  the  season  after  this  battle,  a 
small  force  of  English  was  kept  constantly  in  the  Mohe- 
gan  country,  ekher  by  Hartford  or  New  Haven. 

These  repeated  attacks  upon  Uncas  excited  the  indig- 
nation of  the  colonists,  whose  honor  and  interest  both 
called  on  them  to  defend  him  against  his  enemies.  The 
subject  was  brought  before  the  meeting  of  the  Commis- 
sioners at  Boston,  in  May,  1645.  Messengers  were  ap- 
pointed to  go  to  Uncas  and  the  Narragansett  and  Nehantic 
sachems,  to  invite  them  to  lay  their  difficulties  once  more 
before  the  Court.  They  set  off,  attended  by  Benedict 
Arnold,  an  interpreter,  intending  to  proceed,  first  to  the 
Narragansett  and  Nehantic  country,  afterwards  to  that  of 
the  Mohegans.  Pessicus  received  them  with  coolness, 
and  finally  with  insolence  ;  Ninigret  with  haughtiness 
and  contemptuous  derision.  The  messengers  did  not  dare 
to  proceed  on  their  journey  to  Uncas,  and  returned  to 
Boston  filled  with  great  indignation  at  the  insolence  of 
the  savages.  They  brought  a  letter  from  Roger  Williams, 
saying  that  war  would  soon  break  out,  and  that  the  Nar- 
ragansetts,  in  anticipation  of  it,  had  concluded  a  separate 
treaty  with  Providence  and  the  towns  on  Aquidnet,  or 
Rhode  Island.  Provoked  and  alarmed,  the  Commis- 
sioners resolved  on  immediate  hostilities,  and  arranged  a 
plan  for  an  energetic  campaign.  As  the  Connecticut  and 
New  Haven  soldiers  who  formed  the  garrison  at  Mohe- 
gan  were  about  to  go  home,  forty  men  were  immediately 
impressed,  and  dispatched  in  three  days  to  supply  their 
place.  They  were  accompanied  by  four  horses,  and  by 
two  Massachusetts  Indians  who  were  to  serve  as  guides. 
At  Mohegan  they  were  to  be  joined  by  forty  men  from 


or    CONNECTICUT. 


217 


a 


Connecticut  and  thirty  from  New  Haven,  and  the  whole 
body  was  to  march,  under  the  command  of  John  Mason, 
against  the  Nehantics.  The  Nehantics  were  supposed  to 
be  the  chief  incendiaries  in  the  present  difficulties,  and 
the  Commissioners  were  anxious  that  they  should  feel 
the  first  smart  of  the  punishment.  From  the  side  of 
Massachusetts,  Major  Edward  Gibbons,  at  the  head  of  one 
hundred  and  ninety  men,  was  to  invade  the  country  of  the 
Narragansetts.* 

One  more  effort  was  made  to  bring  the  Indians  to  a 
peaceable  accommodation.  Two  messengers  were  dis- 
patched to  Pessicus,  to  explain  to  him  the  pacific  feelings 
of  the  Commissioners,  and  inform  him  of  the  preparations 
which  were  being  made  to  attack  him.  When  that  sa- 
chem and  his  people  found  that  an  army  four  times  as 
strong  as  the  one  which  overthrew  the  Pequots  was  about 
to  enter  their  country,  their  hearts  failed  them.  They 
obtained  a  short  delay  of  hostilities,  during  which  Pessi- 
cus, with  several  other  sachems,  repaired  to  Boston.  Ap- 
pearing before  the  Commissioners'  Court,  they  vainly 
attempted  to  defend  themselves  by  renewing  their  old 
complaints  about  the  bad  faith  of  Uncas.  They  proposed 
a  truce  till  the  next  planting  time ;  a  truce  for  a  year ;  a 
truce  for  a  year  and  a  quarter ;  but  all  these  propositions 
were  rejected.  One  of  them  then  placed  a  wand'^'in  the 
hands  of  the  Commissioners,  signifying  that  the  terms  lay 
with  them.  These  terms  were  sufficiently  hard.  If  the 
Narragansetts  wish  peace,  said  the  Commissioners,  they 
must  pay  the  colonists  two  thousand  fathoms  of  wam- 
pum, to  indemnify  them  for  the  expenses  which  they 

•  Hazard,  Vol.  II.  pp.  28—32. 


!    f 


218 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


have  caused  them;  they  must  restore  all  the  prisoners 
and  canoes  which  they  have  taken  from  the  Mohe- 
gans;  and  they  must  lay  their  difficulties  with  Uncas 
before  the  next  meeting  of  the  Court,  and  abide  by  its 
decision. 

The  wampum  was  to  be  paid,  by  four  instalments, 
within  twenty  months ;  four  sons  of  Pessicus,  Ninigret 
and  other  principal  chiefs  were  to  be  surrendered  as 
hostages,  within  fourteen  days ;  and,  until  they  were  sur- 
rendered, four  of  the  sachems  now  present  were  to  remain 
prisoners  at  Boston.  Finally  the  Narragansetts  and  Ne- 
hartics  were  to  pay,  in  fulfillment  of  the  treaty  of  1G38, 
one  fathom  of  white  wampum,  annually,  for  every  Pequot 
man  among  them,  half  a  fathom  for  every  youth,  and  a 
hand-length  for  every  child. 

The  sachems  thought  these    terms  very  severe,  and 
pleaded  hard  that  some  of  them  might  be  remitted.    They 
obtained  that  Uncas,  as  well  as  themselves,  should  be 
obliged  to  restore  prisoners  and  booty.     Otherwise  the 
Commissioners  were  inflexible;  and  the  treaty  was  re- 
luctantly signed  [September  5th,  1645,]  by  Pessicus  and 
five  companions,  Abdas,  Pommush,  Cutchamakins,  Wee- 
kesanno,  Wittowash,  and  the  Nehantic  deputy,  Aumsaa- 
quen.  ^  The  colonial  forces  v/ere  immediately  disbanded, 
and  the'  day  which  had  been  appointed  for  a  general  fast 
was  changed  into  a  general  thanksgiving.* 

In  1646,  Sequassen  came  into  generol  notice  through 
one  of  the  most  singular  circumstances  in  the  aboriginal 
history  of  Connecticut.  This  sachem,  while  ho  hated 
Uncas  as  his  own  successful  rival,  disliked  the  English  as 

•  Hazard,  Vol.  II,  pp.  40-^4. 


, 


i>ji>v^f.&-*>i(SiS^*fesS:**«»*'**&» 


ii|fe»v-;*tsi»at«  SiiSiJeismii 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


219 


the  friends  and  supporters  of  Uncas.  He  therefore  formed 
a  plan  which,  if  successful  in  its  operation,  would  enable 
him  to  be  revenged  upon  both.  He  resolved  to  effect  the 
murder  of  some  of  the  principal  colonists,  and,  by  causing 
the  name  of  the  deed  to  fall  upon  the  Mohegan  sachem, 
embroil  him  with  his  powerful  allies.  The  person  he 
selected  as  his  instrument  was  Watch ibrok,  a  rascally  Pota- 
tuck,  whom  he  was  said  to  have  once  before  employed, 
in  a  similar  way,  to  get  rid  of  a  hated  sagamore.  During 
the  spring  of  1646,  Watchibrok  and  Sequassen  were  both 
visiting  at  Waranoak,  now  Westfield,  in  the  southern  part 
of  Massachusetts,  and  while  there  lodged  in  the  same 
wigwam.  After  some  time  Watchibrok  proposed  to  go, 
but  Sequassen  persuaded  him  to  stay  longer,  and  went 
with  him  to  a  fishing  place  on  the  river.  There  they 
remained  four  days,  when  Watchibrok  again  proposed  to 
leave,  saying  that  he  wished  to  visit  some  of  his  friends 
in  other  places.  Sequassen  told  him,  that,  traveling  in 
that  way,  alone,  he  ran  a  risk  of  being  killed,  and  walked 
on  with  him  to  a  spring,  where  they  both  stopped.  Here 
the  sachem  opened  the  design,  over  which  he  was  brood- 
ing, to  his  companion.  He  told  him  that,  "  if  he  ever 
wished  to  do  Sequassen  a  kindness,  now  was  the  time. 
He  was  almost  ruined,  and  the  English  of  Connecticut 
were  the  cause  of  it.  He  wanted  his  friend  Watchibrok, 
to  go  to  Hartford  and  kill  Governor  Haynes,  Governor 
Hopkins,  and  Mr.  Whiting.*  The  two  would  then  fly 
to  the  Mohawks  with  store  of  wampum,  and  on  the  way 
would  give  out  that  it  was  Uncas  who  murdered  the  white 

•  Hopkins  and  Ilnynea  were  both  repentedly  Governors  of  the  Colony ; 
Whiiing  was  a  irspcctablc  eilixen  and  a  iriagietra*^, 

21* 


P»t<fr,M 


iff 


220 


HISTORr    or    THE    INDIANS 


if 


sachems.     Thus  the  English  would  be  set  against  Uncas, 
and  Sequassen  would  have  a  chance  to  rise  again." 

The  sachem  drew  out  of  his  pouch  three  pieces  of 
v/ampum  and  part  of  a  girdle  of  the  same  material ;  these 
he  gave  to  Watchibrok,  and  promised  him  a  great  deal 
more.     The  Potatuck  did  not  show  himself  averse  to  the 
bargam,  and  left  Sequassen  with  the  understanding  that 
the  assassinations  should  be  performed.     On  reflection, 
however,  he  began  to  consider  that  it  would  be  a  dan- 
gerous business  to  kill  so  many  of  the  leading  m.en  among 
the  English.     He  called  to  mind  how  Busheag,  of  Stam- 
ford, had  been  put  to  death  at  New  Haven,  for  only  at- 
temptmg  to  murder  an   English  squaw.     He  therefore 
concluded  that  it  would  be  safe  not  to  execute  his  part 
of  the  plot,  and  finally  that  it  would  be  safer  still,  and 
perhaps  more  profitable,  to  reveal  the  whole  to  the  white 
men.     He  came  to  Hartford  and  told  the  story  to  the 
magistrates.     Sequassen  soon  heard  of  this,  and  sent  a 
sixpence  to  Watchibrok,  with  a  message  to  conceal  as 
much  as  he  could  of  the  plot,  and  not  lay  it  all  open 
The  conscientious  and  excellent  man,   in  great   wrath 
"  bade  the  said  sixpence    hold  his  peace  ;  he   had  dis- 
covered it  and  would  hide  nothing."     Governor  Hayncs 
summoned  the  sachem  to  Hartford,  to  answer  to  this 
charge  ;  but  he  refused  to  appear,  and  continued  to  re- 
main at  Waranoak.     The  aff^air  was  laid  before  the  Com- 
missioners,  then  sitting  at   New  Haven,  and   they  dis- 
patched one  Jonathan  Gilbert  to  Waranoak,  with  a  mes- 
sage for  Sequassen  and  all  who  might  be  concerned  in 
the  plot  with  him.     He  was  to  encourage  the  sachem  to 
como  to  Now  Haven  and  make  his  own  defense,  and  was 


I!        t! 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


221 


authorized  to  promise  him  a  safe  and  unrestricted  passage 
to  and  fro.  Gilbert  went  to  Waranoak,  but  Sequassen 
could  not  be  found,  having  either  gone  away,  or  secreted 
himself  for  fear  of  an  arrest.  A  few  days  after,  and  while 
the  Court  was  still  in  session,  two  sagamores,  named  Ne- 
pinsoit  and  Naimataique,  came  into  New  Haven,  and 
stated  before  the  Commissioners  that  they  were  friends  of 
Sequassen,  and  had  just  been  with  him  to  Massachusetts 
Bay.  They  had  carried  a  present,  they  said,  to  the  gov- 
I'  ernor  there,  who,  although  he  would  not  then  accept  it, 

consented  to  give  it  iiouse  room.  The  governor  advised 
them  to  attend  the  meeting  of  the  Commissioners,  and 
told  them  that,  if  Seqiias-^'in  cleared  himself,  he  would 
then  decide  what  should  be  done  with  the  present.  They 
then  came,  with  their  friend,  to  New  Haven,  and  had 
almost  reached  the  town  fence,  when  his  heart  failed  him 
and  he  wished  to  go  back.  Each  of  them  laid  hold  of 
one  of  his  arms  to  urge  him  forward,  but  such  was  his  fear, 
that  he  broke  away  from  them  and  escaped.  They  added 
that  their  friend,  having  been  a  great  sachem  once,  and 
now  being  poor,  was  ashamed  to  come  in,  because  he  had 
no  present  for  the  Commissioners.  Some  other  Indians 
stated  that  Sequassen  was  still  within  a  mile  of  the  town^ 
and  that  he  would  be  glad  to  obtain  peace  in  some  other 
way  than  by  an  examination.*  The  homeless  sachem  at 
last  sought  shelter  among  the  Pocomtocks,  a  considerable 
tribe  which  held  the  country  about  Deerfield  in  Massa- 
chusetts. The  colonists  requested  the  assistance  of  Uncas 
to  secure  him,  and  this  chieftain  readily  undertook  an 
enterprise  which  would  at  once  gratify  the  English,  and 

•  Ilfjzard.  Vol.  I[.  pp  60,  61. 

19* 


•  '• 


222 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


revenge  himself  on  an  ancient  enemy.    Some  of  his  bold 
and  dexterious  warriors  surprised  Sequassen  by  night  in 
his  place  of  refuge,  and  brought  him  to  Hartford,  where 
he  lay  several  weeks  in  prison.     Nothing,  however,  was 
finally  considered  proved  against  him,  and  he  was  set  at 
liberty.*     He  seems  to  have  remained  an  exile,  through 
fear  of  the  colonists,  or  of  Uncas,  until  1650,  when  the 
Mohawks    requested    the    government    of   Connecticut 
that,  for  the  sake  of  their  ancient  and   steady   friend- 
ship towards  the  English,  their  friend  Sequassen  might 
be  permitted  to  return  home.     The  Court  of  Commis- 
sioners answered  the  message,  stating  that  it  had  never 
forbidden  Sequassen  to  return  provided  he  behaved  in- 
offensively ;  but,  nevertheless,  formally  granting  the  re- 
quest.f     Such  is  the  curious  story  of  Sequassen's  con- 
spiracy.    I  have  given  it  a  place  because  the  particulars 
which  it  relates  are  in  accordance  with  the  customs  of  the 
Indians,  and  thus  give  it  an  air  of  probability.     On  the 
other  hand,  it  must  be  rememberod,  that  these  particulars 
rest  almost  who  ly  upon  the  evidence  of  Watchibrok,  and 
that  Watchibrok  was  unquestionably  a  liar  and  a  villain. 
In  1645  and  1646,  the  Wepawaugs,  or  Paugussets,  of 
Milford,  became  dissatisfied,  on  a.  count  of  various  sup- 
posed grievances,  and  gave  the  settlers  some  alarm  and  a 
good  deal  of  trouble.    The  good  people  of  Milford  kept  up  a 
daily  and  nightly  guard,  went  armed  to  meeting  on  Sun- 
days, and  carried  their  muskets  nnd  cutlasses  with  them 
into  the  fields.     Once  the  Indians  set  the  neighboring 
country  on  fire,  and  the  settlers  had  to  hurry  out  and 

•  Hiiard.  Vol.  II.  pp.  fiO.  61.     Winthrop,  Vol.  II,  p.  333. 
t  Hazard,  Vol.  II,  pp  152,  153. 


Wija»*»-5«»>s«»«»«**^"^:: 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


223 


work  with  all  their  might  to  beat  down  the  flames  before 
they  reached  the  town  palisades.  They  succeeded  in 
checking  them  at  a  large  swamp  north  and  west  of  the 
settlement ;  but  the  fire  did  much  damage  notwithstand- 
ing, destroying  a  large  quantity  of  timber,  and  completely 
ruining  several  pieces  of  good  natural  meadow.* 

The  Mohawks  were  not  so  terrible  now,  to  the  Indians 
of  this  part  of  the  colony,  as  they  had  been  before  the 
settlement  of  the  English  at  Milford,  Stratford,  Fairfield, 
and  other  places  along  the  coast.     But  they  still  came 
down  occasionally,  to  exact  tribute,  or  to  kill,  burn  and 
lay   waste   wherever   tribute    was   refused.     To  defend 
themselves  against  these  destroyers,  the  Wepawaugs  had 
erected  two  forts ;  one  at  Turkey  Hill,  now  in  Derby, 
and  one  on  Indian  Point,  between  East  River  and  the 
Sound.     In  1646  or  1648,  a  body  of  Mohawks  came  into 
the  town,  and  hid  themselves  in  a  swamp  half  a  mile  east 
of  Stratford  Ferry,  with  the  hope  of  surprising  the  fortress 
at  the  Point.     Some  of  the  settlers,  discovering  them  by 
accident,  informed  the  Wepawaugs,  who  soon  collected 
so  great  a  number  of  their  warriors  as  to  venture  an  attack 
upon  the  redoubtable  invaders.     For  once,  at  least,  they 
were  successful ;  they  defeated  the  Mohawks,  killed  some, 
and  took  a  number  prisoners.     The  victors  stripped  one 
of  the  captives,  tied  him  hand  and  foot  in  the  great 
meadows,  and  left  him  to  be  tormented  by  those  clouds 
of  musketoes  with  which  the  seashore  is  usually  haunted. 
A  settler,  named  Thomas  Hine,  finding  the  poor  fellow 
in  this  condition,  untied  him,  fed  him,  and  enabled  him 
to  make  his  escape.     For  this  deed  of  kindness  the  Mo- 

•  Lambert's  History  of  New  Haven  Colonv.  n  IQfl. 


224 


HISTORY   OF   THE    INWaNS 


hawks  long  regarded  the  family  of  Hine  With    great    h 
-;  and  used  tosay  that  the  Hines  did  not  die  hke  otht 
^e  faces,  but  wen.  to  the  west,  where  the  Great  Spir 
took^then.  nuo  his  big  wigwan.  and  made  them  g^ea. 

yel"m",f ';■  "^  ■=»■>-'»''»»«>  took  place  for  several 
years  among  the  Indmns  of  this  part  of  the  colony,  excew 
a  murder  which  was  committed  by  some  of  Lm  a 
Stamford,  ,n  1649.  John  Whitmore,  a  respectable'in- 
habuant  of  that  place,  and  a  member  of  the  General  Court 
of  New  Haven  colony,  went  into  the  woods  one  day,  to 
look  for  h.s  cattle,  and  never  returned.     Shortly  after  his 

mto  Stamford,  and  said  Whumore  had  been  killed  by  one 
Toquattoes,  and  that  the  assassin  had  now,  in  h,s  pos! 

ofTe"'  :r  "'  "'  •""'"''  "''''''  "='""-•     A  number 
of  the  settle,^,  accompanied  by  several  Indians,  repaired  to 

he  forest  and  made  search  for  the  body,  but  ;er:  unab L 

I      It    i    T""!™""^^'  «  ™'^  discovered,  was  not  in  the 
ne.g  borhood      Some  of  the  English  began  to  suspec 
hat  the  ^gamore's  son  had  committed  the  murder,  and 
thrown  the  guilt  of  it  upon  one  who  was  absent  and 
therefore  unable  to  defend  himself.     I.  was  only  a  su  ' 
p.c.o„,  however,  and,  without  ihaking  any  attempt  to  ar- 
rest h,m,  they  suffered  the  matter  to  lie  quiet  for  two  or 
th^e  months     At  the  end  of  that  time.  Uncas  came  to 
Stamford  wah  a  number  of  warriors ;  and,  being  informed 

ZttZ^T     •  """"""'''  "'^  neighboring  Indians  to- 

gether  and  interrogated  them  concerning  it.     He  finallv 

commanded  them,  with  sternness,  to  show  where  tL  body 

•T™„b„ll.V.,.,,pp.,e8,,s,.    B.,b.K.Hi„.C.U..fCo„„.,M>lf.,<., 


T 


^^mtmemmmsm 


OF    CONNECTTCDT. 


225 


was  concealed.  The  sagamore's  son  and  one  Rehoron, 
who  was  also  suspected,  immediately  led  the  way  into 
the  forest ;  the  Mohegans  and  some  of  the  English  fol- 
lowed, and  the  guides  were  observed  to  go  straight  to  a 
place  where  the  body  was  found.  The  Mohegans,  seeing 
this,  and  that  the  men  were  both  trembling  with  agita- 
tion, instantly  charged  them  with  being  the  murderers. 
No  immediate  effort,  however,  seems  to  have  been  made 
to  apprehend  them,  and  before  any  efficient  steps  were 
taken  for  this  purpose,  they  fled,  and  made  their  escape. 
A  representation  of  the  circumstances  was  laid  before  the 
Court  of  the  United  Colonies.  The  Commissioners  passed 
some  resolutions  on  it,  but  they  were  never  carried  into 
effect,  and  the  matter  gradually  died  away.  The  trem- 
bling of  the  two  men  was  no  certain  proof  that  they  were 
guilty,  for  the  Indians  often  trembled  when  sternly  con- 
fronted by  the  dreaded  race  which  was  gradually  sup- 
planting them.* 

It  would  be  a  matter  of  some  interest,  to  know  what 
had  brought  Uncas  so  far  west  as  Stamford,  when  his  own 
dominions  never  extended,  in  this  direction,  beyond  the 
East  River  in  Guilford.  No  record,  however,  of  his  ob- 
ject has  been  preserved,  and  vro  can  only  conjecture  that 
he  came  to  Stamford,  as  he  had  once  sent  his  warriors 
to  Poconitock,  for  the  sake  of  obliging  his  friends,  the 
colonists. 

We  now  return  to  the  affairs  of  the  eastern  tribes. 
Uncas  had  become  so  confident  of  the  favor  of  the  Eng- 
lish on  all  occasions,  that  he  began  to  bring  trouble  upon 
himself  by  his  restlessness  and  insolence.     He  oppressed 

•  Hazard,  Voh  IT-.  np=  1Q7,  iQR.    Colonin]  Rpcon!?,  Vol,  Tp,  197, 


226 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


the  Pequots  who  were  subject  to  him  j  he  abused  and 
plundered  those  who  were  not  properly  his  subjects;  he 
robbed  one  man  of  his  wife ;  he  robbed  another  man  of 
his  corn  and  beans ;  he  embezzled  wampum  which  he 
had  been  commissioned  to  deliver  to  the  English  ;  and  he 
and  his  brother,  Wawequa,  took  every  opportunity  of  sub- 
jecting, or,  at  least,  plundering,  their  neighbors.  The 
colonists,  however,  did  not  encourage  him  in  these  acts 
of  violence  ;  and  sometimes,  as  the  records  of  those  times 
show,  administered  to  him  sharp  rebukes  and  even  pun- 
ishment. 

At  this  time  there  were  living  on  the  seacoast  of  the 
ancient  Pequot  territory,  one  near  the  Thames,  and  one 
near  the  Paucatuc,  tw^o  Indians,  each  of  whom  had  col- 
lected a  small  band  of  ^^equots  about  him,  and  exercised 
over  them  something  of  the  authority  of  a  petty  sachem. 
One  of  these  was  a  Pequot  by  birth,  variously  styled 
Robin,    Cassasinamon,  Cassinament,    Casmamon,  Robin 
Cassasinamon  and  Robin  Cassinament.     The  other  was 
Cushawashet,  mentioned  in  the  last  chapter  as  the  brother 
of  Wequash  and  nephew  of  Ninigret,  and  more  commonly 
known  by  the  names  of  Wequash  Cook  and  Hermou 
Garret.     When  the  people  of  New  London  commenced 
their  settlement,  they  found  Cassasinamon,  Obechiquod, 
and  a  number  of  other  Pequots  living  on  the  ground, 
whom,  after  the  original  name  of  the  place,  they  called 
Nameeg  Indians.     A  friendly  agreement  was  made  with 
them,  in  accordance  with  which  the  Indians  removed  from 
the  locality,  and  took  up  their  residence  at  a  suitable  dis- 
tance from  the  proposed  settlement.     In  the  intercourse 
between  these  Pequots  and  the  settlers,   Cassasinamon 


iiffyjsslBiK^a^a^J^^sa 


or    CONNECTICUT. 


227 


seems  to  have  become  a  sort  of  dependent  or  assistant  of 
John  Winthrop,  the  chief  founder  of  New  London,  and 
accordingly  is  repeatedly  mentioned  in  '  -  early  records 
as  "  Robin,  Mr.  Winthrop's  man." 

Wequash  Cook,  or  Hermon  Garret,  was,  as  I  have  al- 
ready observed,  a  Nehantic  of  Rhode  Island,  and  son  of 
Momojoshuck,  the  most  ancient  sachem  known  to  us  of 
the  Nehantic  tribe.  On  the  death  of  his  brother,  We- 
quash, he  adopted  his  name,  and  succeeded  to  him  in  his 
influence  over  that  part  of  the  Pequot  tribe  which  at- 
tempted to  preserve  a  separate  existence  on  the  eastern 
borders  of  their  ancient  country.*  Fifty  or  sixty  of  these 
scattered  warriors  he  collected  around  him,  with  a  few 
Nehantics,  and  remained  their  sagamore  till  the  day  of  his 
death.  Hermon  Garret  was  the  last  name  which  he  as- 
sumed ;  but,  for  the  sake  of  perspicuity,  I  shall  hereafter 
call  him  by  no  other. 

In  the  spring  or  summer  of  1646,  Thomas  Peeters,  of 
New  London,  (then  called  Pequat,)  being  ill,  and  some 
of  his  fellow-settlers  out  of  provisions,  they  requested  their 
neighbor,  Cassasinamon,  to  make  a  hunt  for  them.  He 
replied  that  Uncas  would  be  angry.  Peeters  told  him 
that  he  should  go  as  from  the  English  plantation,  and  so 
under  its  protection.  "We  are  but  twenty  men,"  an- 
swered Cassasinamon,  "  and  that  is  not  enough  to  drive 
the  woods."  To  obviate  this  objection  Peeters  sent  for 
Hermon  Garret,  and  the  two  sagamores  made  a  great  hunt 
in  company.  Uncas  soon  heard  that  Cassasinamon,  who 
was  his  subject,  and  Hermon  Garret,  whom  he  hated  as 
an  enemy,  were  driving  the  woods  as  if  they  were  great 


»  Rhode  Island  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  65. 
22 


228 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


I  n 


and  independent  sachems  like  himself  and  Pessicus.  His 
indignation  blazed  high.  Gatl  c  ing  Uib!  ^  hundred  Mohe- 
gans,  he  came  suddenly  upon  th'^.  hunters,  beat  some, 
plundered  others,  and  broke  up  the  enterprise.  Thomas 
Peeters,  quite  indignant  at  the  small  amount  of  protection 
which  the  name  of  the  plantation  of  Pequat  had  afforded 
to  Cassasinamon,  complained  of  Uncas  to  the  Commis- 
sioners, and  the  Mohegan  sachem  was  summoned  to  give 
an  account  of  his  conduct.* 

The  next  court  was  held  in  the  fall  at  New  Haven,  and 
Uncas  appeared  before  it  in  person.  He  confessed  to  the 
Commissioners  that  he  had  done  wrong  in  acting  with 
such  violence  in  the  neighborhood  of  an  English  planta- 
tion, and  agreed  to  make  an  acknowledgment  of  his  fault 
to  the  settlers.  He  then  brought  forward  some  com- 
plaints of  his  own  ;  how  some  of  his  Pequots  were  en- 
ticed from  him  under  pretense  of  submitting  to  the  Eng- 
lish  at  Pequat ;  how  Hermon  Garret  had  hunted  without 
leave  on  the  lands  of  the  Mohegans,  and  how  the  same 
sagamore  was  supported  and  encouraged  against  him  by 
Peeters  and  his  fellow-settlers.  The  Court  gave  him  an 
obliging  reply,  promising  to  consider  his  grievances,  and 
to  see  that  his  Pequots  should  not  be  taken  from  him.f 

Uncas  had  been  dismissed  by  the  Commission  rs,  but 
had  not  yet  left  New  Haven,  when  William  Morton  of 
New  London  appeared  with  three  Pequots,  bringing  a 
fresh  accusation  against  him.  He  told  the  Court  that 
Uncas  had  hired  Wampushet,  a  Pequot  oowwow,  for 
fifteen  fathoms  of  wampum,  to  wound  another  Indian, 
and  then  charge  the  crime  upon  Hermon  Garret.     Wam- 


•  Hazard,  Vol.  II,  p.  65. 


*  Hazard,  Vol.  II,  p.  65. 


'^■*mm'*: 


,^.wjj'#"'".M 


4tsj^0^iMisi0&^'^ 


I   M 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


229 


pushet,  he  said,  had  fulfilled  his  agreement ;  but  after- 
wards, becoming  troubled  in  his  conscience,  confessed  the 
fact,  cleared  Hermon  Garret  and  inculpated  Uncas.  As 
Morton  could  bring  no  proof  for  this  story  except  the  as- 
sertion of  Wampushet,  and  as  that  individual  was  one  of 
the  Pequots  who  came  with  him  from  New  London,  he 
was  called  on  to  testify.  His  conscience  seems  to  have 
troubled  him  a  second  time,  for  he  contradicted  Morton, 
cleared  Uncas,  and  cast  the  whole  plot  upon  Hermon 
Garret  and  Cassasinamon.  Morton  was  astounded,  and 
the  two  other  Pequots,  one  of  whom  was  Cassasinamon's 
brother,  asserted  in  great  wrath,  that  Uncas  must  have 
hired  Wampushet  to  alter  his  testimony.  But  this  mira- 
cle of  conscientiousness  persisted  in  his  story,  and  added 
that  Hermon  Garret  and  Cassasinamon  had  given  him  a 
pair  of  breeches  and  twenty-five  fathoms  of  wampum,  to 
throw  the  guilt  upon  Uncas.  The  Commissioners  were 
utterly  perplexed  by  this  labyrinth  of  lies,  and  dismissed 
the  affair  without  adding  any  thing  to  their  former  de- 
cision.* 

During  the  year  which  followed  this  Court,  Uncas 
seems  to  have  kept  straight  on  in  his  course  of  petty 
tyranny.  He  took  possession  of  Obechiquod's  wife  and 
kept  her  for  his  own.  He  defiled  the  wife  of  Sanaps, 
another  of  his  subjects,  and  robbed  the  disconsolate  hus- 
band of  his  corn  p  id  beans.  He  favored  the  Mohegans 
against  the  Pequots,  so  that,  if  the  latter  won  any  thing 
of  the  former  in  play,  they  could  never  collect  it.  He 
ordered  the  Pequots  to  assist  him  in  excursions  against 
the  Indians  of  Long  Island,  and,  when  they  refused,  he 

»  Hazard,  Vol.  II,  p.  66. 


■!(■; 


230 


HISTORY   OF    THE    INDIANS 


cut  lip  their  fishing  nets.  The  harassed  Pequots  told  the 
colonists  dolorous  stories  of  the  abuses  which  they  were 
continually  obliged  to  sufier.  "  We  have  sent  Uucas 
wampum,"  said  they,  "  twenty-five  times,  as  tribute  for 
the  English ;  but  we  know  not  whether  any  part  of  it 
has  been  delivered.  And  we  have  made  presents  to  Uncas 
himself  as  many  as  forty  times."* 

Some  time  during  this  year,  [1647,]  one  of  Uncas'  chil- 
dren died,  upon  which  the  sachem  presented  consolatory 
gifts  to  the  mother,  and  ordered  the  Pequots,  with  threats, 
to  do  Ihe  same.  Tassaquanot,  a  surviving  brother  of  Sas- 
sacus,  opposed  compliance  with  this  demand ;  sagaciously 
observing,  that  they  had  better  give  the  wampum  to  the 
English  ;  for,  if  their  favor  could  be  secured,  they  need 
trouble  themselves  little  about  Uncas.  The  others,  how- 
ever, terrified  by  the  sachem's  threats,  collected  about  one 
hundred  fathoms  of  wampum,  and  gave  it  as  they  had 
been  directed.  Uncas  expressed  himself  much  gratified, 
and  promised  that  after  this  he  would  treat  them  on  an 
equality  with  his  ancient  subjects.  Only  a  few  days  sub- 
sequently, Wawequa  came  into  the  settlement  of  the  Pe- 
quots, and  said  that  his  brother  and  the  Mohegan  council 
had  resolved  to  put  several  of  them  to  death.  They 
now  thought  of  the  advice  of  Tassaquanot,  and  imme- 
diately set  about  collecting  a  quantity  of  wampum  with 
which  to  purchase  the  interference  of  the  English.  Uncas 
heard  of  their  design,  and  the  next  morning  appeared 
before  their  fort,  attended  by  a  body  of  armed  warriors. 
No  collision  took  place,  however ;  and  the  Pequots  sub- 
sequently succeeded  in  escaping,  and  taking  up  their  resi- 

•  Hazard,  Vol.  II,  p.  89, 


.. 


;;,^irt^*&»fcgi*i&«.-*.ii»^ 


in 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


231 


dence  under  the  eye  and  protection  of  the  settlers  of  New 
London.* 

At  the  next  meeting  of  the  Commissioners,  [Boston, 
July,  1647,]  a  petition  was  presented  to  them,  subscribed 
by  the  marks  of  Oassasinamon,  Obechiquod  and  forty-six 
other  Pequots,  with  those  of  eighteen  Nehantics.  It  re- 
cited all  the  wrongs  which  Uncas  had  inflicted  upon 
them ;  how  he  had  taken  away  their  wives ;  how  he  had 
robbed  them  of  their  corn  and  beans  ;  how  he  had  spoiled 
their  nets ;  how  he  had  extorted  wampum  from  them ; 
and  how  they  feared  that  he  was  going  to  kill  them. 
The  petitioners  asserted,  that,  when  the  war  broke  out. 
between  Sassacus  and  the  colonies,  they  had  refused  to 
join  in  it,  and  had  fled  from  their  country,  believing  that, 
if  they  did  not  fight  against  the  white  men,  the  latter 
would  never  hurt  them.  Thus  they  were  not  guilty  of 
English  blood,  and  so  could,  with  a  good  grace,  claim  the 
Eogiish  protection.f 

Foxon,  Uncas'  chief  councilor,!  appeared  on  the  part 
of  his  sachem,  and  taking  up  each  of  the  charges,  gave  it 
an  especial  answer.  Some  he  denied,  some  he  palliated, 
some  he  pretended  ignorance  of,  and  in  every  way  he  put 
the  best  possible  construction  upon  Uncas'  avaricious  and 
tyrannical  conduct. 

He  said,  for  instance,  that  Obechiquod  had  forfeited  his 
wife  by  Indian  custom,  having  fled  away  from  the  terri- 
tories of  Uncas  and  left  her  behind  him  alone  :  that  the 

♦  Hazard,  Vol.  II,  p.  89.  +  Hazard,  Vol.  II,  pp.  87,  88. 

t  Foxon,  or  Foxun,  or  Poxen,  was  a  crafty,  plausible  councilor,  who,  as  we 
learn  from  a  letter  of  the  apostle  Eliot,  written  about  this  time,  was  consid- 
ered, even  among  the  Massachusetts  tribes,  as  "  the  wisest  Indian  in  the 
country ."=Ma.^.?,  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  XXIV,  p.  57. 

22* 


232 


HISTORY    OF   THE    INDIANS 


Pequots  had  never  sent  any  wampum  fcr  the  English, 
except  in  conjunction  with  the  Mohegans,  when  they 
made  presents  to  the  governors  at  Boston  and  Hartford: 
that  he  never  heard  of  any  such  thing  as  Uncas'  cutting 
the  petitioners'  nets :  that  it  was  not  true  that  Uncas 
favored  the  Mohegans  against  the  Pequots  in  gaming; 
although  the  latter,   being  a  conquered  people,  might 
sometimes  be  afraid  to  press  for  their  rights ;  and  that,  as 
to  their  pretense  that  they  never  warred  against  the  Eng- 
lish, it  was  utterly  false ;  for  some  of  them  were  in  the 
fort   which  was  burned  by  Mason,  and  escaped  under 
cover  of  the  smoke,  while  others  were,  at  that  very  time, 
fighting  in  other  places  against   the  Narragansetts  and 
Mohegans.*  * 

In  this  style  was  the  defense  of  Foxon,  who  seems  to 
have  put  the  best  possible  side  on  a  very  bad  cause.  The 
Commissioners  were  not  deceived  by  it,  although  they 
were  still  unwilling  to  deprive  their  favorite  of  the  au- 
thority which  the  colonies  had  bestowed  upon  him. 
They  ordered  that  the  Pequois  should  return  under  his 
rule,  but  that  he  should  make  no  attempt  to  punish  them 
for  their  late  desertion.  They  sent  him,  by  the  mouth 
of  his  deputy,  a  grave  reproof,  and  seriously  admonished 
him  that  the  English  would  never  support  him  in  any 
such  "unlawful  and  outrageous  courses."! 

Foxon,  however,  was  not  yet  through  with  his  labors  ; 
for  John  Winthrop,  of  New  London,  now  came  forward, 
with  a  new  charge  against  his  master.  On  the  part  of 
the  Nipmucks  he  complamed  that  Waweqva,  at  the  hca' 
of  one  hundred  and  thirty  Plohegans,  had  attacked  and 


¥ 


f 


•  Hazard,  Vol.  II,  p.  90. 


t  Hazard,  Vol  II,  p.  91. 


;4sates«tf.a&ft*>wSi«;®&-iiiife>>*^s; 


ff 


^ 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


233 


plundered  them,  carrying   away  thirty-five  fathoms  of 
wampum,  ten  copper  keUles,  ten  large  hempen  baskets, 
and  many  bear  skins,  deer  skins,  and  other  articles  of 
great  value.     Foxon  was  again  called  up  and  questioned. 
He  admitted  the  facts  stated,  but  said  that  Uncas,  with  his 
chief  men,  was  then  at  New  Haven,  and  knew  nothing  of 
the  affair ;  that  he  had  never  shared  in  the  spoils,  and  that 
some  of  his  own  IrJians  were  robbed  at  the  same  time.* 
Winthrop  had  yet  another  complaint :  that  Wawequa 
had  been  over  to  Fisher's  Island  with  a  band  of  men, 
some  of  them  armed  with  guns  ,•  had  frightened  an  In- 
dian who  was  on  the  island,  and  broken  a  canoe.     An- 
other New  London  man  added,  that,  when  Wawequa 
returned  from  Fisher's  Island,  he  hovered  in  his  canoes 
off  the  settlement ;  that  his  motions  were  so  suspicious 
and  threatening  as  to  alarm  all  the  Indians  and  some  of 
the  English,  and  that  numbers  of  the  Indians  were  ter- 
rified to  such  a  degree  as  to  begin  bringing  their  goods 
for  safety  into  the  colonists'  houses.    The  Commissioners 
did  nothing  more  for  the  present,  however,  than  to  im- 
pose a  fine  of  one  hundred  fathoms  of  wampum  upon 
Uncas,  which  he  was  to  pay  as  soon  as  the  Pequots  re- 
turned to  him.     This  fine  was  in  consideration  of  his 
conduct  the  year  before  at  the  hunt,  and  was  to  be  divi- 
ded, when  received,  among  the  Indians  and  English  who 
had  been  injured   on   that  occasion   by  the  Mohegans. 
The  complaints  being  at  last  finished,  Foxon  was  suffered 
to  depart,  well  laden  with  reproofs  and  admonitions  to 
his  avaricious  and  unscrupulous  sachem.f 

The  Pequots  obstinately  refused  to  return  to  Uncas, 


•  Hazard,  Vol.  II,  p.  91. 


20* 


t  Hazard.  Vol.  If,  p 


f\m 


11 


ill 


■I 


234 


HISTORY    OP    THE    INDIANS 


and,  too  much  under  the  fear  of  the  Commissioners  to 
make  use  of  any  forcible  measures,  he  satisfied  himself 
with  complaining  at  the  next  Court.  He  then  [October, 
1648,]  received  liberty  to  constrain  them  to  obey  him  ;  a 
resolution  being  also  passed,  forbidding  every  one  from 
offering  them  shelter.  The  order  was  useless,  for  a  con- 
siderable number  of  the  Pequots  could  never  be  either 
persuaded  or  forced  to  live  again  among  the  Mohegans. 
They  preferred  to  mingle  with  their  old  enemies,  the  Ne- 
hantics  and  Narragansetts,  or  to  hold  a  precarious  existence 
as  a  community  unrecognized  by  che  English,  rather  than 
submit  to  the  extortions  of  Uncas,  or  form  a  part  of  his 
traitorous  and  insolent  tribe. 

The  Commissioners  had  soon  to  defend  the  Mohegan 
sachem  instead  of  admonishing  him.  The  Pocomtocks, 
of  Deerfield,  had  been  enraged  by  his  successful  attempt 
to  abduct  Sequapscn  from  their  territory.  The  Narra- 
gansetts and  Nehantics  sent  them  wampum  to  attack  him, 
and  in  August,  1648,  a  large  number  of  warriors  gathered 
for  this  purpose  at  Pocomtock.  Presents  had  also  been 
sent  to  the  Mohawks,  and  their  arrival  only  was  expected 
for  the  savage  army  to  commence  its  march.  Rumor 
proclaimed  that  one  thousand  warriors  had  collected  at 
Pocomtock  for  this  expedition  ;  that  three  hundred  of 
them  were  furnished  with  guns  and  ammunition  ;  and 
that  the  Narragansetts  were  sending  their  old  men,  women 
and  children  into  swamps,  and  preparing  to  join  the  in- 
vaders with  eight  hundred  men.  Hermon  Garret  and  his 
peo])lo,  though  living  east  of  the  Paucatuc,  and  in  what 
might  be  considered  the  Narragansett  country,  disclaimed 
all  interest  in  the  conspiracy,  aiul  retired  to  a  point  of  land 


iS 


:*M^tiW}9'f','^  >>»  r*^*^ 


*ai»««a««ai«*'>"«»»*»« 


■•^s^^^^g^Sis^gy^Mijaw^:iK«i« 


or    CONNECTICUT. 


235 


r 


where  they  could  be  separate  from  all  who  were  any 
ways  concerned  in  it. 

The  governor  and  council  of  Connecticut  were  alarmed 
at  these  vast  preparations,  and  anticipated  not  only  ruin  to 
Uncas  but  danger  to  the  colony.    They  sent  off  Thomas 
Stanton  and  two  other  men,  on  horseback,  to  the  place 
of  rendezvous,  with  instructions  to  question  the  Indians 
as  to  their  designs,  and  protest  against  them  if  they  were 
hostile  to  the  Mohegans.     On  reaching  Pocomtock,  Stan- 
ton found  a  large  number  of  warriors  collected,  and  pre- 
parations for  the  expedition  going  on.     Being  politely 
received  by  ihe  sachem,  he  expatiated  on  the  warlike 
character  of  the  English,  on  their  love  of  justice,  and  told 
him   that  they  were  firmly  resolved  to  defend  Uncas 
against  his  enemies.    The  sachem  replied  that  the  Pocom- 
tocks  were  aware  of  the  wisdom  and  courage  of  the  Eng- 
lish, and  had  no  wish  to  fall  out  with  them ;  they  would 
therefore  desist  from  their  enterprise  for  the  present,  and 
take  further  time  to  consider  the  matter.     One  great  rea- 
son of  this  complaisance  was,  that  he  had  just  received 
news  of  an  attack  upon  the  Mohawks  by  the  eastern  In- 
dians in  the  French  interest,  and  therefore  could  not  ex- 
pect the  immediate  assistance  of  those  formidable  allies. 
Thus  the  league  was,   for  the  present,  dissolved;  the 
Narragansetts  and  Nehantics  dared  not  move  alone,  and 
Uncas  was  never  afterwards  threatened  by  so  formidable 
a  combination.     Messengers  were  sent  to  the  Narragan- 
setts by  the  Commissioners,  to  charge  them  with  their 
faithlessness,  and  order  them  to  pay  up  the  arrears  of  their 
two  thousand  fathoms  of  wampum.* 

•  Hazard,  Vo).  II,  pp.  105,  lOG.    Winthrop,  Vol.  II,  p.  333. 


i; 


236 


BISTORT    OF    THE    INDIANS 


The  Rhode  Island  tribes,  finding  open  force  of  no  avail, 
now  again  resorted  to  secret  measures  for  getting  rid  of 
their  hated  rival.  During  the  following  year,  [1649,] 
Uncas  repeatedly  complained  of  their  underhand  proceed- 
ings. "  The  Narragansetts,"  he  said,  -*  were  plotting 
against  him.  They  were  trying  to  bring  the  Mohawks 
upon  him.  They  were  trying  to  put  an  end  to  his  life 
by  witchcraft.  They  had  neither  restored  his  canoes 
nor  his  prisoners."  • 

One  day,  as  he  was  on  board  an  English  vessel  in  the 
Thames,  a  Narragansett,  named  Cuttaquin,  suddenly  ran 
a  sword  into  his  breast,  giving  him  a  wound  which  was 
supposed  to  be  mortal.  The  would-be  assassin  attempted 
to  escape,  but  was  seized  and  examined  by  some  of  the 
English,  among  whom  was  John  Mason.  "  I  am  a  Narra- 
gansett," said  Cuttaquin  to  Mason  ;  "  the  Narragansett  sa- 
chems are  my  sachems :  they  came  to  me  and  w  ished  me 
to  kill  Uncas  :  they  offered  me  a  large  quantity  of  wam- 
pum and  I  accepted  it :  this  wampum  I  spent  and  thus 
was  placed  in  their  power :  had  I  not  fulfilled  my  bargain 
and  attempted  to  kill  him,  they  would  have  slain  me." 

The  prisoner  was  then  given  up  to  the  Mohegans,  who 
carried  him  away,  together  with  their  wounded  sachem. 
Ninigret  went  to  Boston  to  clear  himself  and  Pessicus  from 
the  charge  ;  but  the  Commissioners  were  so  convinced  of 
their  guilt,  that  his  arguments  and  protestations  of  inno- 
cence made  but  little  impression  on  them.  He  asserted 
that  the  Mohegans  had  extorted  the  above  mentioned  story 
from  Cnttaquin  by  torture.  They  replied  that  Cuttaquin 
related  it  to  Mason  and  others  before  he  was  surrendered  to 
the  Mohegans.     They  dismissed  him  with  reprimands 


•r» 


bj4aie»*'WMstel^«sfc«<;»>«"  ■ 


aiaasgMa^^^***^**^^**^'^***- 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


237 


.. 


and  threats,  and  sent  word  to  Uncas,  who  was  recovering, 
that  Cuttaquin  was  at  his  disposal.*  Although  the  fate 
of  this  wretched  man  has  not  been  transmitted  to  us,  those 
who  know  the  customs  of  the  Indians  will  not  find  it  diffi- 
cult to  conjecture  it.  Methinks  I  see  a  fire  lighted,  a 
stake  planted,  a  naked  victim  bound  to  it,  and  around 
him  dancing  a  crowd  of  painted  savages.  Mingled  with 
the  fierce  shouts  and  boasting  of  warriors  I  hear  the  shrill 
cries  of  female  exultation,  and,  occasionally,  what  sounds 
like  a  low,  suppressed  groan  of  anguish.  The  groans 
have  ceased ;  the  shouts  have  died  away  ;  the  fire  is  ex- 
tinguished ;  the  placid  moon  looks  down  upon  a  heap  of 

ashes. 

* 

Rumors  were  now  prevalent  that  Ninigret  v.  as  about  to 
give  his  daughter  in  marriage  to  the  brother  of  Sassacus, 
who  was  collecting  Pequots  around  him  as  if  he  meant  to 
assume  the  authority  of  his  ancestors.    The  object  of  this 
plan  was  supposed  to  be,  to  gather  all  the  Foquots  into 
one  body,  thus  weaken  the  Mohegans  by  causing  large 
desertions  from  their  tribe,  and  raise  up  against  the  rem- 
nant a  foe  whose  proximity  and  bitter  hatred  would  ronder 
him  formidable.     Messengers  were  immediately  sent  to 
the  Nehantic  and  Narragansett  country,  to  charge  the  sa- 
chems with  the  reported  design,  to  make  inquiries  con- 
cerning the  facts,  and  to  urge  the  Indians  again  as  to  the 
arrears  of  their  wampum.     Nothing  more  is  to  be  found 
in  the  records,  concerning  this  subject,  and  if  the  marriage 
took  place,  (if,  indeed,  it  was  ever  proposed,)  it  utterly 
failed  of  its  intended  e^o  *  f 

In  September,  l6Bu,  t  ucas  complamed  to  the  Com- 

•  Hazard,  YoL  II,  pp.  123,  130.         t  HnzarJ.  Vol.  II,  p.  169. 


Tl   I 


238 


BISTORT    OF    THE    INDIANS 


missioners  that  Mohansick,  a  Long  Island  sachem,  had 
killed  several  Mohegans,  and  had  bewitched  others,  among 
whom  was  himself.     The  Commissioners  appear  to  have 
thought  little  of  Mohansick's  witchcraft ;  but  the  other 
part  of  the  complaint  they  referred  to  the  consideration 
and  action  of  a  committee.    The  committee-men  were  to 
see  if  Mohansick  was  guilty ;  if  he  was,  they  were  to 
order  him  to  give  Uncas  satisfaction ;  and,  if  he  refused, 
they  were  to  threaten  him  with  the  power  of  the  English.* 
It  is  not  difficult  to  see  why  Uncas  was  thus  continually 
at  swords'  points  with  the  sachems  and  tribes  of  his  own 
race.     His  nature  was  rnean  and  jealous  as  well  as  ambi- 
tious and  tyrannical.     Hence,  when  he  was  not  busy  in 
conquering  his  neighbors-,  or  oppressing  his  subjects,  he 
was  usually  accusing  before  thy  English  some  one  whom 
it  was  too  troublesome  or  too  dangerous  to  attack  by 
force.     Doubtless  he  had  many  provoc  ions  to  this  con- 
duct, for  he  was  universally  hated  by  the  surrounding 
chieftains,  and  they  seized  every  opportunity  of  doing  him 
mischief     But  this  hatred  was  not  without  its  cause  ; 
and  although  much  of  it  was  produced  by  envy  and  jeal- 
ousy, yet  much  more  arose  from  the  position  which  Uncas 
held  towards  all  other  red  men.     He  had  always  been 
the  unscrupulous  ally  of  the  English  ;  had  obeyed  every 
nod  or  sign  with  which  they  favored  him,  and  had  taken 
every  advantage  which  they  would  allow  over  his  breth- 
ren of  the  forest.     It  was  he  who  guided  Mason  by  night 
to  the  Pequot  fortress ;  who  accused  Miantinomo  of  form- 
ing  a   conspiracy   against    the   colonies;  who  put   that 
sachem  to  death  as  soon  as  he  thought  he  could  do  so 

•  Hazard,  Vol.  II,  pp.  150, 151. 


iiriiiarili  >i  I 


!jjoai\iiai»ii>iyiii>iMwrB 


^SiM^fdm^ 


or    CONNECTICUT. 


239 


with  safety ;  who  oppressed  the  fallen  and  scattered  Pe- 
quots;  who  dragged  Sequassen  from  his  place  of  refuge 
among  the  Pocomtocks,  and  surrendered  him  to  the  colo- 
nial magistrates ;  and  who  was  continually  complaining 
to  his  partial  allies  of  Pessicus,  of  Ninigret,  of  Mexham, 
of  Mohansick,  and  of  every  other  sachem  from  whom  he 
could  possibly  have  any  thing  to  fear.  Such  were  the 
reasons  for  which  Uncas  was  hated  by  the  tribes  who 
lived  around  him. 

During  the  year  1651,  he  gave  another  specimen  of 
his  jealous  spirit.     Sequassen  had  now  returned  to  his 
own  country,  and  the  whites,  taking  pity  on  the  unfortu- 
nate sachem,  seem  to  have  done  him  some  favors.    Uncas 
was  greatly  grieved,  and  carried  his  complaints  to  the 
Commissioners.     ''  Sequassen,"  he  said,  "  was  set  up,  and 
they  were  going  to  make  a  great  sachem  of  him,  and 
yet  he  refused  to  pay  their  friend  Uncas  an  acknowl- 
edgment of  wampum  which  he  owed  him  as  his  con- 
queror."    The  Commissioners  disclaimed  any  intention 
of  making  Sequassen  great,  and  recommended  that  the 
government  of  Connecticut  should  see  that  Uncas  received 
his  rights  ;  although,  as  to  the  tribute  of  acknowledgment 
wliich  he  talked  of,  they  told  him  that  they  duew  nothing 
about  it.* 

In  the  early  part  of  1653,  Uncas  came  to  the  house  of 
Governor  Haynes,  at  Hartford,  and  complained  that  the 
Narragansetts  and  Nehantics  were  trying  to  form  a  con- 
federation against  him  with  the  Dutch  of  New  Nether- 
lands. '•  Ninigret,"  he  said,  "  had  been  to  Manhattan  and 
formed  a  league  with  the  Dutch  governor.    He  made  tho 

•  Hazard,  Vol.  II,  p.  190. 
23 


n    I 


EM 


M 

p  ■■>■■[ 
if  J 


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ibkl 


240 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


governor  a  present  of  a  great  quantity  of  wampum,  and 
the  governor  made  him  a  present  of  a  large  box  of  pow- 
der and  bullets.  Then  Ninigret  went  to  a  council  of  In- 
dians over  the  Hudson  River,  and  made  a  speech  to  them, 
askingtheir  help  against  Uncas  and  the  English." 

He  then  related  a  circumstance  which  is  quite  char- 
acteristic of  the  customs  and  superstitions  of  the  Indians. 
He  said  that,  about  two  years  previous,  Ninigret  sent  a 
present  of  wampum  to  the  Monheag*  sachem,  desiring 
him  to  send  a  man  skillful  in  magic  and  poisoning,  and 
promising  that,  on  the  poisoner's  return,  he  would  send 
him  one  hundred  fathoms  of  wampum  more.  Uncas, 
hearing  of  this  nefarious  plot  against  himself,  caused  a 
strict  watch  to  be  kept  by  land  and  sea,  and  succeeded  in 
taking  the  canoe  which  was  bringing  the  poisoner.  It 
contained  six  other  persons,  one  of  whom  was  Wampeag, 
brother  of  the  Monheag  sachem,  another  was  a  Pequot, 
and  the  rest  were  Narragansetts.  Uncas  was  then  at 
Hartford,  but  his  men  carried  the  prisoners  to  Mohegan, 
and  there  examined  them.  Wampeag  and  one  of  the 
Narragansetts  confessed  every  thing,  and  pointed  out  the 
^conjuror ;  upon  which  the  Mohegans  fell  on  him  in  a  rage 
and  put  him  to  death.f 

Rumors  now  came  in,  from  various  quarters,  of  a  con- 
spiracy of  the  Narragansetts  and  other  tribes,  with  the 
Dutch,  against  the  New  England  colonies.  Various  In- 
dians testified  to  it  before  the  Commissioners,  and,  as  war 
was  then  raging  between  the  English  Commcwealth  and 
the  United  Provinces,  the  reports  seemed  not  improbable. 

•  Probably  the  Mohegan9  or  Mohicans  of  Hudson  River, 
t  Hazard,  Vol.  TI,  p  211. 


\ 


I 


OP    CONNECTICUT. 


Governor  Stuyvesant,  of  New  Amsterdam,  denied  the 
charge ;  Ninigret  and  the  sachems  of  the  Narragansetts 
did  the  same,  and,  after  much  alarm  and  indignation  on 
all  sides,  the  difficulty  passed  bloodlessly  away* 

On  the  19th  of  April,  1650,  the  settlers  of  Farmington 
made  another  agreement  concerning  land  with  the  Tunxis. 
As  Sequassen's  authority  was  now  of  no  account,  the  bu- 
siness was  transacted  on  the  part  of  the  Indians  by  their 
two  principal  men,  Pethus  and  Ahamo.  They  gave  up 
a  considerable  part  of  Indian  Neck,  reserving  only  about 
one  hundred  and  seventy  acres,  and  received  in  lieu  of  it 
a  tract  of  two  hundred  acres  on  the  other  side  of  the  Far- 
mington. In  this  little  treaty  the  two  former  purchases 
[1636  and  1640]  were  mentioned,  as  facts  taken  for  granted 
by  both  parties,  and  as  serving  for  the  foundations  of  the 
present  agreement.  In  the  last  article  the  Indians  ac- 
knowledged that,  on  account  of  the  protection  and  trade 
of  the  English,  they  were  better  off  than  when  the  whole 
country  was  at  their  own  disposal ;  so  that  they  could 
even  hire  land  of  the  while  men  with  more  profit  than 
they  formerly  held  it  free  and  without  hiring  it  of  any 
one.f 

In  1650,  a  committee  being  sent  by  the  General  Court 
of  Connecticut  to  examine  the  lands  of  Mattabesett,  that 
is  the  townships  of  Middletown  and  Chatham,  reported 
that  they  were  capable  of  supporting  fifteen  families.  A 
settlement  was  commenced  the  same  year,  and  purchases 
were  perhaps  made,  although  no  records  have  been  pre- 
served of  any  such  transaction.    A  portion  of  the  Middle- 

•  Hazard.  Vol.  II.  pp.  225—242. 
t  Farmington  Records. 


241 


\H;i 


':  i;  i 


I! 


242 


HISTORY    OP    THE    INDIANS 


town  lands,  however,  seems  to  have  been  given,  some 
time  previously,  by  Sowheag,  to  Governor  Haynes  * 

We  now  return  to  the  Pequots,  of  whom  some  are  at 
this  time  living  with  Uncas,  others  on  Long  Island,  and 
others  with  the  xNehantics  and  Narragansetts.     The  re- 
mainder,  forming  a  large  portion  of  the  tribe,  constitute 
the  two  bands  of  Cassasinamon  and  Hermon  Garret  •  the 
former  in  the  township  of  New  London,!  the  latter  li'ving 
east  of  the  Paucatuc.     These  bands  were  not  yet  ac- 
knowledged as  legal  communities  by  the  English  •  nor 
could  the  two  leaders  claim  those  rights  and  honors  which 
were  accorded  to  Uncas,  Ninigrer,  and  other  nidependent 
sachems.     This  was  more  especially  the  case  with  Cassa- 
sinamon, who  with  his  followers  were  all  Pequots,  while 
Hermon  Garret  and  some  of  his  people  were,  as  I  have 
already  mentioned,  Nehantics.     As   early  as    1647    the 
we^ern  band  had  petitioned  the  Commissioners,  though 
meffectually,  that  a  place  might  be  assigned  them  to  live 
on,  and  that  they  might  be  taken  under  the  protection  of 
the  English.     Now,  [1649J  John  Winthrop,  of  New  Lon- 
don  mtroduced  a  number  af  Pequots  to  the  Court,  who 
preferred  the  same  request.     The  Commissioners  decided 
hat,  with  the  consent  of  Connecticut,  a  reservation  ought 
to  be  made  within  the  limits  of  that  colony  for  the  peti- 
tioners, but   that   they  must   remain  subject  to  Uncas. 
*  oxon,  who  was  present,  was  instructed  to  tell  Uncas 
that  h.  must  treat  them  kindly,  and  that  they  were  still 
his  people.l 

*  Statistical  Account  of  Middlesex  County,  p  62 
t  Hazard,  Vol.  II,  pp.  131^  133 


i 


IW" 


I 

1 


OP    CONNECTICUT. 


243 


In  the  following  year,  [1650,]  Thomas  Stantqn  was 
commissioned  to  obtain  an  account  of  the  numbers  of  the 
Pequot-    and  to  collect  of  them  the  arrears  of  their  tribute. 
The  next  meeting  of  the  Commissioners  [1651]  was  at 
New  Haven,  and  thither  came  Stanton  to  report  the  re- 
sults of  his  examination.     With  him  arrived  a  number  of 
Ninigret's  people,  Tineas  and  several  of  his  men,  Hermon 
Garret,  Cassasinamon  and  some  of  his  band,  and  several 
Pequots   from   Long   Island.      Ninigret's    men  paid   in 
ninety-one  fathoms  of  wampum;  the  Long  Island  Pe- 
quots, thirty-two ;  and  Cassasinamon,  fifty-six.    Hermon 
Garret  brought  fifty-four  fathoms,  and  promised  to  deliver 
the  thirty  which  were  still  due  from  his  band  within  a 
month.      Uncas  paid  seventy-nine  fcthoms   down,   and 
agreed  to  hand  in  whatever  he  might  owe  above  this 
amount,  within   three  months.     He  then,  with  several 
others,  demanded,  on  behalf  of  the  Pequots,  why  this 
tribute  was  required,  how  long  it  was  to  continue,  and 
whether  it  would  descend  to  the  next  generation. 

The  Commissioners  referred  to  the  treaty  of  1638  as 
the  ground  of  the  tribute.  The  Pequots,  they  said,  being 
then  overcome  in  a  war  justly  waged  against  them  by  the 
colonies,  consented  to  save  their  lives  by  paying  a  small  an- 
nual acknowledgment.  Tribute  was  now  due  for  twelve 
years,  reckoning  only  to  1650  ;  but,  out  of  clemency,  they 
would  remit  all  that  was  past,  and,  if  the  Pequots  would 
pay  it  regularly  for  ten  years  to  come,  after  that  they 
should  be  free.*  This  condition,  as  a  matter  of  course, 
was  accepted,  yet  it  would  seem  that  it  was  not  observed 
by  those  who  imposed  it,  since  the  Indians  continued  to 


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244 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


make  their  annual  payments  at  least  as  late  as  1663,  that 
is  for  thirteen  years  instead  of  ten.  It  is  possible,  how- 
ever, and  perhaps  probable,  that  these  last  payments  were 
simply  arrears  on  the  former  ones. 

In  1653,  an  account  of  tribute  received  from  the  Pe- 
quots  was  handed  in  to  the  Commissioners  by  Thomas 
Stanton,  who  seems  to  have  been  tht>  agent  for  its  collec- 
tion. It  consisted  of  thirteen  pounds  and  three  shillings 
worth  of  wampum  from  Harmon  Garret ;  eleven  pounds 
nineteen  shillings  and  sixpence  from  Cassasinamon ;  eight 
pounds  seventeen  shillings  and  sixpence  from  the  Pequots 
under  Ninigret ;  and  ten  pounds  from  Uncas,  being  what 
was  due  from  him  two  years  before.* 

A  quarrel  was  now  going  on,  between  the  English  and 
Ninigret,  which  contributed  not  a  little  to  better  the  con- 
dition of  the  Pequots,  Ascassassotic,  a  sachem  of  Long 
Island,  murdered  several  of  the  Nehantics,  and  challenged 
their  sachem  to  revenge  himself  if  he  could.  Ninigret 
commenced  hostilities  against  him ;  hired  warriors  from 
the  Pocomtocks,  the  Mohawks  and  the  Wampanoags  •  and 
•would  probably  have  subdued  or  destroyed  the  insolent 
Long  Islander  had  it  not  been  for  the  interference  of  the 
Commissioners.  The  latter  affected  to  consider  the  Long 
Islanders  under  their  protection  ;  ordered  Ninigret  to  sub- 
mit his  quarrel  with  them  to  the  decision  of  the  Court  ; 
and,  influenced  probably  by  his  power  and  independent 
spirit,  treated  him  with  what  seems  like  unprovoked 
harshness  and  injustice.  They  brought  several  accusa- 
tions against  him,  however,  to  justify  their  conduct,  and, 
among  others,  that  he  had  neglected  to  pay  the  tribute 


F 


•  Hnzard,  Vol.  II,  p.  302. 


m-  '^ 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


245 


F 


which  was  due  from  him  on  account  of  his  Pequots.  He 
denied  that  he  had  any  Pequots;  saying  that  he  only 
hired  some,  with  v/ampum,  to  fight  against  the  Long 
Islanders  ;  paying,  in  addition  to  their  v/ages,  a  certain 
sum  to  the  relations  in  case  any  one  of  them  was  killed. 
On  this  point  the  English  were  probably  in  the  right ;  for 
the  sachem's  assertion  that  he  had  no  Pequots  of  his  own 
was,  almost  unquestionably,  a  falsehood. 

Tho  quarrel  deepened,  until  the  Commissioners  [1654] 
declared  war  against  Ninigret,  and  ordered  that  two  hun- 
dred and  seventy  infantry  and  forty  cavalry  should  be 
raised  to  carry  it  on.  Major  Willard,  the  commander-in- 
chief,  advanced  with  a  part  of  this  force  into  the  Nehantic 
territories.  Ninigret  made  no  defense ;  but,  leaving  his 
wigwams  and  crops  unguarded,  took  refuge  in  a  swamp. 
A  number  of  Pequots  who  accompanied  Willard  set  out 
one  day  in  search  of  Ninigret's  camp,  with  the  intention 
of  obtaining  an  interview  with  their  kindred  there  and 
persuading  them  to  desert  the  Nehantics.  They  were 
met  in  the  forests  by  tnree  of  Ninigret's  Pequots,  who 
demanded  of  them  what  they  were  doing  there.  "  O ! 
we  have  some  things  to  do,"  was  the  answer.  "  How 
many  are  there  of  you?"  "Thirty."  "Then  there  are 
thirty  heads  for  us,"  fiercely  responded  ihe  three  boasters. 
"  But  we  are  in  the  employ  of  the  English :  we  carry 
burdens  or  letters  where  they  wish  to  send  them."  "  We 
will  nave  those  thirty  heads  before  to-morrow  afternoon 
in  spite  of  the  English,"  replied  the  strangers  ;  "  we  will 
not  desist  from  fighting  the  Long  Islanders,  nor  will  we 
forsake  Ninigret." 

This  bold  and  braggart  answer  was  worthy  of  a  Pequot ; 


'P. 


246 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


but  the  greatest  part  of  that  tribe  then  living  among 
the  Nehantics  were  of  a  different  opinion.  Seventy-three 
of  them  came,  next  day.  to  Willard's  camp,  to  seek  Eng- 
lish protection,  and  were  followed  on  the  day  after  by 
sixty-three  more.  Few  of  these,  probably,  ever  returned 
to  Ninigret ;  all,  or  nearly  all,  joining  the  bands  of  Her- 
mon  Garret  and  Cassasinamon. 

The  war  was  not  prosecuted  with  much  energy ;  and 
Ninigret,  instead  of  being  entirely  uprooted,  as  the  Con- 
necticut and  New  Haven  colonists  wished,  was  permitted 
to  escape  by  a  humiliating  peace.  His  power  was  greatly 
broken,  however ;  and,  although  he  lived  for  more  than 
twenty  years  afterwards,  and  even  committed  some  under- 
hand hostilities  against  the  Long  Islanders,  he  is  but  little 
further  mentioned  in  the  records  of  those  times.* 

At  the  next  meeting  of  the  Commissioners,  [September, 
1655,]  the  Pequots  brought  in  their  tribute,!  and  pre- 
sented a  petition  concerning  themselves:  that  a  place 
might  be  allotted  them  for  a  settlement ;  thai  a  governor 
might  be  appointed  for  them  ;  and  that  they  might  be 
provided  with  a  code  of  laws.  The  Commissioners  ap- 
proved of  these  requests,  and  appointed  Hermon  Garret 
or  Cashawashet  governor  over  the  Pequots  at  Paucatuc 
and  Wecapaug,  and  Cassasinamon  governor  over  those  at 
Namcag  or  New  London.    Tumsquash  and  Metumpawett 

•  For  the  troubles  with  Ninigret,  see  Hazard,  Vol.  II,  pp.  308—391,  paaaim. 

t  From  Paucatuc,  fifty-eight  fathoms ;  from  Wecapaug,  thirty-seven  ; 
from  Uncas,  (for  two  years,)  one  hundred  and  forty-ihree  ;  received  in  all 
X301  1«  6d.  Tributaries  behind  in  their  payments:  six  at  Paucatuc;  five 
at  Wecapaug ;  six  at  Nameag,  (Cassasinamon's  band  ;)  thirty-six  on  Long 
Island,  and  twenty-two  on  the  Connecticut  River,  who  had  never  paid  any 
thing. 


OF    CONNECTICUT.  247 

aTSatTfirf"""  "'  '"^  '""»"■  «"•'  Yowwematero 

semed"  "•     "^^  ''^''  S"^^™"'  ">«  Court  pre- 

.ented  a  comm..s.or.  dra,vn  „p  in  the  following  fo™ : 

of  thVlT    r.  n  ?'"'  "PP™""'"  •'>'  ">e  Commissioners 
Peqnots  dwelling  at  Paucatuc  aid  Wecapaug.    You,  being 
for  one  year  deputed  governor  of  the  aforesaid  p;q„o.s!  ' 
a  e  reqmred  to  ca^ry  it,  i„  all  things,  according  to  such 

ules  and  instructions  as  you  have  or  shall  receive  from 
the  said  Commissioners,  and  according  to  their  orders; 
and  al  Pequots  inhabiting  the  said  places  are  required 
peaceably  and  quietly,  to  subject  themselves  to  you!  to  be 
by  you  ordered  according  to  the  orders  aforesaid,  a  they 
w,ll  answer  the  contrary  at  their  peril.  New  Haven 
September  24th,  1655."  naven, 

A  similar  commission  was  given  to  Cassasinamon,  and 
a  brief  code  of  laws  was  presented  to  each  of  the  new 
magistrates  by  which  to  govern  their  people.  Of  th^ 
code  the  following  is  a  copy :  f    P        "i  tnis 

"  1-  They  shall  not  blaspheme  the  name  of  God  the 
creator  of  Heaven  and  Earth,  nor  profane  the  Sab'blm 

2.  They  shall  not  commit  willful  murder,  nor  practice 
witchcraft*  under  pain  of  death  ^ 

punishli'eTt.^"^"  ""'  '"""^^  ^""""^  "P™  r-  »f  -- 
4  Whosoever  is  drunk  shall  pay  ten  shillings ;  but  if 
he  have  not  wherewithal  to  pay,  he  shall  be  punished 
with  ten  stripes,  and  further  receive  due  punishmen  f^ 
other  m^carriages  by  such  means  committed. 

•  Powwowing:,  probably. 


'II 


248 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS,    ETC. 


5.  Whosoever  stealeth  the  goods  of  another  shall,  upon 
proof,  pay  at  least  double  the  worth. 

6.  Whosoever  shall  plot  mischief  against  the  English 
shall  suffer  death,  or  such  other  punishment  as  the  case 
may  deserve. 

7.  They  shall  neither  make  war,  nor  join  in  war,  with 
any  other  Indians,  or  people  of  any  other  nation,  (unless 
in  their  own  just  defense,)  without  the  express  leave  of 
the  Commissioners. 

8.  They  shall  duly  submit  to  such  Indian  governors  as 
the  Commissioners  shall  yearly  appoint,  and  to  them  shall 
yearly  pay  the  tribute  due  to  the  English." 

As  Uncas  was  dissatisfied  that  his  Pequots  were  not  re- 
turned to  him,  the  Commissioners  enacted  that  those  who 
would  go  back  to  Mohegan  should  have  all  their  arrears 
of  tribute  remitted  to  them.     It  was  also  ordered,  that 
Cassasinamon  must  not  attempt  to  seduce  those  who  were 
still  with  Uncas ;  tha*  his  men  must  hunt  and  fish  only 
within  their  own  bounces,  and  not  on  the  lands  of  the 
Mohegans :  but  permission  was  granted  that  they  might 
hunt  between  the  Thames  and  the  Mystic,  if  the  English 
settlers  there  made  no  objection.     All  "  royal  privileges" 
formerly  belonging  to  sachems  were  now  granted  to  the 
governors.    There  being  six  years  tribute  behind,  Thomas 
Stanton  was  to  receive  it,  and,  if  it  was  not  freely  paid, 
the  governors  were  authorized  to  obtain  it  from  their 
people  by  force.*    And  thus,  just  seventeen  years  after  the 
suppression  of  the  Pequots  as  a  nation,  they  were  restored 
to  their  ancient  name  and  country,  and  placed  once  more 
unfjier  chieftains  of  their  own  choice. 


•  Hazard,  Vol.  II,  pp.  334—336. 


ill,  upon 

English 
the  case 

rar,  with 
1,  (unless 
leave  of 

ernors  as 
lem  shall 


re  not  re- 
hose  who 
ir  arrears 
3red,  that 
wrho  were 
fish  only 
ds  of  the 
ley  might 
e  English 
irivileges" 
ed  to  the 
I,  Thomas 
•eely  paid, 
rom  their 
s  after  the 
re  restored 
once  more 


a 

D 

o 
o 

pa 
W 

H 

u 
o; 
o 

b 
Cil 
(D 

tS 

z 


a, 

o 
z 

D 


I 


i 


:(^«i;8*MasiJ»x 


CHAPTER    VII. 


f- 

ta 

o 
o 

w 

a 

H 
« 

o 

In 

a 

(D 

O 
z 


la 

3. 

o 
z 

t) 


PROM   THE    RE-UNION    OF    THE    PEQUOTS    TO   THE    DEATH 

OF    UNCAS. 

In  1656,  Uncas  for  once  united  with  his  old  enemy, 
Sequassen  ;  but  it  was  only  in  a  quarrel  with  Tontonimo, 
sachem  of  a  part  of  the  Podunks.     A  young  man  named 
Weaseapano,  who  seems  to  have  belonged  to  the  Podunk 
trjbe,  murdered  a  sagamore  living  near  Mattabesett.    The 
sagamore  was  a  relative,  and  probably  a  subject,  of  Se- 
quassen, and  that  sachem  of  course  deemed  himself  injured 
and  insulted  by  the  transaction.     He  wished  to  seize  the 
crimmal,  but  the  Podunks  were  resolved  to  defend  him, 
and  Sequassen  sought  the  interference  of  Uncas.     Uncas 
himself  had  cause  of  complaint  against  Tontonimo,  for 
protectmg  a  murderer  who  had  fled  from  his  own  ven- 
geance, and  for  enticing  away  some  of  his  men.    Accord- 
mg  to  his  usual  practice,  he,  in  the  first  place,  brought  his 
cause  before  the  English :  in  this  case  before  the  magis- 
trates of  Connecticut  at  Hartford ;  and  he  was  accompanied 
m  his  complaint  by  Sequassen.     The  magistrates  sum- 
moned all   the  parties  before   them,  and  attempted  an 
amicable  adjustment  of  the  difficulties.     Sequassen  stood 
up  before  this  court  of  arbitration,  and  testified  that  the 
murder  was  committed  by  a  mean  fellow  upon  a  man 
who  was  a  great  sachem  and  his  relation.     Uncas,  and 


'P 


250 


HISTORY   OP   THE    INDIANS 


his  councilor,  Poxon,  confirmed  this  assertion,  declaiming 
against  the  Podunks  at  great  length  and  with  much  ex- 
citement.    Governor  Webster  asked  them  what  satisfac- 
tion they  required.     They  replied  that,  as  the  deceased 
sagamore  was  a  great  man,  and  the  murderer  a  mean 
fellow,  they  must  have  the  latter  and  nine  of  his  tribe  to 
put  to  death.     The  Podunks  pleaded  that  Weaseapano 
was  justified  in  what  he  had  done,  because  the  sagamore 
had  killed  one  of  his  uncles.     Several  of  the  court  deliv- 
ered their  opinions  on  the  subject,  some  favoring  one  view 
of  It  and  some  another.     The  governor  explained  that 
according  to  English  law,  only  the  murderer  could  be 
punished,  and  both  he  and  others  of  the  court  exhorted 
both  parties  to  try  and  settle  the  matter  peaceably.     Th« 
Podunks  then  offered  a  quantity  of  wampum  by  way  of 
satisfaction.     Uncas  and  Sequassen  refused  it,  but  said 
they  would  accept  of  six  victims  instead  of  ten.    Wearied 
out  with  hearing  long  speeches,  which  they  did  not  un- 
derstand, the  magistrates  urgently  pressed  Tontonimo  to 
settle  the  affair  by  giving  up  the  murderer.    He  pretended 
to  consent ;  but,  instead  of  fulfilling  his  agreement,  stole 
privately  out  of  court,  with  his  followers,  and  hurried  off 
to  the  Podunk  fort.     Uncas  and  Sequassen  were  highly 
indignant ;  the  English  also  were  vexed  at  being  thus  de- 
ceived, and  a  messenger  was  sent  to  the  Podunks,  to  order 
them  to  perform  their  promise.     Uncas  was  now  per- 
suaded to  accept  of  the  murderer  alone  ;  but  the  Podunks 
said  that  his  friends  in  the  fort  were  so  numerous  and 
powerful  that  they  could  not  surrender  him.    In  the  after- 
noon the  magistrates  came  to  the  conclusion   that  the 
English  ought  not  to  trouble  themselves,  or   interfere 


S!»anu««:'iate4»« 


OP    CONNECTICUT. 


251 


with  the  quarrels  of  the  Indians.  The  governor  made  a 
long  speech  to  the  complainants,  desiring  them  to  take 
the  wampum  which  had  been  offered  them,  if  they  would  ; 
if  they  would  not,  he  left  them  to  follow  their  own  coun- 
sel ;  only  they  should  not  fight  on  the  west  side  of  the 
river,  nor  injure  any  of  the  English  on  the  other  side. 
Several  deputies  said  the  same,  and  the  court  then  broke 
up,  leaving  the  quarrel  about  as  near  to  a  settlement  as 
it  had  found  it.* 

Uncas  took  advantage  of  the  permission  thus  given 
him,  and,  assembling  a  war  party,  marched  against  the 
Podunks.     Being  met  near  the  Hockanum  River  by  an 
equal  number  of  the  enemy,  he  considered  the  event  so 
doubtful  that  he  was  unwilling  to  hazard  a  battle.     He 
sent  a  message  to  Tontonimo  that,  if  he  continued  to 
protect  that  murderer,  Uncas  would  bring  the  Mohawks 
upon  him,  to  destroy  both  him  and  his  people.     He  then 
returned  home,  and  shortly  afterwards  induced  the  Po- 
dunks to  surrender  Weaseapano  by  means  of  a  stratagem. 
A  brave  and  dexterous  warrior,  furnished  with  Mohawk 
weapons,  was  sent  to  the  Podunk  country,  where  he  set 
fire   to  a  wigwam  by  night,  left   the    weapons  on   the 
ground  near  the  spot,  and  fled  away  without  being  dis- 
covered.    In  the  morning,  the  Podunks  came  out  of  their 
fort   to   examine   the   ruins  and   look   for  the   trail  of 
the  destroyers ;  and,  seeing  some   weapons  lying  about 
which  they  knew  by  their  make  and  ornaments  must 
have  been  fashioned  by  Mohawks,  they  concluded  that 
Uncas  had  succeeded  in  fulfilling  his  threat.    Terrified  at 
the  idea  of  supporting  a  contest  with  the  dreadful  Iro- 

•  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  I,  pp.  304, 305 
24 


tf^wtsi-sssm. 


252 


HISTORY   or   THE    INDIANS 


quois,  they  sent  immediately  to  Mohegan  for  peace,  and 
surrendered  the  murderer.* 

The  Podunks,  as  far  as  I  can  learn,  were  the  first  In- 
dians of  Connecticut  who  had  an  opportunity  of  listening 
to  the  preaching  of  the  gospel.  John  Eliot,  the  "  apostle 
to  the  Indians,"  being  at  a  council  of  ministers  in  Hart- 
ford during  the  year  1657,  anxiously  sought  an  opportu- 
nity of  declaring  the  truth  to  the  natives  of  that  vicinity. 
As  the  Podunks  lived  only  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 
river,  they  were  persuaded  by  some  of  the  principal  in- 
habitants to  assemble  and  listen  to  the  preacher.  He 
spoke  to  them  in  their  own  language,  and,  when  he  had 
finished,  put  the  question  whether  they  were  willing  to 
accept  of  Jesus  Christ,  the  Savior,  as  he  had  now  been 
presented  to  them.  The  sachems  and  old  men  scornfully 
and  angrily  answered,  "  No."  The  English,  they  said, 
had  already'"  taken  away  their  land,  and  now  they  were 
only  attempting  to  make  the  Podunks  their  servants. 

Such  was  the  reception  which  the  Podunks  gave  to 
their  first,  and,  perhaps  their  last,  invitation  to  embrace 
the  religion  of  truth.  There  is  no  record  to  show  that 
they  had  suffered  any  injustice  with  regard  to  their  lands  ; 
and  probably  it  would  have  been  ditlicult,  if  not  impos- 
sible, for  them  to  have  pointed  to  any  definite  and  con- 
siderable cause  of  dissatisfaction.  They  considered  only 
that  they  had  once  been  lords  of  the  whole  country  around 
them,  while  now  it  was  almost  all  in  the  hands  of  the 
English  foreigners.  They  saw  that  they  were  poor  and 
wretched,  while  the  white  men  were  surrounded  by  what 
seemed  to  them  the  height  of  comfort  and  even  luxury. 


1 


•  Dr.  Dwight's  Travels,  Vol.  II,  p.  282. 


.  ^»t^ijM«^i^«tei^HiBipaMui»e«M«^««^^ 


iMMM 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


253 


\% 


They  looked  at  these  results,  and  thought  not  of  their 
causes :  of  their  own  heedlessness  and  idleness ;  of  the 
white  man's  providence  and  industry.  With  spirits  ren- 
dered sore  and  fretful  by  such  considerations,  they  were 
little  disposed  to  hear  moral  teachings  from  a  race  whom 
they  regarded  as  having  defrauded  and  iiyured  them.  But 
this  was  not  all :  the  doctrines  of  repentance,  humiliation 
and  holiness  are  unpleasing  to  all  men ;  and  they  were  none 
the  less  unpleasing  to  the  Podunks,  because  the  latter  had 
been  brought  up  from  childhood  to  love  war,  to  love  re- 
venge, to  lay  no  restraint  upon  the  indulgence  of  their 
passions. 

During  1657,  the  Mohegans  were  again  obliged  to  de- 
fend themselves  against  the  Narragansetts  and  Nehantics, 
who  were  assisted,  at  times,  by  two  Massachusetts  tribes, 
the  Pocomtocks  and  Norwootucks.  On  one  occasion, 
some  Pequots  allured  a  Mohegan  canoe  to  shore,  and  thus 
enabled  a  party  of  Pocomtocks,  who  were  lying  in  am- 
bush, to  surprise  and  massacre  the  crew.*  Pessicus,  with 
a  large  force,  invaded  the  Mohegan  country,  and  once 
more  held  Uncas  besieged  in  his  fortress.  A  small  body 
of  English  was  sent  by  the  colony  of  Connecticut  to  re- 
lieve him  ;  its  very  appearance  caused  the  Narragansetts 
to  retreat;  and  the  Mohegans,  rushing  out  upon  them, 
changed  their  retreat  into  a  rout.  The  invaders  fled 
tumultuously  towards  their  own  country,  and  were  furi- 
ously pursued  by  the  Mohegans,  who  overtook  and  killed 
many  of  them  while  struggling  through  the  thickets  oi 
floundering  across  the  streams.  Long  after  this  battle, 
some  old  Mohegans  used  to  relate,  with  savage  glee,  how 

•  Hazard,  Vol.  II. 


. 


>' 


254 


HISTORY   OP    THE    INDIANS 


they  found  a  poor  Narragansett  lyin£-  among  the  bushes 
which  bordered  a  river,  and  so  crazyd  with  fear  that  he 
imagined  himself  in  the  water  and  was  actually  trj'ing  to 
swim.  Tradition  says  that  one  body  of  the  fugitives  was 
driven  out  of  the  straight  course  to  the  fords  of  the  Yantic, 
and  came  upon  that  stream  where  it  flowed  between  high 
banks  and  with  a  deep  and  rapid  current.  Blinded  by 
fear,  driven  on  by  the  enemy  behind,  they  pkmged  reck- 
lessly into  the  abyss,  and  were  either  dashed  to  pieces  on 
the  rocks  beneatli  the  precipice,  or  drowned  amid  the 
boiling  waters.* 

The  Pocomtocks  and  Norwootucks  grounded  their  hos- 
tility againsr  Uncas,  or  pretended  to  giound  it,  on  his 
treatment  of  the  Podunks      Either  his  quarrel  with  Ton- 
tonimo  had  broken  out  again  on  the  latter  discovering  how 
he  had  been  duped,  or  some  new  difficulty  had  taken 
place  of  which  we  have  not  been  informed  :  at  all  events, 
the  two  Massachusetts  tribes  now  complained  to  the  Court 
of  the  United  Colonies,  that  Uncas  had  made  war  upon 
their  friends,  the  Podunks,  and  had  driven  them  out  of 
their  country.     In  reply,  the  Commissioners  directed  Un- 
cas to  let  the  Podunks  return  to  their  homes  and  remain 
there  without  mole^station  from  him  or  his  people.     They 
were  to  be  invited  back  by  the  government  of  Connecticut, 
and  the  Pocomtock  and  Norwootuck  sachems  were  to  be 
notified  of  the  fact,  and  ordered  to  cease  their  hostilities 
against  Tineas  till  the  next  meeting  of  the  Court.f 

If  this  message  was  forwarded,  it  availed  little  j  for  the 
records  of  .he  United  Colonies  for  1658  speak  of  anoth«ir 
invasion  of  the  Mohe^^ans,  by  a  combined  force  of  Po- 

•  History  of  Norwich.,  pp.  30,  31.      t  Hazard.  Vol  II.  ov.  384.  3S!i, 


^*/ 


■Uti&^iStuMm 


1 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


^55 


comtocks,  Timxis  and  Narragansetts,  headed  by  Annape- 
com,  the  principal  sachem  of  the  Pocomtocks.     Uncas 
again  fled  to  his  fort,  where  the  enemy  not  only  besieged 
him,  but  committed  some  acts  of  violence  upon  the  neigh- 
boring English  settle-s.     They  were  told  that  two  men, 
named  Brewster  and  Thomson,  furnished  the  Mohegans 
with  ammunition,  and  that  Brewster  had  several  of  their 
enemies  concealed  in  his  house.     A  couple  of  shots,  also, 
were  fired  at  them  from  that  side  of  the  river,  and  added 
to  their  suspicions  and  indignation.    Some  young  Pocom- 
tocks dashed  over  the  stream  in  search  of  the  marksmen, 
and,  not  finding  them  otherwheres,  ran  to  the  house  of 
Brewster  and  attempted  to  force  their  way  in.     Failing 
in  this,  they  revenged  themselves  by  carrying  off  some 
of  km  corn  and  a  quantity  of  other  property.    Annapecom 
reproved  his  warriors  for  this  act  of  violence,  and  made 
them  restore  what  they  had  taken ;  but  Brewster  was  still 
mdigna:.t,  and,  after  the  invasion  was  over,  laid  his  com- 
plaint before  the  Commissioners.     They  ordered  that  a 
fine  of  forty  fathoms  of  wampum  should  be  levied  from 
the  confederates ;  ten  from  the  Tunxis,  fifteen  from  the 
Pocomtocks,  and  fifteen  from  the  Narragansetts.     The 
Tunxis   paid   their   fino    on   its   being   demanded ;  but 
whether  the  others  were  equally  compliant  is  uncertain. 
Aimapecom  s-u  the  Commissioners  a  dignified  explana- 
tion of  the  difficulties  with  Brewster,  and,  in  conclusion, 
made  the  following  requests:  "We  desire  the  English 
sachen;s  not  to  persuade  us  to  a  peace  with  Uncas.  for  we 
have   experience  of  his  falseness,  ard  we  know  that, 
thou,-h  he  promises  much,  he  will  perform  nothing.    Also,' 
if  any  messengers  are  sent  to  us  from  the  Eimlich  >J 

2i* 


lEV, 


tJil 


256 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


desire  that  they  may  not  be  liars  and  tale-bearers,  but 
sober  men  and  such  as  we  can  understand."* 

No  further  invasions,  however,  of  the  Mohegan  country 
are  mentioned,  and  no  more  battles  between  that  tribe 
and  the  Narragansetts  ;  from  which  it  seems  probable  that 
this  tedious  and  harassing  hostility  of  fifteen  years  had 
now  about  drawn  to  a  close. 

But  the  uneasy  temper  of  Uncas  could  not  suffer  him 
to  remain  quiet  long,  and  he  had  scarcely  got  out  of  one 
set  of  difficulties  before  he  plunged  into  another.  In 
August,  1658,  some  of  his  warriors  killed  a  man  and  two 
women,  subjects  of  Ponham  and  Tupayaamen,  two  Nar- 
ragansett  sachems  who  had  submitted  to  the  government 
of  Massachusetts.  Other  Mohegaus  seized  six  of  the  sub- 
jects of  Apumps,  a  Nipmuck  sagamore,  killed  one  of 
them  and  wounded  another.  Pomham  and  Apumps  com- 
plained to  the  Commissioners,  and  Uncas  was  notified 
that  he  must  answer  the  charges  at  the  next  Court ;  but 
no  further  action  was  taken  on  the  subject,  and  the  com- 
plaint was  eventually  forgotten.f 

In  the  early  part  of  1661,  Uncas  attacked  the  Indians 
of  Quabaug  in  the  eastern  part  of  Massachusetts,  killed 
some,  made  others  prisoners,  and  carried  off  property,  as 
the  sufferers  alleged,  to  the  value  of  thirty  three  pounds 
sterling.  The  Quabaug  Indians  were  subjects  of  Woosa- 
mequin,  or  Massasoit,  the  first  friend  of  the  Pilgrims,  who 
must  now  have  been  an  old  man  and  not  far  from  his 
final  sleep.  As  he  had  gone  through  the  ceremony  of 
submitting  to  the  English,  Massachusetts  considered  him 
under  her  protectioji,  and  sent  a  message  to  Uncas  order- 

•  Hazard,  Vol.  U,  pp.  396-423.  t  Hazard,  Vol.  II,  p  ?38. 


i 


i 


J 


i***a^S«fftii!*«iKvJa»»a4S&#« 


iass&wt&afci 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


257 


iiig  him  to  liberate  the  prisoners,  and  make  restitution  for 
the  plunder  he  had  taken.     No  reply  was  received  fr^m 
the  sachem,  and,  some  time  afterwards,  the  affair  being 
made  known  to  the  Commissioners,  thej'  sent  John  Mason 
to  him  to  repeat  the  demand.     Unoas  excused  himself  to 
Mason,  by  saying  that  he  had  only  received  the  order 
li-om  Massachusetts  about  twenty  days  previous  lo  his  ar- 
rival.    He  never  knew,  he  added,  that  the  Quabaug  In- 
dians were  under  the  care  of  the  English,  and  it  was  not 
true  that  they  belonged  to  Woosamequin ;  but,  on  the 
contrary,   to  a  deadly  enemy  of  the  Mohegans,  named 
Onopequin.    Woosamequin's  people  had  repeatedly  fought 
against  the  Mohegans,  and  so  had  Alexander,  or  Wam- 
sutta,  his  eldest  son.     Nevertheless  he  had  already  set  the 
prisoners  free,  although  one  of  them  was  his  own  cousin, 
and  had  been  in  arms  against  him  several  times  before. 

Such  was  the  excuse  of  Uiicas.  It  seems  to  have  sat- 
isfied the  Commissioners,  who  made  no  further  mention 
of  obliging  him  to  give  satisfaction.  It  was  contradicted, 
however,  in  j.art,  by  Wamsutta,  who  being  about  that 
time  in  Plymouth,  declared  that  the  Quabaug  Indians 
were  his,  and  that  he  had  made  wa«-  with  the  Mohegans 
because  of  the  wrong  which  Uncas  h..d  done  them.* 

In  1666,  Uncas  became  involved  in  a  quarrel  with  Ar- 
ramament,  who  appears  to  have  been  at  this  time  the  sole 
sachem  of  the  Podunks.  The  Mohegans  encroached  upon 
the  territories  of  the  Podunks,  probably  by  hunting  over 
them,  and  thus  arose  a  disagreement,  and  perhaps  hos- 
tilities. One  or  both  parties,  however,  soon  appealed  to 
the  government  of  Connecticut,  and  the  General  Court 

•  Hazard,  Vol.  II,  pp.  450,  451. 


268 


HISTORT    OF   THE    INDIANS 


of  that  colony  appointed  a  co...mittee  to  examine  and 
settle  the  difficulties.  A  boundary  line  was  surveyed  and 
marked  out,  and  both  sachems  expressing  their  satisfac- 
tion with  it,  the  troubles  were  brought  to  an  amicable 
conclusion.* 

We  have  one  more  circumstance  to  relate  of  Arrama- 
ment,  and  then  his  name,  like  that  of  his  fellow-sachem, 
Tontonimo,  will  appear  no  more  upon  our  pages.  Either 
before  the  late  treaty,  or  after  it,  and  in  consequence  of 
the  good  feeling  produced  by  it,  Arramament  gave  his 
daughter  Sowgonosk  in  marriage  to  Attawanhood,  the 
third  son  of  Uncas.  In  confirmation  of  this  act  of  friend- 
ship, Arramament  made  over  [May  23d,  1672,]  to  his 
daughter  and  her  husband  all  the  lands  which  he  owned 
in  Podunkf  or  elsewhere,  then  and  forever.  This  ter- 
ritory was  to  descend  to  the  children  of  Sowgonosk  by 
Attawanhood ;  in  case  there  were  no  such,  to  the  chil- 
dren whom  she  might  have  by  any  other  person  ;  and  in 
case  there  were  none  such  as  these,  then  to  whatever  per- 
sons were  declared  to  be  the  nearest  heirs  by  English  law.| 

This  Attawanhood  seems  to  have  kept  the  main  chance 
in  view,  even  in  love  affairs,  and  to  have  been  a  famously 
lucky  fellow  at  marrying  himself  into  property.  By  one 
of  his  wives,  either  Sowgonosk  or  some  other,  he  obtained 
lands  in  Farmington,  and  it  is  extremely  probable  that  it 
was  by  some  other  marriage  that  he  stepped  into  his 
sachemship  over  the  western  Nehantics. 

The  affairs  of  the  Pequots  during  the  period  occupied 
by  this  cliapter  are  of  no  very  great  interest,  and  are 

•  Mohegan  Petition.  t  Enst  Windsor  and  East  Hartford. 

t  Windsor  Records. 


WmSuS^uSSmiiiti&m 


Of    CONNECTICUT. 


259 


chiefly  included  under  the  heads  of  their  governors,  their 
tributes,  and  their  lands.     Hermon  Garret  and  Cassasi- 
namon  were,  for  some  time,  appointed,  annually,  as  gov- 
ernors ;  but,  after  several  years,  this  ceremony  was  dis- 
continued, and  each  of  them  held  the  office  to  the  day  of 
his  death.     Cassasinanon's  band-  was  the  largest,  partly 
because  it  had  been  so  from  the  beginning,  and  partly  be- 
cause  new  deserters  continued   to  come   to  him   from 
Uncas.     It  was  in  vain  to  try  to  prevent  this :  the  General 
Court   of   Connecticut   finally  gave  Cassasinamon   per- 
mission to  keep  them  till  further  orders,  and  no  further 
orders  ever  appear  to  have  been  given.     But  the  Pequots 
after  a  while  began  to  get  tired  of  their  governors,  and 
commenced  deserting  to  Ninigret,  and  even  to  Uncas. 
These  sachems  were  therefore  forbidden  .(1660]  to  harbor 
any  such  runaways,  and  were  directed  to  detain  them 
when  they  came,  and  send  word  to  their  governors  so 
that  they  might  be  fetched  home.* 

Out  of  the  wampum  annually  paid  by  the  Pequots,  a 
considerable  sum  was  usually  allowed  to  Thomas  Stan- 
ton, the  collector;  a  smaller  portion  to  Captain  Denison 
of  Stonington,  who  acted  as  assistant  or  overseer  to  the 
two  governors ;  and  the  remainder  was  placed  in  the  treas- 
ury of  the  General  Court  of  the  United  Colonies.f 

At  one  time,  [1658,]  none  of  the  Pequots  brought  in 
their  tribute,  and  Hermon  Garret  did  not  even  appear  be- 
fore the  Court  to  apologize  for  his  remissness.  For  this 
act  of  contempt  and  disobedience,  he  and  his  people  were 

•  Hazard,  Vol.  IT,  pp.  433, 434. 

t  In  1657,  Stantoi   «  •  r  paid  on- hundred  and  twenty  fathoms  and  Deniaon 
thirty.    Hazard,  Vol.  11,  p.  383 


I  f 


260 


HISTORY    or    THE    INDIANS 


fined  ten  fathoms  a  man,  while  those  of  the  New  London 
band  who  were  present  received  a  sharp  reproof     One  of 
them  offering  a  quantity  of  refuse  wampum  in  part  pay- 
ment, the  Commissioners  took  it  as  an  insult,  and  had  him 
and  another  of  his  countrymen  imprisoned.     A  Pequot 
who  had  borne  arms  the  preceding  summer  against  i\e 
Pocomtocks,  and  thus  violated  the  seventh  article  of  the 
Pequot  code,  was  likewise  confined.     Obechiquod  and 
seven   others   were,  for  the  same  offense,  fined  seven 
fathoms  of  wampum.     All  these  fines  were  to  be  dis- 
trained by  Thomas  Stanton,  and,  if  needful,  he  was  to  be 
assisted  by  the  constables  of  New  London  in  Connecticut 
and  Southertowne  in  Rhode  Island.     About  a  fortnight 
after,  wampum  arrived  from  both  bands,  with  a  message 
from  Hermon  Garret  excusing  both  his  non-appearance 
and  his  non-payment.     "He  had  been  sick,"  he  said, 
"and  some  of  his  men  were  stubborn  and  would  not  pay 
m  season :  he  wished,  therefore,  that  some  Englishmen 
might  be  appointed  to  force  them  to  raise  the  tribute." 
This  excuse  being  considered  saticfactory,  the  Commis- 
sioners remitted  all  the  fines,  and  simply  ordered  the  In- 
dians to  pay  over  what  they  still  owed  into  the  hands  of 
Stanton.* 

In  1663,  fifty  fathoms  of  wampum  were  accepted  from 
Cassasmamon  and  thirty  from  Hermon  Garret,  as  satisfac- 
tion in  full  of  all  arrears.  It  was  then  enacted,  that  forty 
fathoms,  annually,  should  thereafter  be  paid  by  each  com- 
pany ;  yet  no  records  exist  of  any  further  payments,  and 
It  is  extremely  probable  that  this  was  the  last.  It  is  diffi- 
cult to  see  why  this  condition  was  imposed  ;  for,  by  the 

«  Hazard,  Vol.  II,  p.  413. 


"*  ^.•.'  w.  fl,  J^^^ 


P*j  y. 


J 


:.  ffisMi;i(ft«4^8ite»*l&ii^*y«fc'ii!S^a^ 


•■jjiJi^i^sto.!- 


OF    CONNECTICUT, 


261 


r  London 
One  of 
part  pay- 
l  had  him 
L  Pequot 
ainst  t'ie 
le  of  the 
uod  and 
id  seven 
•  be  dis- 
ras  to  be 
inecticut 
fortnight 
message 
aearance 
he  said, 
not  pay 
lishmen 
ribute." 
'ommis- 
the  In- 
ands  of 

ed  from 
Jatisfac- 
at  forty 
ih  corn- 
Its,  and 
is  dim- 
by  the 


\ 


agre^m^nt  of  1650,  the  tribute  was  only  to  be  exacted  for 
ten  years  after  that  period.* 

As  the  Pequots  had  to  pay  yearly  so  considerable  an 
amount  of  wampum,  they  were  obliged  to  hunt  in  various 
places  for  the  material  from  which  it  was  manufactured. 
They  sometimes  went  over,  for  this  purpose,  to  Long 
Island,  which  was  famoi  for  producing  an  abundance  of 
shells,  and  was  even  called,  on  that  account,  Sewan 
Hacky,  or  the  land  of  shells.  About  1657  or  1658,  the 
Montauk  sachem,  fearful,  perhaps,  that  his  shores  would 
be  exhausted  of  their  shelly  wealth,  commenced  opposing 
their  visits.  Twenty  or  twenty-five  years  before,  the  Pe- 
quots had  held  the  Montauks  as  their  tributaries,  and  had 
exacted  from  them  not  shells  only,  but  the  wampum 
itself  They  now,  therefore,  considered  their  ancient  and 
hereditary  rights  violated,  and  brought  a  complaint  on  the 
subject  before  the  Court  of  the  United  Colonies.  The 
Commissioners  ordered  the  Montauk  sachem  to  abstain 
from  molesting  the  Pequots,  and,  if  he  had  any  fair  and 
reasonable  objection  to  their  custom  of  gathering  shells 
on  Long  Island,  to  bring  it  before  them  at  their  next 
meeting.  Nothing,  however,  appeared,  and  we  may 
therefore  conclude  that  the  Pequot  canoes  still  continued 
to  glide  over  the  Sound  to  bring  back  loads  of  conches 
and  mussels.f 

In  1661,  two  of  the  colonists  were  appointed  as  assist- 
ants to  the  Pequot  governors.  They  were  to  advise  them 
in  their  administration,  and  to  see  that  the  Indians  were 
not  deprived  of  any  rights  by  their  English  neighbors. 
This  plan  was  continued  afterwards,  year  by  year,  and  in 


•  Hazard,  Vol.  II,  p.  477.  t  Hazard,  Vol.  II,  pp.  387,  888. 


■  i 


262 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


course  of  time  was  adopted  with  regard  to  most  of  the 
tribes  in  the  colony.  The  governors  were  ordered  to  en- 
courage their  people  to  attend  on  the  instructions  of  any 
religious  teachers  who  should  be  sent  them  by  the  Com- 
missioners. They  were  required,  also,  to  seize  all  spir- 
ituous liquors  brought  among  them,  and  deliver  it  to  the 
English  assistants.  The  assistants  were  to  sell  it  to  the 
whites,  (a  tougher  race!)  and  give  the  proceeds,  half  to 
the  person  who  informed  concerning  the  liquor,  and  half 
to  the  one  who  seized  it.  The  overseers  were  also  in- 
structed to  use  their  influence  in  civilizing  the  Pequots, 
and  were  authorized  to  punish  any  among  them  whose 
conduct  was  riotous  and  disorderly.  They  might  decide 
all  cases  but  capital  ones,  and  the  Indians  might  appeal 
to  them  from  the  decisions  of  their  governors.* 

The  Pequots  were,  for  several  years,  unsettled,  both 
divisions  living  on  lands  held  more  by  sufferance  than  by 
acknowledged  right.     They  made  repeated  complaints 
concerning  their  situation  to  the  Commissioners ;  petition- 
ing that  they  might  be  furnished  with  a  tract  where  they 
might  build  their  wigwams,  and  plant  their  corn,  without 
disturbance.     Whenever  these  complaints  were  preferred, 
the  Court  usually  recommended  Rhode  Island  to  lay  out 
a  reservation  for  Hermon  Garret's  band,  and  Connecticut 
to  lay  out  one  for  that  of  Cassasinamon,  and  here  the 
.  matter  ended.     In  1667,  however,  the  General  Court  of 
this  last   colony   removed  Cassasinamon's  people    froYn 
Nawyonk  on  the  seashore,  where  until  then  they  had  re- 
sided, and  planted  them  on  a  reservation  of  some  two 
thousand  acres,   styled    Mushantuxet,  situated    in  the 

•  Hazard,  Vol.  II,  p.  464. 


i 

1 


I 


Jii*S!ijii»*U3asii^%ia&'«s^**i 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


263 


St  of  the 

ed  to  en- 
s  of  any 
he  Com- 
all  spir- 
it to  the 
it  to  the 
,  half  to 
and  half 
I  also  iu- 
Pequots, 
n  whose 
it  decide 
it  appeal 

ed,  both 
than  by 
nplaiiits 
petition- 
ere  they 
without 
referred, 

lay  out 
necticut 
lere  the 
/ourt  of 
ie   froYn 

had  ro- 
me  two 

in  the 


I 


-i 


present  township  of  Ledyard.*  The  Paucatuc  and  We- 
capaug  Pequots  were  settled  and  again  unsettled,  and  did 
not  obtain  a  permanent  home  until  1683,  when  Connec- 
ticut granted  them  a  tract  of  two  hundred  and  eighty 
acres  now  lying  in  North  Stonington. 

In  1656,  the  Farmington  Indians  murdered  a  white 
man  and  burnt  a  quantity  of  English  property.  A  Tunxis, 
named  Mesapeno,  was  supposed  to  be  the  author  of  these 
outrages,  but  he  escaped,  and  never  was  punished.  His 
tribe,  therefore,  was  forced  by  the  colony  to  agree  to  an 
annual  tribute  of  eighty  fathoms  of  wampum  for  seven 
years.  This  tribute  was  very  slackly  paid,  and  the  greater 
part  of  it  seems  never  to  have  been  paid  at  all.  The 
Tunxis  were  at  this  time  very  troublesome  to  the  people 
of  Farmington,  entertaining. strange  Indians  in  their  vil- 
lage, and  pleasantly  shooting  bullets  into  the  town  during 
their  skirmishes.  The  General  Court  of  Connecticut  there- 
fore ordered  them  to  send  away  all  Indians  who  did  not 
belong  among  them,  and  to  provide  themselves  a  resi- 
dence at  a  safer  distance  from  the  settlement.! 

A  number  of  years  later,  the  Indians  of  this  town  found 
themselves  in  danger  of  losing  some  of  their  lands  through 
the  encroachments  of  settlers.  They  complained  of  their 
wrongs,  and,  to  the  credit  of  the  people  of  Farmington, 
their  complaints  met  with  consideration.  The  affair  \vc^ 
brought  before  a  town  meeting,  and  an  agreement  was 
made  [June  1st,  1673,]  with  the  Indians.     The  latter  re- 

•  Previous  to  1836,  Ledyard  was  a  part  of  Groton,  and  previoue  to  1705 
both  these  townships  formed  a  portion  of  New  London  ;  so  that  the  Mushan- 
tuxet  Pequots  were  at  one  time  called  the  New  London  Pequots,  afterward, 
the  Groton  Pequots,  and  now  the  Ledyard  Pequott. 

t  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  I,  pp.  294, 299, 303. 

25 


m 


264 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


ceived  goods  to  the  value  of  three  pounds :  they  were  to 
retain  their  ancient  reservation  in  Indian  Neck  :  the  two 
hundred  acres  on  the  other  side  of  the  river  were  to  be 
bounded  out  to  them  ;  and  they,  on  their  part,  ratified 
all  the  former  agreements  between  the  Tunxis  and  the 
settlers  of  Farmington.  Twenty-six  Indians  signed  this 
paper  with  their  marks ;  among  which  we  find  the  totems 
of  Seocut  and  Nassahegon,  both  of  them  sachems  in 
Windsor.  This  circumstance  shows  that  the  ancient  con- 
nection between  the  tribes  once  living  under  Sequassen 
was  still  in  some  measure  preserved.* 

In  1659,  Golden  Hill,  now  containing  some  of  the  finest 
private  dwellings  in  Bridgeport,  or  indeed  in  the  State  of 
Connecticut,  was  i^et  oS"  to  "  the  Indians  of  Pequonack."f 
These  Indians  were  a  part  of  the  Paugussetts,  and,  from 
the  name  of  the  place  to  which  they  now  removed,  after- 
wards became  known  as  the  Golden  Hill  Indians. 

On  the  thirtieth  of  May,  1662,  nine  men  and  two  women, 
of  the  Wangunk  tribe,  sold  a  tract  of  land,  extending  six 
miles  on  each  side  of  the  Connecticut  River,  and  reaching 
from  the  straits  down  to  Pattyquounck  in  the  present 
township  of  Chester.  The  only  reservations  made  were 
thirty  acres  of  land  at  Pattyquounck  and  an  island  in  the 
river  called  Thirty  Mile  Island.  For  this  large  tract,  com- 
prehending perhaps  one  hundred  and  fifty  square  miles, 
the  Indians  received  thirty  coats,  worth  it  may  be  one 
hundred  dollars.  Two  squaws,  named  Sepunnemoe  and 
Towkishk,  signed  on  the  part  of  themselves  and  their 
children ;  a  man  named  Turramuggus  signed  for  him- 
self and  his  son ;   and  Unlaus  Chiamugg  and  Nabahuit, 


S 


( 


•  Farmington  Records.  t  Coloniiil  Records,  Vol.  I,  p.  33R. 


i| 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


265 


i 


i 


signed  for  themselves  alone.  The  other  proprietors  did 
not  put  down  their  marks,  and  were  possibly  absent, 
although  they  are  distinctly  mentioned  in  the  deed  as 
agreeing  to  the  sale.* 

About  the  year  1666,  Nassahegon,  sachem  of  Poquon- 
nuc  in  Windsor,  sold  a  tract  of  twenty-eight  thousand 
acres  to  some  persons  acting  as  agents  for  that  town.f 

Oh  the  third  of  February,  1672,  the  same  Nassahegon, 
in  conjunction  with  Sepunnemoe  and  a  number  of  others, 
sold  all  the  territory  yet  remaining  to  the  aborigines  in 
Middletown  and  Chatham.  The  sale  comprehended  a 
tract  extending  six  miles  east  of  the  Connecticut  and  as 
far  west  as  the  General  Court  of  the  colony  had  granted 
the  bounds  of  ihe  town.  Three  hundred  acres  were  re- 
served in  Chatham,  and  there  was  also  another  plot  ex- 
cepted which  had  been  previously  laid  out  for  one  Saw- 
sean  and  his  heirs.  A  few  months  after,  [April  18th, 
1673,]  this  sale  was  confirmed  by  five  Indians  who  had 
not  been  present  at  the  first  agreement. J 

In  October,  1673,  the  people  of  Wethersfield  obtained 
a  deed  of  a  tract  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  Connecticut, 
"  five  large  miles  east  and  west,"  and  "  six  large  miles 
north  and  south."  The  price  and  other  conditions  for 
which  this  deed  was  procured  are  not  mentioned.  It  was 
signed  by  eight  Indians,  one  of  whom  was  a  woman 
named  Sarah  Sasakonamo,  another  was  the  universal 
Nassahegon,  and  a  third  was  one  Powampskin,  who,  a 
few  months  before,  had  put  his  mark  to  the  paper  of  con- 
firmation at  Middletown.-^ 


«  Haddam  Records, 
t  Middletown  Records. 


t  Papers  on  Towns  and  Lands,  Vol.  V,  Doc.  9. 
§  Wethersfield  Records. 


. 


I  ^ 


I 


266 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


\       ' 


On  the  sixteenth  of  April,  1669,  a  tract  of  some  eight 
miles  square,  and  fourteen  miles  up  the  Connecticut  River, 
was  sold  to  one  William  Lord,  by  a  Mohegan  named 
Chapeto.     Chapeto  stated  in  the  deed,  that  he  obtained 
his  rights  over  this  territory  from  Ananpau,  his  father, 
and  Woncohus,  his  grandfather,  "  both  of  them  sachems 
of  Paugunt."     The  instrument  is  signed  by  the  marks  oJt 
Chapeto,  of  Maskoran  his  son,  and  of  Uncas,  the  Mohegan 
sachem,  who  is  styled  in  it  his  kinsman.     The  land  was 
given  for  money,  and  no  reservations  were  made  except 
the  right  of  fishing,  hunting  and  cutting  timber  for  canoes. 
Five  years  after,  the  same  territory  was  deeded  by  an  In- 
dian called  Captain  Sannup,  to  John  Talcott,  John  Allyn 
and  Edward  Palmar,   "  chiefly  in  consideration  of  past 
favors."*     This  tract  could  not  have  been  within  the 
country  of  the  western  Nehantics,  for  at  the  very  time 
when  Chapeto  signed  the  above  deed  that  tribe  was  gov- 
erned by  Attawanhood,  the  son  of  Uncas.     In  proof  of 
this,  we  have  a  deed  of  Attawanhood's,  dated  February 
19th,  1669,  disposing  of  three  hundred  and  thirty  acres 
of  land  in  Lyme  for  the  consideration  of  thirty  pounds 
of  wampum.f 

Governor  Winthrop,  having  obtained  liberty  [June, 
1659,]  of  the  General  Court  of  Connecticut  to  purchase 
a  large  tract  on  the  Q,uinnebaug,  bought  it  of  two  Nip- 
muck  chieftains,  one  named  Allups  or  Hvems,  the  other 
Mashaushawit.J  This  tract  was  subseqieiili/  erected 
into  the  township  of  Plainfield;  and,  ds  uU  ihis  region 
was  claimed  by  the  Mohegans  as  their  territory,  the  pur- 

«  Papers  on  Towns  and  Lands,  Vol.  V,  Document  70. 

+  Lyme  Records.  t  Trumbull's  Hist  of  Con.VoI  I,  P-  4tf  I . 


; 


5i 


'     I 


ii«Wifiri>iii  JMfitftiiiiia 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


267 


chase  was  long  afterwards  made  a  ground  of  complaint  by 
Oweneco  against  the  colony  * 

A  tradition  has  been  preserved  in  Killingly  concerning 
a  war  which  once  took  place  between  the  Nipmucks  of 
that  town  and  the  Narragansetts.  The  story  is,  that  the 
Narragansetts  having  invited  the  Nipmucks  to  a  feast  of 
shell  fish,  the  latter  were  so  much  pleased  at  the  enter- 
tainment that  they  urged  their  hosts  to  come  up  in  the 
spring  and  join  them  in  a  banquet  of  lampreys.  At  the 
appointed  time  a  number  of  Narragansett  warriors  arrived 
in  Killingly,  and  were  courteously  received  by  their  en- 
tertainers. Logs  were  provided  for  seats  ;  the  fish  were 
taken  out  of  the  kettles ;  each  guest  was  furnished  with 
a  liberal  allowance  ;  and  the  Nipmucks  were  complaisantly 
preparing  to  enjoy  their  own  politeness,  when  an  incident 
occurred  which  marred  all  these  prospects  of  pleasure. 
The  lampreys  had  becni  cooked  without  dressing,  and  the 
Narragansetts,  who  were  more  fastidious  than  their  inland 
neighbors,  took  such  a  disgust  at  this  circumstance  that 
they  refused  to  eat.  An  embarrassing  pause  ensued,  then 
words  of  dissatisfaction,  and  finally  a  furious  quarrel. 
The  Nipmucks,  mortified  at  having  brought  their  guests 
so  far  to  partake  of  a  feast  which  they  could  not  stomach, 
gave  vent  to  sneers  and  reproaches,  to  which  the  Narra- 
gansetts retorted  with  equal  bitterness.  At  last,  the  for- 
mer, forgetful  of  all  the  rites  of  hospitality,  seized  their 
weapons  and  attacked  their  guests,  who,  being  unarmed, 
were  overcome  and  slaughtered  without  difficulty.  Two 
alone  escaped  the  massacre  by  swimming  the  duinne- 
baug,  and  after  a  rapid  flight  through  the  forests  of  Wind- 


•  At  Dudley's  court  or.  tha  rli<5nutccl  Mohegan  lands  in  1705. 

25* 


^iSami&>i^M,siMi, 


268 


HISTORT    OF    THE    INDIANS 


ham  and  New  London  counties  brought  the  sad  news  to 
their  homes. 

The  Narragansetts  now  raised  a  strong  war  party^  and 
set  out  for  the  Nipmuck  country  to  revenge  the  murder 
of  their  brethren.  They  marched  up,  en  the  western  side 
of  the  Cluinnebaug,  till,  when  half  a  mile  below  the  present 
village  of  Danielsonville,  they  discovered  the  Nipmucks 
oii  the  other  bank.  The  latter  irr mediately  advanced  to 
attack  the  invaders ;  but  being  warmly  received,  fell  back 
to  their  own  side  of  the  river,  and  dug  a  trench  there  to 
prevent  the  Narragansetts  from  forcing  a  passage.  The 
Narragansetts  also  constructed  a  rude  fortification,  and 
both  parties  remained  fighting  in  this  position  for  three 
days.  At  the  end  of  that  time  the  invaders,  finding  it 
impossible  to  gain  any  advantage,  left  their  dead  behind 
them  and  retreated  to  their  own  country.  The  intrench- 
ments  raised  on  this  occasion  are  still  visible,  and  skele- 
tons are  sometimes  found  here  which  are  said  to  be  the 
remains  of  those  who  fell  either  in  the  battle  or  the  mas- 
sacre. The  tradition  adds  another  circumstance,  much 
more  remarkable  but  not  quite  so  credible  as  the  former, 
that  owing  to  the  turpitude  of  the  above  transaction,  the 
earth  around  this  spot  was  blasted  by  a  curse,  so  that  not 
a  blade  of  grass  would  grow  on  the  graves  of  the  mur- 
dered Narragansetts.* 

On  the  thirty-first  of  August,  1674,  a  committee  ap- 
pointed by  the  General  Court  purchased,  for  thirty-eight 
pounds,  a  tract  of  land  at  Mattatuck,  now  Waterbury.  u 
lay  upon  both  sides  of  the  noisy  little  Naugatiic,  running 
ten  miles  north  and  south,  and  measuring  six  miles  east 


*  Barber's  Hist.  Coil,  of  Connecticut,  p.  428. 


J 


MMMa 


wkmSmm^mlmlk 


4 

I 

f 


OP    CONNECTICUT. 


269 


and  west.  In  1684,  another  tract  to  the  north  of  this, 
was  sold  by  the  natives  for  nine  pounds ;  and  thus  nearly- 
one  hundred  and  eighty  square  miles  more  of  Connecticut 
passed  away  from  its  original  owners  into  the  hands  of 
the  Anglo-Saxon. =* 

In  1671,  the  Wepawaug  Fort  at  Milford,  which  had 
escaped  the  Mohawks  in  1648,  was  destroyed  at  dead  of 
night  by  eleven  young  men  of  the  neighborhood.  Their 
motives  are  now  unknown;  but  it  is  probable  that,  like 
many  lads  of  these  less  staid  and  sober  days,  they  had  a 
more  acute  appreciation  of  fun  than  of  justice.  The  pro- 
prietors of  the  fort  complained,  and  the  perpetrators  of  the 
roguery  being  discovered  were  sentenced  by  the  General 
Court  of  New  Haven  co'  ny  to  pay  a  fine  of  ten  pounds. 
The  Indians  were  appeased  and  afterwards  rebuilt  their 
fort.f 

The  sagamore  of  Milford  at  this  time  was  Ansantawae, 
whose  doni'uions  seem  to  have  extended  as  far  north  as 
the  present  township  of  Waterbury,  On  the  other  side 
of  the  river,  Stratford,  liiidgeport,  Trumbull,  Huntington 
and  Monroe  were  ruled,  at  one  time  by  Tountonemoe, 
afterwards  by  Ackenach,  both  sons  of  Ansantawae.  I 
should  infer  from  the  Stratford  records  that  Tountonemoe 
was  the  oldest  son,  and  that  he  died  about  1660  and  was 
succeeded  by  Ackenach,  whose  name  is  sometimes  spelt 
Ockenung  or  Ockeniuigo.  The  division  of  territories 
above  mentioned  is  shown  by  the  deeds  of  land  which  are 
prosprved  in  the  town  books  of  Milford  and  Stratford.  In 
Milford  they  are  usually  signed  by  the  sagamore  An- 
santawae and   his  son    Tountonemoe ;  in  Stratford,  by 

*  Bttiber,  pp.  253, 260.    +  linnibcn'u  Hmt.  of  New  Haven  Colony,  p.  130. 


t : 


t 


'% 


LkUt^ 


270 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


the  sagamore  Tountonemoe  and  his  father  Ansantawae. 
Sometimes,  also,  they  have  in  addition  the  mark  of  Acke- 
nach  or  Ockenung.  In  Milford,  a  considerable  tract  was 
sold  in  1656  for  twenty-six  pounds ;  and  three  or  four 
years  subsequently,  Indian  Neck,  lying  between  East 
River  and  the  Sound,  was  disposed  of  for  twenty-jfive 
pounds.  The  Indians  made  a  reservation  of  twenty  acres 
on  the  Neck,  but  sold  it  about  a  year  after  for  six  coats, 
two  blankets  and  a  pair  of  breeches.  Ansantawae  and 
his  wife,  with  Tountonemoe  and  Ackenach,  received  lib- 
erty to  settle,  in  case  of  danger,  at  some  place  in  the  town 
which  the  townsmen  should  then  designate  for  them* 

In  1660,  1663  and  1665,  the  Indians  of  Stratford  sold 
various  large  tracts  of  land  to  the  settlers  of  that  town- 
ship. In  1671,  a  number  of  them,  for  a  consideration  of 
twenty  pounds  of  lead,  five  pounds  of  powder  and  twenty 
trading  cloth  coats,  signed  an  agreement  confirming  all 
sales  ever  made  by  themselves  or  their  ancestors.  This  act 
of  confirmation  was  itself  confirmed  by  other  members  of 
the  tribe,  some  in  1684,  and  some  in  1685.  Among  the 
signers  in  1671,  was  a  man  named  Shoran.  This  word 
has  since  been  changed  into  Sherman,  and  is  now  the 
family  name  of  the  remnant  of  the  Golden  Hill  Indians. 
In  1680,  Ackenach,  still  styling  himself  sachem  of  Mil- 
ford  and  Pangussett,  complained  to  the  General  Court 
that  he  was  in  want  of  land.  It  was  ordered  that  one 
hundred  acres  should  bo  laid  out  for  him  ;  and  "  one  hun- 
dred acres,  more  or  less,"  were  accordingly  bounded  off 
for  this  purpose  on  Coram  Hill  in  Huntington.  The  In- 
dians complained  of  it  as  rough  and  stony,  and  another 

•  Milford  and  Stratford  Rccorda. 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


271 


committee  was  appointed  to  lay  out  the  tract  "according 
to  the  true  intentions  of  the  Court."  It  is  to  be  hoped 
that  this  committee  was  more  honest  or  more  considerate 
than  its  predecessor.* 

Various  enactments  were  passed,  during  this  period,  for 
the  regulation  and  protection  of  the  Indians.     In  1657, 
the  Commissioners  ordered  that  no  company  of  them 
should  come  armed  within  a  mile  of  any  English  settle- 
ment, and  that  no  strange  Indians  should  be  received  into 
such  a  settlement  unless  they  were  flying  from  their  ene- 
mies.    In  1659,  when  reports  of  a  conspiracy  against  the 
colonies  were  rife,  repeated  acts  of  precaution  were  passed 
by  the  General  Court  of  Connecticut.     Indians  were  not 
allowed  to  live  within  a  quarter  of  a  mile  of  the  towns  ; 
not  allowed  to  bring  guns  into  the  towns  on  penalty  of 
seizure;  not  allowed  to  entertain  stragglers  from  other 
tribes.f     Two  years  after,  some  of  these  restraints  were 
removed,  and  the  Tunxis  and  River  Indians  were  ex- 
pressly authorized  to  go  armed  through  the  towns  when 
there  were  not  more  than  ten  of  them  in  company.^ 

As  driniken  natives  used  to  prowl  about  the  settle- 
ments, making  attempts  to  get  more  liquor,  and  whooping, 
yelling  and  creating  a  disturbance  from  the  effects  of  what 
they  had  already  drank,  all  Indians  were  forbidden  walk- 
ing about  the  towns  after  nightfall,  under  penalty  of  a 
fine  of  twenty  shilhngs,  and  a  flogging  of  at  least  six 
stripes.  In  1660,  it  was  ordered  that  no  person  should 
take  the  property  of  an  Indian  for  debt,  without  his  con- 
sent, unless  by  legal  authority.*^     In  1675,  persons  who 


•  Slrntford  Rec.     Col.  Rec,  Vol.  III. 
I  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  I,  p.  375. 


tCol.  Rec,  Vol.  I, pp.  350, 351. 
§  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  I,  p.  375, 


, 

. 

j 

' 

! 

\    ^ 

■1 

m 

m 


272 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


i 


trusted  Indians  with  goods  were  deprived  by  enactment 
of  the  right  of  appealing  to  the  laws  for  their  recovery  * 

From  the  laws  established  for  the  benefit  of  the  Indians 
it  is  an  easy  transition  to  the  efforts  made  for  their  con- 
version and  civilization.     These  were  by  no  means  so 
earnest  and  so  long  continued  In  Connecticut  as  in  Massa- 
chusetts, nor  were  they  attended  by  any  thing  like  so 
remarkable  results.     The  early  labors  of  Eliot  and  his 
companions  excited  great  enthusiasm  in  England ;  and  in 
1649,  a  missionary  society  was  formed   there,   entitled 
"  The  Society  for  propagating  the  Gospel  in  New  Eng- 
land."    The  funds  raised  were  invested  in  lands  yielding 
an  annual  income  of  five  hundred  pounds,  which  seems 
to  have  been  faithfully  expended  in  printing  Eliot's  bible 
and  other  works  in  the  Indian  language ;  in  paying  the 
salaries  of  several  ministers  and  teachers ;  and  in  defray- 
ing other  expenses  incidental  to  a  missionary  enterprise. 
On  the  restoration  of  Charles  II  the  charter  was  esteemed 
dead  in  law;  but  in  1661,  the  year  following,  a  new  one 
was  granted.     About  this  time,  or  perhaps  a  little  after, 
Abraham  Pierson,  minister  at  Branford  in  Connecticut, 
began  to  preach  to  the  Indians  of  that  vicinity,  and  con- 
tinued to  do  so  for  several  years.     It  would  seem,  also, 
that  he  sometimes  preached  in  other  places,  or  else  that 
there  was  another  person  of  the  same  name  who  "  minis- 
tered" to  the  Indians  of  Wethersfield.     At  least,  we  find 
in  the  records  of  the  United  Colonies  for  1658,  an  order 
that  six  yards  of  cloth  should  be  distributed  out  of  the 
mission  funds  to  the  piincipal  men  of  the  Wethersfield 
Indians,  as  an  encouragement  to  those  who  attended  on 

•  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  III. 


I 


i 


Maaagr.^ 


M(i,iiMft#»».|iM*| 


-^iiil-tir^rifliB-iTIMriMiiiliiiiiCaiabxWWIM 


■riHa 


# 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


273 


Mr.  Pierson  and  refrained  from  powwowing  and  from 
laboring  on  the  Sabbath.*  We  are  informed  by  another 
missionary  of  that  day,  that  Mr.  Pierson  never  met  with 
any  considerable  success  in  his  labors,  and  that  his  hearers 
continued  to  exhibit  an  averseness  and  a  perverse  con- 
tempt for  the  gospel.f  He  received,  for  several  years, 
from  the  Society  in  England,  an  annual  salary  of  thirty 
pounds,  which  in  1667  was  reduced  for  some  reason  to 
fifteen  pounds.  Not  very  long  after  this  he  removed  to 
the  vicinity  of  New  York,  which  of  course  brought  his 
missionary  labors  among  the  Indians  of  Connecticut  to 
a  close.J 

A  part  of  the  funds  of  the  Society,  or  Corporation,  as  it 

was  sometimes  called,  seem  to  have  been  placed  at  the 

command  and  discretion  of  the  colonial  Commissioners. 

In  1660,  therefore,  they  made  a  present  of  six  coats  to 

Cassasinamon,  Hermon  Garret,  and  their  four  assistants, 

"to  reward  them  for  their  services  in  governing  the  Pe- 

quots,  and  to  persuade  them  to  attend  on  such  means  as 

should  be  used  for  bringing  them  to  a  knowledge  of  God." 

All  Indians  who  would  put  out  their  children  to  ''  godly 

English"  were  also  offered  a  coat  every  year,  besides  food 

and  clothing  for  the  children.     A  man  named  William 

Thomson   was  employed  for  some  time,  at  an  annual 

salary  of  twenty  pounds,  to  instruct  the  Cassasinamon 

band  of  Pequots.     In  1672,   en  pounds  of  the  Society's 

money  were  presented  by  the  Court  to  the  Commissioners 

fiom   Connecticut,   to   be   distributed  by   them   among 


»HBzor(l.Vol.  II. 

t  Rev.  James  Fitch  in  a  letter  presented  by  Gookin. 
Vol.  I.  p.  208.  jibid. 


Mass,  fJiat.  Coll., 


ii 


hi 


k 


i  i> 


m 


274 


HISTORJ    or    THE    INDIANS 


"  sundry  well-deserving  Indians  of  the  Pequots  and  there- 
abouts."* 

Another  missionary  more  remarkable  than  Pierson  was 
James  Fitch,  the  first  minister  of  Norwich,  a  generous 
and  kind  hearted  man  and  a  zealous  Christian.  But, 
although  settled  as  early  as  1660  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
Mohegans,  he  did  not  commence  his  labors  among  them 
till  after  Pierson  had  removed  from  Branford.  In  1671, 
inquiries  were  made  of  Uncas  and  his  son  Oweneco,  to 
ascertain  whether  they  would  listen  to  Mr.  Fitch  if  he 
should  come  and  preach  at  Mohegan.  The  sachems 
made  no  ohjeciion,  and  the  fact  of  their  favorable  inclina- 
tions was  reported  to  the  General  Court  of  Connecticut. 
This  body  sent  word  to  the  Mohegans,  that  it  should 
certainly  favor  all  those  who  received  the  Christian  reli- 
gion, and  should  regard  with  displeasure  all  who  opposed 
and  rejected  it.f  Not  long  after  this,  probably.  Fitch 
commenced  his  ministrations. 

The  Mohegans  at  this  time,  as  well  as  all  the  other  In- 
dians of  Connecticut,  were  still  heathen.  They  had  little 
or  no  knowledge  of  the  Christian  religion ;  they  still  be- 
lieved in  their  good  and  bad  gods,  their  charms  and 
incantations  ;  and  they  continued  to  practice  dances,  pow- 
wowings,  and  their  other  ancient  superstitions  and  cere- 
monies. Fitch  at  first  met  no  opposition  from  either 
people  or  sachems,  although  their  attendance  was  neither 
very  regular  nor  very  reverent.  As  the  nature  of  Chris- 
tianity, however,  hecame  more  familiar  to  the  Mohegans, 
and  as  its  precepts  were  more  forcibly  pressed  upon  them, 
some  began  to  be  affected  by  the  truth  and  others  bitterly 

•  Hazard,  Vol.  II,  pp.  435  530.        +  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  II. 


n,j'iij».i0ri.i.(.iK»> 


'■iMS^^xna 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


275 


p 


to  oppose  it.  "  Uncas  and  Oweneco,"  says  Fitch,  "  at 
first  carried  it  teachably  and  tractably,  till  they  discerned 
that  practical  religion  would  throw  down  their  heathenish 
idols  and  the  tyrannical  authority  of  the  sachems.  Then 
they  went  away  and  drew  off  their  people,  some  by  flat- 
teries and  some  by  threats,  not  allowing  them  to  attend 
even  outwardly."  A  few,  however,  in  spite  of  the  oppo- 
sition of  the  sachems,  and  of  a  majority  of  the  tribe,  still 
clung  to  their  teacher.  With  these  individuals.  Fitch 
commenced  a  regular  series  of  religious  meetings  which 
continued  for  several  years,  although  it  is  impossible  to 
say  how  long.  In  1674,  they  numbered  thirty  men  and 
women,  with  a  proportionable  number  of  children.  They 
had  given  up  their  ancient  ceremonies,  were  acquainted 
with  the  principal  doctrines  of  the  Scriptures,  and  met 
together  every  Sunday  to  converse  over  what  they  had 
heard  from  their  minister.  Weebax,  the  principal  man 
among  them,  was  capable  of  teaching  the  others  and  of 
leading  their  devotions.  The  conversation  of  this  man 
was  so  blaBfleless  that  his  worst  persecutors  were  forced  to 
respect  and  speak  well  of  it.  The  same  pleasing  testi- 
mony is  borne  by  Fitch  concerning  another  of  the  com- 
pany named  Tuhamon.  During  one  year,  at  least,  the 
Society  in  England  granted  Fitch  thirty-one  pounds  and 
ten  shillings  for  his  services,  and  his  Indian  hearers  re- 
ceived ten  pounds  from  the  same  benevolent  source.  They 
doubtless  needed  it,  for,  aside  from  their  natural  poverty 
as  savages,  they  were  now  objects  of  abuse  and  persecu- 
tion to  their  own  countrymen.  In  order  to  encourage 
them  and  give  them  a  fixed  place  of  residence,  Fitch  him- 
self presented  them  with  about  three  hundred  acres  of 

'46 


i  t 


276 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


I  I 


land,  which  he  secured  to  them  as  long  as  they  should 
remain  firm  in  their  affection  to  Christianity.  This  mu- 
nificent gift  excited  the  envy  of  the  other  Mohegans,  and 
even  Uncas  and  his  sons  for  a  time  pretended  to  be  the 
missionary's  friends.  Fitch  was  not  deceived  by  their 
hollow  professions,  and  declared  in  a  letter  to  Gookin, 
written  in  1674,  that  their  appearance  of  friendship  arose 
merely  from  feelings  of  selfishness  and  envy.* 

The  above  is  about  all  that  is  known  of  the  labors  of 
Fitch,  or  of  the  history  of  the  little  congregation  which 
he  collected.  It  is  said  that  its  numbers  had  increased  to 
forty  a  short  time  before  the  breaking  out  of  Philip's 
war.  Many  of  the  Mohegans  took  part  in  that  contest, 
and  from  what  we  know  of  the  usual  influence  of  war  on 
religion  in  a  community,  we  may  conclude  that  it  con- 
siderably cooled  the  religious  interest  which  existed  in  this 
little  band. 

Excellent  people  have  sometimes  tried  to  hope  that 
Uncas  was  converted  to  at  least  a  theoretical  belief  in  the 
doctrines  of  Christianity.  His  religious  chai^ftcter,  how- 
ever, .was  to  make  the  best  of  it  extremely  doubtful,  as 
some  well-attested  particulars  will  show.  In  1674,  Daniel 
Gookin  and  John  Eliot,  while  on  a  missionary  tour  among 
the  aborigines,  came  to  a  village  of  Christian  Indians  at 
Wabequasset  in  what  is  now  the  south-eastern  part  of 
Woodstock.  The  two  clergymen  spent  a  great  part  of  the 
night  with  the  principal  inhabitants,  praying,  exhorting  and 
singing  psalms.  There  was  one  Indian  present,  a  stranger, 
who  took  no  part  in  the  devotions,  and  for  a  long  time 
remained  silent.     At  last  he  rose  and  announced  that  he 


I 


1 


•  Gookin  in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol  I,  pp.  208, 209.    Hazard,  Vol.  II, passim. 


,jlI«l^,llJL",J|llft!l.J*''' 


;iMVjiyiii,iiiyLijfflLiiij.j.>iiii^ 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


277 


was  a  deputy  of  Uncas,  sachem  of  Mohegan ;  aud  that  in 
his  name  he  challenged  a  right  to,  and  dominion  over, 
this  people  of  Wabequasset.  "And,"  said  he  to  the  tuo 
ministers,  "  Uncas  is  not  well  pleased  that  the  English 
should  pass  over  Mohegan  River  to  call  his  Indians  to 
pray  to  God." 

Gookin  replied  that  Wabequasset  was  not  subject  to 
Uncas,  but  belonged  under  the  jurisdiction  oif  Massachu- 
setts. And  no  harm  need  be  feared,  he  continued,  were 
it  otherwise  ;  for  the  only  object  of  the  English  in  preach- 
ing to  the  Indians  is  to  bring  them  to  a  knowledge  of 
Christ,  and  suppress  among  them  the  sins  of  drunkenness, 
idolatry,  powwowing,  witchcraft  and  murder.  Gookin 
told  the  messenger  to  report  this  answer  to  his  master ; 
and  he  no  doubt  meant  it,  in  part,  as  a  lecture  to  the  sa- 
chem upon  his  own  habits  and  character.  This  circum- 
stance took  place  nine  years  before  the  death  of  Uncas, 
and  when  he  was  already  an  old  man  of  probably  seventy 
summers.  In  another  passage,  Gookin  mentions  the  Mo- 
hegan sachem  as  "an  old,  wicked  and  willful  man,  a 
drunkard  and  otherwise  very  vicious,"  and  tells  us  that 
he  "  had  always  been  an  opposer  and  underminer  of  pray- 
ing to  God  ;"  and  that  he  suspected  him  of  being  a  great 
obstruction  to  the  labors  of  Mr.  Fitch.*  Fitch  also  spoke 
of  him  very  severely.  In  one  of  his  letters,  written  in 
1678,  he  calls  him  "  a  plotter  of  mischief,"  "  a  liar,"  "  a 
murderer  ;"  and  accuses  him  of  being  a  viiifier  of  rulers, 
laws  and  religion,  and  a  great  opposer  of  godliness  among 
his  own  people.f 

•  Gookin.     Mass.  Hiat.  Coll.,  Vol.  I,  pp.  191, 192. 
t  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  I,  Doc.  33. 


«ii. 


..liUiia 


278 


IIISTORT    OP    THE    INDIANS 


The  only  evidence  that  Uncas  ever  gave  the  slightest 
credence  to  the  truth  of  Christianity  is  to  be  found  in  the 
following  anecdote.    In  the  summer  of  1676,  so  severe  a 
drouth  prevailed  in  New  England,  that,  in  some  places, 
the  leaves  and  fruit  fell  from  the  trees  as  if  it  were  au- 
tumn.    The  Mohegans  applied  to  their  powwows,  and 
the  powwows  danced,  and  shouted,  and  howled  ;  but  all 
to  no  purpose.     Uncas  and  some  of  his  people  finally  went 
to  Norwich,  and  laid  the  case  before  Mr.  Fitch,  whose 
character  they  respected  much  more  than  they  loved  his 
doctrines.    "  They  were  in  great  trouble,"  he  said  ;  "  their 
crops  were  all  spoiling ;  the  powwows  could  do  them  no 
good ;  and  they  had  concluded  to  apply  to  the  God  of  the 
English,"    A  fast  was  appointed  in  the  settlement,  to  pray 
for  rain,  for  the  colonists  were  suffering  even  more  than  the 
Indians.    The  day  of  the  fast  was  clear  till  towards  sunset, 
after  the  religious  services  had  closed,  when  a  few  clouds 
gathered  on  the  horizon.     The  next  day  was  cloudy,  but 
no  rain  fell ;  and  Uncas,  with  many  of  his  people,  came 
again  to  Mr.  Fitch  to  lament  about  the  weather.    "  If  God 
should  send  rain,  would  you  not  say  it  was  your  pow- 
wows ?"  asked  the  minister.     "  No,"  replied  Uncas  ;  "  we 
have  done  all  we  can,  and  it  is  of  no  use."     Mr.  Fitch 
then  told  him  that,  if  he  would  make  this  declaration 
publicly  before  the  Indians,  they  should  see  what  God 
would  do  for  them.     Uncas  accordingly  made  a  speech  to 
his  followers,  affirming  that,  if  God  should  send  them  rain, 
it  could  not  be  in  consequence  of  their  powwowings,  but 
must  be  ascribed  to  Mr.  Fitch's  prayers.     The  next  day 
so  copious  a  rain  fell  that  the  river  rose  more  than  two  feet.* 


•  Hubbard's  Indian  Ware,  p.  251. 


»^i.i;.ir.»ii,ii)i<V,|_|i|i»|i.«. 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


279 


I 


■s 


What  the  effect  of  this  circumstance  upon  Uncas  was,  we 
are  not  informed ;  and  the  above  affirmuiion  is  the  only 
instance  in  which  he  is  known  to  have  expressed  any  kind 
of  faith  in  the  religious  belief  of  the  English. 

We  now  come  to  the  last  great  struggle  of  the  native 
tribes  of  New  England  against  the  race  of  foreigners 
which  was  gradually  crowding  them  out  of  the  land  of 
their  fathers.  Massasoit,  sachem  of  the  Pokanokets,  was 
dead,  and  had  been  followed  to  the  grave  by  Wamsutta, 
or  Alexander,  his  eldest  son.  Wamsutta  was  succeeded 
by  his  brother,  Metacom,  or  King  Philip,  a  sachem  whose 
proud  spirit  of  independence,  whose  heroism,  and  whose 
misfortunes,  have  rendered  him  the  most  famous  of  all 
the  New  England  aborigines.  Philip  formed  no  general 
league,  no  great  conspiracy  against  the  English ;  but  he 
was  smarting  from  humiliations  inflicted  upon  himself  and 
his  brother ;  and,  like  most  of  his  race,  he  looked  with 
anger  and  dismay  upon  the  steady  progress  of  the  for- 
eigners in  spreading  over  and  occupying  the  country.  The 
war  on  the  part  of  the  Indians  was  a  war  for  freedom  and 
existence,  and  when  those  were  no  longer  possible,  it  be- 
came a  war  for  revenge.  It  broke  out  in  June,  1675,  just 
about  a  century  before  the  commencement  of  our  own 
struggle  for  independence,  and  continued  with  uninter- 
rupted fury  until  the  autumn  of  1676.  It  is  not  my  de- 
sign to  give  a  history  of  this  celebrated  contest,  but  only 
to  mention  the  part  which  was  taken  in  it  by  the  Indians 
of  Connecticut. 

Early  in  the  struggle,  Uncas  was  ordered  to  appear  at 
Boston,  and,  by  surrendering  his  fire-arms,  give  assurance 
that  he  would  remain  firm  to  the  cause  of  the  colonies. 

26* 


280 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


The  messengers  returned,  accompanied  by  Oweneco,  the 
eldest  son  of  Uncas,  and  by  two  of  his  brothers,  probably 
Joshua,  o.  Attawanhood,  the  third  son,  and  Ben  the  fourth. 
They  were  attended  by  sixty  warriors,  and  brought  with 
them  a  number  of  guns.  The  two  younger  sachems  re- 
mained at  Cambridge  as  hostages,  while  Oweneco  and  his 
warriors  marched,  in  company  with  a  body  of  English,  in 
pursuit  of  Philip,  who  had  just  made  his  escape  from  Po- 
casset  Neck.  They  overtook  and  killed  about  thirty  of 
the  fugitives,  but  not  being  able  to  come  up  with  the 
main  body,  and  their  provisions  failing,  the  Mohegans 
separated  from  the  English  and  returned  home.* 

The  Pequots,  like  the  Mohegans,  throughout  the  whole 
contest  continued  faithful  to  the  English.  The  other 
tribes  of  Connecticut  mostly  remained  neutral,  except  that 
a  few  of  the  Nipmucks  of  Windham  County  joined  Philip, 
and  also  the  Podunks  of  East  Windsor  and  East  Hartford. 
The  latter,  it  is  said,  assisted  him  with  two  hundred  men  ; 
but  this  estimate  rests  entirely  upon  tradition,  and  is  alto- 
gether too  large  to  be  worthy  of  the  slightest  credit. 
Probably  the  Podunks  at  this  time  could  not  have  mus- 
tered more  than  sixty  warriors. 

In  the  fall  of  1675,  an  expedition  of  one  hundred  and 
sixty  Englishmen  and  Mohegans  was  sent  from  Connec- 
ticut, under  Major  Treat,  to  protect  the  settlements  in  the 
Massachusetts  part  of  the  valley  of  the  Connecticut  River. 
When  Captain  Lathrop,  with  his  eighty  or  ninety  young 
men,  the  flower  of  Essex  County,  was  cut  off  by  an  am- 
buscade of  several  hundred  of  the  enemy,  they  heard  the 
noise  of  the  battle  and  marched  to  his  relief.     Lathrop 

•  Hubbard'a  Indian  Wars,  pp.  94—98. 


'i 


■i 


;;.L.i/iii  fii'inpii'ii  r..7  i;]~  '•'••'r^^--^----r^^ 


»  9^"nxyrwr-i*r'" 


■  tf-  -i-'-^.-j^  ^^---.■-^.^■.■..^,  p 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


281 


^ 


and  his  party  had  already  fallen  when  they  arrived ;  but 
they  found  Captain  Mosely,  who  had  hurried  from  Deer- 
field  to  assist  him,  closely  and  desperately  engaged  with 
the  victorious  enemy.  Their  unexpected  onset  decided 
this  second  battle,  and  the  Pokanokets,  Nipmucks,  Po- 
comtocks  and  Norwootucks  were  driven  from  the  field. 
Treat,  with  his  soldiers,  and  his  Mohegan  allies,  after- 
wards remained  some  time  in  this  vicinity,  protecting  the 
scattered  and  terrified  settlements  from  the  attacks  of  the 
enemy.  He  relieved  Springfield  from  an  unexpected  as- 
sault, although  not  till  thirty  houses  and  many  ont-build- 
ings  were  burned,  and  the  inhabitants  had  nearly  given 
themselves  up  for  lost.  Shortly  afterwards  he  assisted 
Hadley  when  suffering  a  similar  attack,  and,  in  conjunc- 
tion with  some  Massachusetts  troops,  gave  the  assailants 
a  severe  defeat.  They  were  so  effectually  routed  indeed, 
that  the  main  body  of  them  forsook  this  part  of  the  coun- 
try, and  retreated,  as  it  was  said,  to  the  territories  of  the 
Narragansetts.* 

A  treaty  of  friendship  had  been  extorted  from  this  large 
tribe  at  the  commencement  of  the  war ;  but,  as  it  had 
been  obtained  from  them  by  compulsion,  it  was  very  in- 
differently kept.  The  English  settlers  in  Rhode  Island 
found  that  the  yoimg  men  of  the  Narragansetts  went  away 
on  secret  expeditions,  and,  after  a  while,  came  home 
wounded.  They  concluded  very  justly  that  they  had 
been  to  assist  Philip  in  attacking  the  English  towns  and 
fighting  the  English  war  parties.  Now,  when  they  re- 
ceived Philip's  adherents  into  their  country,  and  sheltered 
the  old  men,  women  and  children,  while  the   warnors 

*  Hubbard's  Indian  Wars,  pp.  112— 121 


ill. 


282 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


went  out  to  burn,  tomahawk  and  scalp,  it  was  resolved 
that  no  further  measures  should  be  kept  with  so  faithless 
and  hostile  a  people.  One  thousand  men  were  raised ; 
and  one  hundred  and  ftfty  Mohegans  and  Pequots,  com- 
manded by  Oweneco,  and  by  Catapazet,  the  son  of  Her- 
mon  Garret,  marched  with  the  army  to  attack  the  Narra- 
gansetts.  The  expedition  was  completely  successful, 
and,  in  the  midst  of  winter,  the  Pequots  had  the  pleasure 
of  gazing  on  the  flames  of  the  Narragansett  fortress,  as  the 
Narraganseits  had  gazed  on  the  flames  of  theirs  thirty- 
seven  years  before  * 

Without  a  home,  without  provisions,  driven  from  his 
country,  his  people  perishing  around  him  with  cold  and 
hunger,  Canonchet,  the  brave  sachem  of  the  Narragan- 
setts,  the  son   of  Miantinomo,  refused  to  give  up  the 
contest,  and  aflirmed  that  he  would  not  surrender  a  Wam- 
panoag  nor  the  paring  of  a  Wampanoag's  nail.    He  main- 
tained the  war  with  his  whole  energy  ;  and  never  had 
Philip  been  so  prosperous,  never  had  the  English  suff-ered 
so  many  disasters,  as  for  several  months  after  the  battle 
in  the  Rhode  Island  swamp.    Captain  Pierce  and  Captain 
Wadsworth,  each  with  fifty  men,  were  "swallowed  up," 
as  a  writer  of  those  times  vigorously  expresses  it ;  and 
village  after  village  was  burned,  and  the  inhabitants  either 
massacred,  or  compelled  to  fly  long  distances  through  the 
snow,  sometimes  in  their  night  clothing.     But  the  day 
of  English  vengeance  soon  camn.     In  the  spring  Canon- 
chet was  obliged  to  make  an  adventurous  expedition  into 
his  ancient  country,  to  obtain  corn  for  planting  at  the  next 
harvest.     He  had  reached  a  place  called  Seaconk,  when 

«  Hubbard's  Indian  Wnrs,  pp.  199—144. 


m^,m '  I  k^'^-mtf  ■ffij'iA*^f»ysy 


^iMiii 


■assi^^ia- 


1 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


283 


Captain  Denison,  a  skillful  partisan  leader  of  Connecticut, 
arrived  in  the  vicinity  with  forty-seven  Englishmen  and 
eighty  Pequot  and  Mohegan  warriors.  Canonche^  was 
discovered  and  furiously  pursued.  The  lock  of  his  gun 
became  wet  as  he  was  springing  through  a  brook.  This 
accident  disarmed  him,  and  when  he  was  overtaken  by  a 
swift-footed  Pequot  he  made  no  resistance.  Others  of  the 
pursuers  came  up,  and  the  Narragansett  chief  found  him- 
self the  prisoner  of  men  whom  he  had  enraged  by  his 
desperate  and  persevering  hostility.  His  courage  failed 
him  not  in  this  hour  of  trial,  and  he  boi**.  himself  in  a 
manner  worthy  the  chieftain  of  a  powerful  tribe.  When 
his  captors  told  him  that  they  should  put  him  to  death,  he 
replied :  "  It  is  well.  I  shall  die  before  my  heart  is  soft ; 
before  I  have  said  any  thing  unworthy  of  Canonchet  to 
say."  He  was  carried  to  Stonington,  and  there  executed 
in  such  a  manner  as  would  give  each  tribe  of  the  warriors 
who  were  with  Denison  a  share  in  the  deed.  The  Mo- 
hegans  of  the  party  were  led  by  Oweneco,  and  the  Pe- 
quots,  one  part  by  Cassasinamon,  the  other  by  Catapazet. 
Cassasinamon's  men  shot  the  devoted  sachem ;  the  Mo- 
hegans  beheaded  and  quartered  him  ;  the  warriors  of 
Catapazet  kindled  the  lire  on  which  his  body  was  burned. 
His  head  was  preserved  by  Denison  as  a  trophy,  and  was 
sent  to  the  magistrates  of  the  colony.* 

During  the  expedition  in  which  Canonchet  was  taken, 
the  Eiurlish  and  their  allies  killed  and  captured  nearly  fifty 
of  the  enemy,  some  of  whoiu  were  among  the  councilors 
and  chief  warriors  of  the  Narragansctts.  Other  volunteer 
expeditions  were  equally  successful,  and  during  the  spring, 

•  Hubbard's  Indian  Wars,  pp.  163—169. 


284 


BISTORT    OF    THE    INDIANS 


V   < 


summer  and  fall  succeeded  in  driving  the  offending  tribo 
nearly  out  of  its  country.  The  Nehantics  were  alone  suf- 
fered to  remain  undisturbed,  because  they  alone  had  taken 
no  part  in  the  war.  During  1 676,  two  hundred  and  thirty- 
nine  of  the  Narragansetts  were,  in  this  way,  either  killed  or 
captured,  fifty  guns  were  taken,  and  one  hundred  bushels 
of  corn  were  plundered.  Yet  not  a  single  Pequot  or  Mo- 
hegan,  and  not  a  single  volunteer  from  Connecticut,  was 
either  killed  or  died  of  his  wounds.  In  one  successful  ex- 
pedition one  hundred  and  twelve  Pequots  were  engaged.* 
In  another,  a  large  body  of  the  enemy  was  surprised,  and 
so  many  captives  and  so  much  plunder  taken,  that  the  Pe- 
quots and  Mohegans  insisted  upon  returning  immediately 
home.  On  th^ir  march  back  they  killed  and  took  about 
sixty  more.  Among  the  prisoners  of  the  Mohegans  was 
an  active  young  warrior,  who  had  distinguished  himself 
by  his  courage,  and  whom  they  demanded  permission 
to  JDUt  to  death  by  torture.  The  English  consented ; 
"  partly,"  says  Hubbard,  "  lest  their  denial  should  dis- 
oblige their  Indian  friends  of  whom  they  had  lately  made 
so  much  use  ;  partly  that  they  might  have  ocular  demon- 
stration of  the  savage,  barbarous  cruelty  of  the  heathen. '"f 
The  young  captive,  unappalled  by  the  dreadful  fate  which 
awaited  him,  stood  up  after  the  fashion  of  Indian  war- 
riors, and  boasted  his  exploits.  "  I  have  shot  nineteen 
English  with  my  gun.  I  loaded  it  for  a  twentieth.  I 
could  not  meet  another  and  let  it  fly  at  a  Mohegau. 
I  killed  him  and  completed  my  number.  Now  I  am  fnlly 
satisfied." 

The  Mohegans  formed  a  circle,  and  placed  the  victim 

•  Hubbtrd'i  Indian  Wan,  pp.  169, 170,  915, 216.        t  Ibid,  333. 


^-^^M^^^mt^smtm^i'i^im^:^!^ 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


285 


in  the  center  where  all  could  gaze  upon  his  tortures.  They 
deliberately  cut  round  one  of  his  fingers  at  the  joint, 
where  it  united  with  the  hand,  and  then  broke  it  off. 
They  cut,  in  a  similar  manner,  another  and  another,  until 
only  the  stump  of  the  hand  was  left.  The  blood  flowed 
in  streams,  sometimes  spirting  out  a  yard  from  the  wounds. 
Some  of  the  English  wept  at  the  horrid  sight,  but  no  one 
interfered.  The  victim  shrunk  not  from  the  knife  and 
showed  no  signs  of  anguish.  "  How  do  you  like  the 
war  ?"  tauntingly  asked  his  tormentors.  "  I -like  it  well," 
he  said ;  "  I  find  it  as  sweet  as  Englishmen  do  their 
sugar."  They  cut  off  his  toes  as  they  had  done  his 
fingers,  and  then  made  him  dance  round  the  circle  till  he 
was  weary.  At  last  they  broke  the  bones  of  his  legs. 
He  sank  upon  the  ground,  and  sat  in  silence  until  they 
dashed  out  his  brains.* 

One  of  the  most  famous  of  the  native  adherents  of  the 
English  was  a  Pequot,  partly  of  Narragansett  blood,  called 
Major  Symon.  This  man's  physical  strength  and  reck- 
lessness of  danger  were  said  to  be  truly  astonishing. 
Fighting  seemed  to  be  his  recreation.  During  the  war 
he  was  seldom  at  home  more  than  four  or  five  days  to- 
gether, being  engaged  the  rest  of  the  time  in  warlike 
expeditions.  It  was  reported  that  he  had  with  his  own 
hand  killed  or  taken  above  threescore  of  the  enemy.  , 
Once  he  came  alone  upon  a  band  of  hostile  Indians  as 
they  lay  at  ease  under  a  steep  bank.  He  leaped  down 
among  them,  killed  some,  put  the  rest  to  flight,  and  carried 
away  prisoners.  On  another  of  his  expeditions  he  fell 
asleep,  and  while  sleeping,  dreamed  that  Indians  were 

•  Hubbard's  Indian  Warn,  pp.  233—235. 


! 


il 


286 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


( 


i   I 


coming  upon  him.  He  awoke  with  the  dream,  and  get- 
ting up,  discovered  some  of  the  hostile  warriors  approach- 
ing his  resting-place.  He  presented  his  gun  and  they 
stopped :  he  then  turned  and  made  his  escape,  although 
he  was  very  weary  and  his  pursuers  were  numerous.  To- 
wards the  close  of  the  war  he  was  traveling,  with  two 
other  Indians  and  Thomas  Stanton,  to  Seaconet.  On 
their  march  they  learned  that  some  of  the  enemy  were 
near  by,  upon  which  the  three  Indians  left  Stanton  and 
went  in  search  of  them.  They  found  the  camp,  but  the 
warriors  of  the  company  were  gone,  and  had  left  behind 
them  only  a  few  old  men,  women  and  children.  These 
surrendered  to  Major  Symon  and  his  companions  who  led 
them  away  at  a  rapid  pace.  One  old  man  was  unable  to 
keep  up  with  the  party,  and  was  allowed  to  lag  behind 
on  his  promising  that  he  would  follow.  In  the  meantime 
the  warriors  had  returned  to  camp;  and,  having.taken  up 
the  trail,  soon  overtook  the  old  man,  and  learned  from 
him  what  had  happened.  They  speedily  came  up  with 
the  three  adventurous  warriors,  killed  one  of  them  and 
liberated  the  captives.  Major  Symon  and  his  remaining 
companion  stood  at  bay,  and  the  former  offered  to  fight 
any  five  of  the  assailants  if  they  would  lay  aside  their 
guns  and  use  only  their  hatchets.  They  feared  his 
^strength  and  dexterity  too  much  to  accept  the  challenge, 
and  advanced  on  him  in  a  body.  He  fired  upon  them, 
and,  rushing  furiously  forward,  broke  through  their  line 
and  escaped,  followed  by  his  companion.  After  hostilities 
were  over  in  Massachusetts,  this  Pequot  Achilles  joined 
an  expedition  against  the  Indians  of  Maine  and  New 
Hampshire,  where  for  nearly  two  years  more  the  flame  of 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


287 


war  continued  to  smoulder  on.  No  particulars  of  his 
achievements  there,  however,  are  known,  nor  whether  he 
fell  with  the  hatchet  in  his  hand,  or  returned  home  to  die 
in  the  midst  of  despised  and  detested  peace.* 

In  August,  1676,  Philip  fell ;  and  after  this  event  the 
contest  in  the  southern  part  of  New  England  soon  ceased. 
His  struggle  had  been  a  noble  one,  but  its  results  to  his 
followers  and  supporters  had  been  most  disastrous.  The 
I  Pokanokets  were  nearly  exterminated.     The  Narragan- 

setts  were  reduced  to  a  small  part  of  their  former  num- 
bers. The  remnants  of  the  Pocomtocks,  Nashuas,  Nip- 
mucks  and  other  tribes  of  Massachusetts,  mostly  left  their 
country  and  fled  to  the  northward  or  westward. 

President  Stiles  has  left  on  record,  in  his  Itinerary,  a 
singular  tradition  concerning  this  war.  It  said  that  the 
report  of  the  contest  reached  to  the  backwoods  of  Virginia 
and  North  Carolina,  where  some  of  the  Pequots  had  fled, 
nearly  forty  y.  '•s  before,  from  the  victorious  settlers  of 
Connecticut.  Incited  by  a  desire  of  revenge,  the  de~ 
scendants  of  these  refugees  seized  their  arms,  and  set  out 
on  the  long  march  for  their  ancient  country.  They  had 
come  as  far  as  New  York,  when  the  news  reached  them 
that  Philip  and  Canonchet  were  dead,  and  that  the  red 
men  had  been  scattered  like  the  dry  leaves  of  autumn. 
Disheartened  at  the  tidings,  they  relinquished  their  hope 
of  vengeance  and  returned  to  their  homes. 

A  number  of  the  hostile  Indians  who  had  been  taken 
prisoners  during  this  war  were  allowed  to  take  up  their 
residence  in  some  portions  of  Connecticut.  Most  of  them 
were  at  first  placed  under  Uncas,  but  were  afterwards 


li!; 


•  Hubbard's  Indian  Wars,  pp.  246,  247. 
27 


!  if 


288 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


'   I 


withdrawn  from  his  authority,  and  had  three  hundred 
acres  of  land  assigned  them  in  the  fork  of  the  Shetucket 
and  duinnebaug  Rivers.  In  1678,  about  thirty,  chiefly 
heads  of  families,  were  living  here,  while  others  remained 
with  Uncas,  and  others  still  were  scattered  among  the 
Pequots.  About  tl"  ^  •  '■  ^"  one  ol  the  Shetucket  band  was 
murdered,  and  also  other  "  surrenderers"  who  had 

been  placed  upon  the  iarm  of  Mr.  Fitch,  the  good  Norwich 
minister.  Uncas  was  strongly  suspected  of  being  the 
author  of  these  misdeeds  ;  but  he  professed  utter  igno- 
rance of  them,  and  suggested  that  they  had  boen  com- 
mitted by  some  of  the  hostile  Indians  who  were  still 
ranging  the  woods.  Mr.  Fitch  in  particular  was  very 
suspicious  of  him,  and  in  a  letter  to  the  General  Court 
applied  several  severe  epithets  to  the  sachem ;  charged  him 
with  acting  treacherously  towards  the  "surrenderers," 
and  declared  that  he  was  even  "  worse  than  before  the 


war 


»'# 


Not  long  after  the  close  of  the  contest  died  Attawan- 
hood,  the  third  son  of  Uncas,  and  sachem  of  f  he  western 
Nehantics,  leaving  behind  him  a  will  wiiich  is  preserved 
among  the  Indian  papers  at  Hartford.  This  will  was 
signed  [March  10th,  1676,]  by  the  sachem  at  his  residence 
in  Lyme,  near  Eight  Mile  Island  in  the  Connecticut  River. 
He  was  then,  as  the  paper  states,  "  sick  of  body  ;"  and, 
as  no  later  record  exists  of  him,  it  is  probable  that  this 
was  his  last  and  fatal  illness.  He  left  behind  him  two 
wives,  two  sons  and  one  daughter.  To  his  sons  he  gave 
a  large  tract,  apparently  northwest  of  Say  brook,  with  the 
condition  that  if  one  died  it  should  go  the  survivor,  and 

*  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  I,  Doouments  3S,  33. 


< 

£ 
a 

^ 

; 

, 

''. 

'" 

^ 

] 

,i 

^gi^M^i|iSjjpw>iijw,_j-^'»i' 


yU~tU«|KUMl»SM» 


"jm^^l^^lgiMi^^^^S^&^l^i^sk& 


or    CONNECTICUT. 


289 


J) 


if  both  died,  to  their  sister.  He  also  left  them  forty  acres 
at  Podunk,  and  about  half  a  mile  square,  situated  within 
a  tract  which  had,  a  little  previously,  been  added  to  Hart- 
ford. These  lands,  if  the  two  sons  died,  were  to  revert 
to  his  wives.  The  rest  of  his  property  was  given  away, 
in  enormous  tracts,  to  various  white  persons  of  Hartford, 
Saybrook  and  other  places.  Whole  townships,  as  for  in- 
stance, those  of  Windham,  Mansfield  and  Canterbury,  were 
included  ;  a  single  grant  covered  a  hundred  thousand 
acres  ;  and  the  whole  line  of  lands  reached  eighteen  miles 
north  and  south,  and,  in  some  places,  eight  miles  east  and 
west.  The  Indians  who  then  resided  on  his  territories 
he  directed  to  leave  them,  and  attach  themselves  to  his 
father  Uncas.  His  sons  he  desired  to  live  near  Saybrook ; 
to  be  taught  English  by  their  mother ;  and,  at  the  end  of 
four  years,  to  be  placed  at  an  English  school.  Thirty- 
five  pounds  which  were  owing  to  him  by  certain  whites, 
as  well  as  the  rents  of  all  the  lands  which  he  had  left  the 
boys,  were  to  be  expended  in  their  support  and  education. 
He  recommended  his  children  earnestly  to  all  his  legatees, 
but  more  particularly  to  three  whom  he  mentioned  by 
name,  Robert  Chapman,  William  Pratt  and  Thomas  Buck- 
ingham. For  himself  he  left  directions  that  he  should  be 
buried  at  Saybrook,  in  a  coffin,  and  after  the  manner  of 

the  English.* 

The  war  with  Philip  was  the  last  contest  in  which  the 
Indians  of  Connecticut  were  engaged  against  their  own 
race,  unless  we  except  a  few  unimportant  skirmishes 
nmong  themselves,  or  with  their  ancient  enemies,  the 
Mohawks.     One  of  the  last  inroads  of  this  formidable 

•  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  I,  Document  30. 


290 


HISTORY   OF    THE    INDIANS 


people  was  in  1678,  when  a  party  of  them  appeared  in  the 
.Mohegan  country,  and  captured  a  number  of  that  tribe 
among  whom  was  a  son  of  Uncas.* 

During  the  whole  period  treated  in  this  chapter,  Uncas 
was  selling  and  granting  away  the  lands  of  his  people 
with  a  iavishness  which  shows  that,  notwithstanding  his 
cunning,  he  had  a  full  share  of  that  improvidence  common 
to  uncivilized  men.     The  Norwich  and  New  London  re- 
cords abound  with  deeds,  conveying  tracts,  of  usually 
from  one  to  five  or  six  hundred  acres,  to  various  persons 
of  those  towns.     Some  are  signed  by  Uncas,  some  by 
Oweneco,  some  by  both  these  sachems,  and  others  have 
m  addition  the  mark  of  Joshua  or  Attawanhood.    In  these 
deeds  the  sachems  alledge  various  reasons  for  parting  with 
the  land:  sometimes  it  is  "  out  of  love  and  affection  for 
the  grantee  ;"  sometimes  "  on  account  of  many  benefits 
and  kindnesses  heretofore  received:"  sometimes  for  "a 
valuable  consideration"  now  paid,  or  perhaps  only  prom- 
ised.    These  grants  often  covered  each  other,  often  con- 
tradicted each  other,  and  were  the  source  of  innumerable 
quarrels  and  litigations  between  the  English  and  the  In- 
dians, and  between  the  English  and  each  other.f 

The  sachems  at  times  complained,  tliat  advantage  was 
taken  of  them  when  they  were  intoxicated,  to  beguile 
them  out  of  lands  which  they  never  intended  to  part 
with.  For  this  reason,  in  1680,  Oweneco  made  over  all 
the  lands  which  his  father  had  given  him  on  the  Quinne- 
baug  to  his  loving  friend,  as  he  calls  him,  James  Fitch  of 
Norwich.     As  a  reason  for  the  act  he  states,  in  the  deed, 

•  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  I,  Document  37. 

t  See  Norwich  and  New  London  recorda,  paaaitn 


'  *=...._. 


i-^al?#»;i*^A«tJ»Si»»«^^*«^S^«*^*'S 


»»?^%*««»«»!«Ms*^to«*«^«afi^«^#»i»^ 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


291 


-  ■? 
'  * 


that  some  of  the  English  extorted  land  from  him  by  their 
importunities,  and  others  by  inducing  hmi  to  sign  papers 
when  he  was  under  the  influence  of  strong  liquors  * 
James  Fitch  was  a  son  of  the  good  minister  at  Norwich, 
who  seems  to  have  possessed  the  confidence  and  respect 
of  all  the  Mohegans,  although  his  religious  teachings  were 
only  attended  to  by  a  part  of  them.  The  partiality  which 
the  Indians  bore  to  the  father  they  transferred  to  the  son, 
and  he  continued  to  be,  for  a  long  time,  one  of  the  prin- 
cipal advisers  of  the  tribe. 

The  numerous  deeds  above  mentioned,  with  various 
other  land  transactions,  were  finally  involved  in  an  impor- 
tant law  suit  which  arose  between  the  Mohegans  and  the 
colony,  and,  continuing  more  than  seventy  years,  puzzlad 
some  of  the  wisest  heads  in  New  England  and  the  motl  er 
country.  As  this  controversy  will  occupy  an  important 
space  in  the  subsequent  narration,  it  will  be  worth  while 
to  obtain  here,  if  possible,  a  clear  view  of  the  events  from 
which  it  arose. 

I  have  already  mentioned  the  deed  of  1640.  The  next 
important  circumstance  connected  with  Mohegan  lands 
occurred  in  1659.  A  tract  of  nine  miles  square  was  then 
sold  for  the  township  of  Norwich,  for  which  the  Mohegan 
sachems,  Uncas  anu  his  sons,  received  seventy  pounds. 
This  sale  was  made  with  the  consent  of  John  Mason,  who 
was  himself  one  of  the  settlers  of  Norwich,  and  who  for 
many  years  had  been  regarded  by  the  Mohegans  as  thsir 
especial  friend  and  adviser.f 

During  the  same  year,  Uncas  and  Wawequa,  in  the 
presence  of  witnesses,  deeded  all  the  rest  of  their  lands, 


•  New  London  Records. 


t  Towns  and  Lands,  Vol.  VI,  Doc.  159. 

07# 


292 


f 


HISTORT   OF    THE    INDIANS 


without  exception,  to  Mason,  to   his  heirs  and  to  his 
assigns  forever.*    There  can  be  no  doubt  of  this  circum- 
stance ;  but  two  contradictory  constructions  have  been 
placed  upon  it,  and  both  are  supported  by  probabilities. 
The  Indians  seem  to  have  thought  that  they  had  simply 
placed  their  property  under  the  protection  or  trusteeship 
of  Mason,  who  was  wiser  than  themselves,  and  who  knew 
how  to  deal  with  the  English   and  the   English  law.f 
The   same   view  was   also   supported   by   Mason's   de- 
scendants, and  by  all  those  who  advocated  the  cause  of 
the  Mohegans  in  their  suit  against  the  colony.     On  the 
other  hand,  Connecticut  and  those  who  favored  her  side 
of  the  question  maintained  that  the  deed  was  obtained  by 
Mason  as  the  commissioned  agent  of  the  colony,  and  that 
the  object  of  it  was  to  extinguish   whatever  remaining 
title  to  their  lands  the  Mohegans  might  have  possessed. 
In  proof  of  this  they  refer  to  an  entry  in  the  Colonial 
E^cords,  showing  that  on  the  twenty-fourth  of  March, 
1660,  Mason,  then  deputy  governor  of  Connecticut,  sur- 
rendered to  the  colony  that  "jurisdiction  power"  over  the 
Mohegan  lands  which  he  had  obtained  in  the  previous 
year  from  Uncas  and  Wawequu.J:     In  this  deed  of  sur- 
rendry,  however,  he  reserved  to  himself  land  enough  for 
a  farm,  and  the  right,  also,  of  laying  out  according  to  his 

*  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  I,  p.  .'JSg  ;  Mohegan  Petition. 

t  Owf.neco,  in  1710,  protested  against  the  deed  being  held  of  any  force ; 
declar.  :Ttbat  it  was  given  while  his  father  was  besieged  by  the  Narragnn- 
setts,  with  the  understanding  that  it  was  to  be  used  only  if  his  enemies  con- 
quered him  ;  otherwise  to  be  burned.  If  this  statement  is  true,  it  throws  n 
deep  stain  upon  the  character  of  two  men,  Sc^n  Mason  and  Rev.  James  Fitch, 
in  whose  honesty  and  honor  I  choose  to  believe  rather  than  in  the  veracity  of 
Oweneco.  X  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  I,  p.  359. 


"*S?R'SSSK5^^^SMBS»5iSSi&«*M^Bi^^ 


i 


OP    CONNECTICUT. 


293 


own  choice  the  various  settlements  which  should  be  made 
in  the  district.  This  certainly  looks  as  if  the  land  no 
longer  belonged  to  the  Mohegans ;  and  yet  this  last  con- 
dition is,  it  must  be  confessed,  a  very  extraordinary  one 
to  be  made  by  a  mere  agent.  Mason  was  still  considered 
as  the  guardian  of  the  Indians  both  by  themselves  and  the 
English  authorities.  The  proof  of  the  former  is  that  in 
1661  and  1665,  Uncas.  Oweneco  and  Attawanhood  con- 
firmed the  grant  which  had  formerly  [1659]  been  made 
to  Mason  by  Uncas  and  Wawequa.*  The  latter  seems  to 
be  sufficiently  proved  by  various  dealings  of  the  colony 
concerning  land  with  the  Mohegans,  and  by  various 
passages  in  the  history  of  its  subsequent  legal  contest 
with  them. 

What  Mason's  opinions  of  his  rights  over  the  Mohegan 
lands  were,  at  a  late  period  in  his  life,  may  be  gathered 
from  an  important  act  of  his  in  1671.  He  was  then  old, 
being  in  the  seventy-second  year  of  his  age ;  and  fearing 
that,  after  his  death,  the  Mohegans  might  be  wronged  by 
unscrupulous  men,  he  determined  to  secure  to  them  a 
tract  of  land  so  that  it  should  be  theirs  forever.  He  ac- 
cordingly drew  up,  and  signed,  a  deed,  making  over  to 
the  tribe  a  large  district,  and  entailing  it  to  them  as  in- 
alienable by  grant  or  sale.f  Notwithstanding  the  evi- 
dently benevolent  intentions  of  Mason  in  this  transaction, 
it  is  not  difficult  to  bring  up  doubts  as  to  the  propriety  of 
his  conduct.     If  the  Mohegan  property  had  truly  been 


!  ' 


!i! 


i'i 


I 


'ii 


*  Mohegan  Pcfition. 

t  Mohegan  Petition.  This  paper  is  continually  mentioned  in  the  records 
of  the  "  Mohegan  Case,"  and  neither  its  existence  nor  its  authenticity  once 
disputed. 


294 


HISTORY    OF   THE    INDIANS 


trusteed  to  him,  what  right  had  he  to  content  himself 
with  giving  back  to  its  owners  only  a  small  part  of  it  ? 
If  it  was  not  trusteed,  but  sold  or  granted  to  him,  and  if 
he  had  made  it  over  to  the  colony,  as  the  records  seem  to 
prove,  what  right  had  he  to  return  and  entail  any  part  of 
it    t  all? 

On  this  entailed  tract,  however,  usually  called  the  "  Se- 
questered Lands,"  the  Mohegans  remained  unmolested  till 
Mason's  death,  which  took  place  some  time  in  the  follow- 
ing year.  From  that  time  till  1680,  various  encroach- 
ments are  alledged  to  have  been  made  by  the  neighboring 
whites ;  and,  in  spite  of  the  articles  of  entailment,  various 
sales  and  grants  were  executed,  and  recorded  on  the  town 
books  of  Norwich  and  New  London.*  It  was  during  this 
period  that  Attawanhood  died  and  willed  away  those  ex- 
tensive tracts  which  have  already  been  described.  Atta- 
wanhood never  could  have  possessed  the  whole  of  this 
enormous  territory  :  his  grants  covered  many  of  the  grants 
of  Mason  and  of  the  Mohegan  sachems,  and  this  will  in- 
troduced a  new  element  of  litigation  into  the  already  in- 
terminable confusion  of  land  claims. 

Some  drunken  Indians  having  set  fire  to,  and  destroyed 
the  Norwich  jail,  Uncas  and  Oweneco  were  called  on  to 
make  up  the  loss,  which  they  did,  very  unwillingly,  by 
passing  over  to  the  town  [1679]  six  hundred  acres  of  land. 
The  tract  was  sold  to  English  purchasers,  and  brought 
forty  pounds,  of  which  ten  pounds  were  given  back  to 
Uncas  and  the  remainder  placed  in  the  town  treasury.f 

This  large  loss  and  the  encroachments  which  Uncas 

•  See  Norwich  and  New  London  Records,  the  early  volume*, 
t  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  III. 


^^^RSZ. 


diJikHiifiHiii 


uiiM^MWiiiMiiiki 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


295 


believed  were  being  made  upon  him  by  towns  and  indi- 
viduals, alarmed  him  for  his  territories.  He  applied  to 
the  General  Court  of  Connecticut,  asking  that  a  line  might 
be  run  between  Mohegan  and  Norwich,  and  that  the 
bounds  of  his  land  might  be  marked  out  and  recorded  * 
The  Court  assented ;  and  ordered  that  the  people  of  New 
London  also  should  come  to  a  decision  about  their  boun- 
dary line,  and,  in  conjunction  with  Uncas  and  his  men, 
should  mark  it  out  as  soon  as  possible.  The  sachem  was 
first,  however,  obliged  to  consent  to  a  league  or  agree- 
ment of  which  the  substance  is  here  given. 

I,  Uncas,  sachem  of  Mohegan,  promise  for  myself,  my 
people  and  all  my  successors,  to  be  friendly  to  the  people 
of  Connecticut,  and  if  I  or  any  of  my  tribe  do  them  an 
injury,  to  repair  it.     I  give  up  all  my  lands  to  the  juris- 
diction of  the  colony,  and  will  dispose  of  them  in  no  other 
way  than  the  governor  and  deputies  shall  please.     These 
lands  shall  be  distributed  into  farms  and  villages  as  the 
General  Court  shall  determine;  and  I,  on  the  other  hand, 
am  to  receive  compensation  for  them,  accordingly  as  wc 
shall  then  agree.     I  confirm  all  grants  that  I  have  eve- 
made  of  Mohegan  lands.     I  promise  to  do  no  evil  to  the 
colony,  nor  to  conceal  any  that  is  proposed  to  be  done  to 
it  by  others.     I  promise  to  take  advice  of  the  General 
Court  in  all  matters  of  importance,  especially  in  making 
peace  or  war  and  contracting  leagues  ;  and  I  will  make 
no  league  with  any  people  at  enmity  with  the  colony. 
Finally,  I  bind  myself  to  assist  the  colony,  when  neces- 
sary, with  a  competent  number  of  warriors  in  the  manner 
which  the  government  shall  deem  most  expedient.f 

•  Indian  Papers.  Vol.  I,  Doc.  39.  t  Mohegan  Petition. 


ir 


* 


296 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


In  return  the  Court  promised  to  receive  Uncas,  his 
people  and  his  descendants  under  its  protection,  then  and 
forever.  If  they  kept  the  articles  mentioned  above,  no 
harm  should  be  done  to  them  ;  and,  if  they  were  wronged 
in  any  manner  by  the  English,  the  Court  would  grant 
them  satisfaction.  Whatever  plantations  were  laid  out 
on  the  lands  of  the  Mohegans,  the  latter  should  always 
have  a  sufficiency  to  live  on,  and  should  receive  a  just 
price  for  what  was  taken.  Lastly,  if  Uncas  was  attacked, 
the  authorities  of  Connecticut  would  advise  him  to  the 
best  of  their  ability,  would  furnish  him  with  ammunition 
at  a  fair  price,  and  do  whatever  might  be  consonant  with 
the  peace  of  the  colony  for  his  protection.* 

Thus  matters  were  settled  for  the  present ;  neither  of 
the  parties,  it  will  be  observed,  paying  any  regard  to  the 
entailment  of  Mason.     One  can  hardly  help  smiling  at  the 
munificence  of  our  ancestors  in  promising  good  advice  to 
Uncas  in  return  for  his  armed  assistance.     It  would  not 
have  been  worth  while,  indeed,  for  the  colony  to  involve 
itself  in  a  war  for  the  sake  of  the  Mohegans ;  but,  on  the 
other  hand,  a  promise  ought  not  to  have  been  exacted 
from  the  Mohegans  to  peril  their  lives  for  the  sake  of  the 
colony.     Such  is  a  very  brief  acconnt  of  the  Mohegan 
lands  down  to  the  death  of  Uncas,  as  I  have  been  able  to 
gather  it  from  the  various  authorities. 

Uncas  died  in  1682  or  1683  ;  the  precise  date  as  well 
as  the  circumstances  of  his  death  being  unknown.  This 
sachem  had  seen  stranger  events  and  greater  changes  than 
perhaps  had  been  witnessed  by  all  his  ancestors  since  the 
day  that  they  first  set  foot  on  this  continent.     He  could 


«  M/^t1Jinl■n  Pi>tition. 


»"iV»H»""jl'>H'-  " 


'iMmtlim 


OP    CONNECTICUT. 


297 


remember  when  throughout  all  New  England  the  red 
man  ruled  supreme,  his  power  unchecked  and  unshared 
by  any  other  member  of  the  human  race ;  and  he  had 
lived  to  see  the  time  when  a  new  people,  strange  in  ap- 
pearance and  garb,  and  wonderful  in  wisdom,  was  spread- 
ing over  the  same  land,  and  when  the  tribes  of  the  forest 
were  fading  away  before  it,  as  the  light  of  the  stars  grows 
dim  at  the  rising  of  the  sun. 

The  land  now  possessed,  or,  at  least,  claimed  by  the 
Mohegans,  consisted  chiefly  of  three  tracts,  each  of  very 
considerable  dimensions.  The  first,  where  the  Indians 
themselves  mostly  resided,  lay  between  New  London  and 
Norwich,  and  measured  more  than  eight  miles  in  length 
by  four  in  breadth.  Another  stretched  along  the  north 
boundary  of  Lyme,  measuring  nine  miles  in  length  by 
two  in  breadth,  and  resting  at  its  western  extremity  on  the 
Connecticut  River.  A  third,  usually  styled  the  Mohegan 
Hunting  Grounds,  lay  between  the  townships  of  Norwich, 
Lebanon,  Lyme,  Haddam  and  Middletown.*  The  other 
tracts  were  smaller,  and  it  is  impossible  to  tell  where 
they  were  all  situated,  although  it  is  certain  that  consider- 
abla  quantities  of  land  were  still  held  by  the  Mohegans  in 
the  county  of  Windham.f 

Hermon  Garret  and  his  son,  Catapazet,  being  both 
dead,  the  Pequots  of  that  band  were  now  living  under  the 
government  of  an  Indian  named  Mamoho.  After  many 
unavailing  petitions,  after  being  settled  in  Rhode  Island 
and  again  broken  up,  they  had  at  last  obtained  a  home  ; 
and  in  1683  two  hundred  and  eighty  acres  of  land  hud 


in- 


1 1 


I; 


ill'' 


•  Mohpgan  Papers.     Middlctown  then  comprrhended  Clinthara. 
t  riainfield  Records. 


298 


HISTORY    OP   THE    INDIANS 


! 


been  marked  out  for  them  in  Stonington  on  the  spot 
where  their  descendants  live  at  the  present  day.  From 
the  small  size  of  this  reservation  it  seems  probable  that 
the  band  itself  was  small ;  and  it  is  pretty  certain  that  a 
part  of  it  remained  in  Rhode  Island  under  the  rule  of  a 
daughter  of  Ninigret,  who  was  somewhat  known  about 
this  time  as  the  squaw-sachem.* 

The  Pequots  of  New  London  were  still  governed  by 
Cassasinamon,  with  the  help  of  an  assistant  named  Daniel, 
first  appointed  to  this  post  in  1667.  These  Pequots  were 
now  living  at  a  place  called  Mushantuxet,  situated  in  the 
ancient  township  of  New  London,  and  in  the  modern  one 
of  Ledyard.  They  possessed  upwards  of  two  thousand 
acres  of  land  here,  and  still  made  use  of  the  neck  at  Naw- 
yonk  from  whence  they  had  removed  in  1667.  They 
planted  chiefly  at  Mushantuxet,  but  went  down  to  Naw- 
yonk  to  fish  and  to  hunt  for  fowl. 

The  territories  of  the  western  Nehantics  at  this  time 
must  have  been  nearly  gone,  and  it  is  doubtful  whether 
they  had  any  land  left  which  they  could  call  their  own. 
Some  of  the  tribe,  doubtless,  had  followed  the  injunctions 
of  Attawanhood  in  his  will,  and  joined  themselves  te  the 
Mohegans.  Others,  however,  remained  in  their  ancient 
country,  and  continued  to  reside  there,  on  sufferance,  until 
they  were  furnished  with  a  small  reservation  by  the  town 
of  Lyme. 

The  Wangunks,  the  Ttmxis,  the  Indians  of  New  Haven, 
Milford,  Stratford  and  other  places,  were  all  living  on  re- 
servations, mostly  small,  which  had  been  made  for  them 
at  the  respective  sales  of  their  lands. 

•  Hnznrd,  Vol.  H ;  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  III. 


i 


, 


i 

t 

1 

^S*5!SijBSaLii 


■aMHMMMtfli 


J 


. 


» 


or    CONNECTICUT. 


299 


The  independent  and  roving  existence  of  the  Indians 
had  ceased,  and  they  were  now  little  more  than  the  sub- 
jects and  tenants  of  the  white  men.    They  were  no  longer, 
it  is  true,  under  fhe  fear  of  hostile  war  parties ;  bat  they 
were  restrained  by  the  fences,  by  the  bounds,  and  by  the 
enactments  of  the  settlers.     Universal  poverty  prevailed 
among  them,  as  it  had  indeed  always  done  j  but,  unlike 
the  days  of  olden  time,  this  poverty  had  now  become  de- 
graded and  degrading  through  its  contrast  with  surround- 
ing wealth  and  comfort.    I  doubt  whether  any  community 
in  the  world  is  so  debased  as  a  barbarous  people  in  which 
the  independence  of  a  free  savage  life  has  been  lost  and  is 
succeeded  by  a  sense  of  inferiority  and  a  feeling  of  de- 
spair.    Without  hope,  without  ambition,  debarred  from 
even  the  excitement  of  war,  they  sink  into  a  state  of 
stupid  listlessness,  and  think  only  of  enjoying  the  present 
by  an  unrestrained  indulgence  in  brutalizing  pleasures. 
They  become  more  indolent  than  ever,  while  their  means 
of  subsistence  have  diminished ;  they  indulge  in  intem- 
perance as  far  as  their  resources  and  opportunities  will 
allow  ;  and,  if  they  were  ever  licentious,  their  licentious- 
ness is  now  vastly  increased.     Such  at  this  time  was  the 
case  with  the  Indians  of  Connecticut,  as  far  as  the  records 
of  those  days  enable  us  to  form  any  judgment  of  their 
condition.     Preserved  in  the  manuscripts  of  President 
Stiles,  we  have  a  most  singular  account  of  the  loose  state 
of  morals  which  existed  among  the  remnants  of  the  Nar- 
ragansetts.     This  account  was  written,  it  is  true,  eighty 
years  later,  when  the  Ii.dians  had  probably  become  still 
more  degraded  ;  but  I  have  little  if  any  hesitation  in  be- 
lieving, that  the  same  state  of  things  had  already  begun 

28 


300 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


to  exist  at  the  period  of  which  we  are  now  speaking.    In 
1761,   while  President    Stiles  was   traveling  in  Rhode 
Island,  he  fell  in  with  a  Narragansett  named  John  Paul, 
and  made  some  inquiries  of  him  concerning  the  morals  of 
his  countrymen.    John  Paul  was  very  communicative,  and 
spoke  of  the  subject  without  reserve.     From  his  account 
it  would  seem,  that  the  morals  of  the  Indians  were  very 
corrupt  before  the  arrival  of  the  English ;  that,  although 
a  strong  prejudice  against  illegitimate  births  existed,  it  did 
not  prevent  prostitution,  and  only  produced  abortion  and 
infanticide  ;  and  that  these  last  customs  being  broken  up 
by  the  influence  of  the  whites,  all  reserve  was  thrown 
aside  and  the  Indians  became  openly  and  shamelessly 
licentious.     No  restraint  of  virtue  or  decency  prevailed  : 
the  young  men  hesitated  not  to  speak,  even  before  their 
parents,   of  their   unlawful  amours:  the  young  women 
hesitated  not  to  receive  presents  for  their  shame,  and  even 
to  take  them  openly  and  by  force  when  they  were  not 
given.     John  Paul  made  not  only  general  statements,  but 
mentioned  individuals  and  pointed  out  localities,  all  con- 
firmatory of  his  melancholy  story.     Now,  it  is  notorious 
that  the  form  of  vice  here  mentioned,  especially  when 
carried  to  such  excess,  is  productive  of  both  sterility  and 
disease.     Is  it  wonderful  that  communities  so  licentious, 
and,  added  to  this,  so  indolent  and  drunken,  should  not 
increase  ?  that  they  should  even  rapidly  decline  ? 

The  assertion  of  this  Narragansett  with  regard  to  the 
state  of  morals  among  his  people  before  the  arrival  of  the 
English  must  be  received  with  some  allowance  for  exag- 
geration. Favored  by  the  testimony  of  several  of  the 
early  New  England  writers,  it  is  contradicted  by  others, 


,  i.'Sj&.vsx:  I mtitiMm 


111^  I,  ,,j,,^i;,,0fmr^ltjlu\tKUmW}>UP-,)Xi!^'}i 


'  g^B^aiS^4^-^a»fe^*«-ST 


OP    CONNECTICUT. 


301 


and  stands  in  opposition  to  the  general  character  of  the 
native  North  American  race.  But,  nevertheless,  it  lends 
weight  to  other  circumstances  which  tend  to  prove  that 
the  morals  of  the  Indians  were,  even  at  the  first,  far  from 
being  altogether  pure.  To  this  belief  we  may  add  the 
certainty  that  they  steadily  changed  for  the  worse  as  the 
native  tribes  lost  their  wild  independence  and  became  im- 
pregnated with  the  vices  of  civilization.  These  circum- 
stances would  not  be  worthy  of  so  much  space  as  I  have 
given  in  various  places  of  the  present  volume,  did  not  a 
knowledge  of  them  assist  in  explaining  the  decline  of 
the  Indian  population,  not  in  Connecticut  simply,  but 
throughout  the  United  States. 

As  to  the  religious  state  of  the  Indians,  we  have  seen 
that  a  few  of  them,  at  Mohegan,  had  become  at  least 
theoretical  converts  to  the  Christian  faith.  The  remainder 
were  still  heathen  ;  believing,  not  perhaps  in  all  their  an- 
'cient  deities,  but  at  least  in  some  of  them  ;  and  asserting 
that,  while  the  English  were  bound  to  worship  the  Eng- 
lish God,  the  Indians  were  equally  bound  to  worship  and 
serve  the  Indian  gods. 

Concerning  the  numbers  of  the  Indians  in  Connecticut 
at  this  time,  we  have,  in  an  account  of  the  colony  drawn 
up  by  the  General  Court  in  1680,  an  estimate  which  puts 
them  at  five  hundred  warriors.*  This  estimate,  which 
would  give  a  total  of  some  twenty-five  hundred  indi- 
viduals, is  a  further  proof  of  the  extreme  paucity  of  the 
aboriginal  population  of  the  State.  It  was  now  only  fifty 
years  since  the  first  European  settlement  was  begun  in 
Connecticut,  at  which  time  the   ^"dians,  according  to 

•  Chamler'a  Political  Annals,  p.  MQ. 


'!  I 


\\1 


M 


if 


i'  I 


302 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS,    ETC. 


Trumbull,   numbered   twelve    or  sixteen   and   possibly 
twenty  thousand.     To  suppose  thttt  so  great  a  diminu- 
tion as  this  would  imply  had  taken  place  in  so  short  a 
time,  IS  not  only  incredible,  but  even  worthy  of  ridicule. 
The  question  then  arises  as  to  which  of  the  two  estimates 
IS  most  worthy  of  our  dependence.    This  will  not  require 
very  long  consideration.     The  estimate  of  1680,  was  a 
cotemporary  one,  was  made  by  the  representatives  of  the 
colony,  and  was  made,  too,  when  the  whole  country  had 
been  examined  and   the   condition    of  every  tribe  was 
tolerably  known.     The  estimate  of  Trumbull  was  made 
more  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  years  after  the  period  to 
which  It  related ;  and,  while  it   was  founded,  in  great 
part,  upon  tradition,  was  built  up  with  assumptions  and 
guess-work :  assumptions  very  unwarranted,  and  guess- 
work of  an  exceedingly  poor  quality. 


li 


>;ti^  ifi  ''iiPi«^ij»wi^yjHf  i 


-rwawiwwiwM*  —■ r-"-  ■ ■».^^^...«.~-.-. 


■  Sa^S^i^te*sfe«S«S>is;*s 


i 


i       I 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

HISTORY    OP    THE    MOHEGANS    FROM    THE    DEATH    OP    UNCA8 
TO   THE    CLOSE    OP    THE    COURT    ON   THEIR   DISPUTED     * 
LANDS    IN    1743. 

On  the  death  of  Uncas  all  unity  which  our  subject  ever 
possessed  entirely  disappears.  From  this  time  the  re- 
spective histories  of  the  Tunxis  and  Mohegans,  of  the 
Wepawaugs  and  Pequots,  have  but  little  more  connection 
than  if  those  neighboring  tribes  had  lived  in  opposite 
quarters  of  the  globe.  To  prevent  the  remainder  of  the 
narrative,  therefore,  from  becoming  a  mere  jumble  of  dis- 
connected events,  I  shall  divide  it  into  five  sections, 
without  j;egard  to  the  order  of  time.  The  present  chapter 
will  trace  the  history  of  the  Mohegans  down  to  the  close 
of  the  Commissioners'  Court  on  the  disputed  lands  of  the 
tribe  in  1743.  The  ninth  and  tenth  chapters  will  follow 
the  fate  of  the  western  and  northern  tribes  from  the  same 
starting  point  down  to  the  present  time.  The  eleventh 
will  do  the  same  by  the  Pequots,  and  the  twelfth  will 
close  the  history  of  the  Mohegans. 

War  had  now  ceased  between  the  different  tribes,  but 
other  causes  for  reducing  the  population  arose  which 
more  than  equalled  it  in  destructiveness.  Game  grew  less 
abundant,  and  the  fish  began  to  disappear  from  the  rivers. 
Now.  too,  ardent  spirits,  which  at  first  had  been  scarce 

28* 


!    t 


304 


HISTORY    OF   THE    INDIANS 


and  dear  even  among  the  whites,  became  more  plentiful 
and  found  their  way  to  the  hps  of  the  Indians.     Intem- 
perance IS  destructive  of  the  happiness  of  civilized  com- 
munities, but  it  is  destructive  of  the  life  of  savage  ones. 
Laws  and  penalties,  as  we  have  seen  and  shall  see,  were 
repeatedly  enacted  against  providing  the  Indians  with 
liquor,  and  were  sometimes,  if  not  often,  carried  into  effect. 
Still  they  did  not  accomplish  their  object;  the  temptation 
on  both  sides  was  too  great :  the  traders  were  too  fond  of 
money,  and  the  Indians  were  too  fond  of  rum.     They 
drank  more  and  more,  and  the  vice  finally  involved  both 
sexes  and  almost  all  ages  in  its  absorbing  and  pestiferous 
influence. 

Oweneco  succeeded  without  opposition  to  his  father 
and  seems  to  haVe  inherited  all  his  dignities  and  peroga-' 
tives.     Of  his  three  brothers,  one,  at  least,  Attawanhood, 
or  Joshua,  was  already  dead.    Of  the  other  two,  John,  the 
eldest,  died  before  Oweneco,  and  probably  before  Atta- 
wanhood; while  Ben  outlived  them  both,  and  ultimately 
snceeded  to  the  sachemship.     One  day,  as  Uncas  was 
talking  with  Thomas  Stanton  about  his  children,  he  ob- 
served that  the  three  eldest  were  legitimate ;  but  as  for 
Ben  he  was  poquiom,  or  half-dog,  tho  mother  being  a  poor 
beggarly  squaw,  not  his  wife.     It  was  matter  of  report' 
however,  among  both  Indians  and  whites,  that   Ben's 
mother  was  the  daughter  of  Poxon,  who,  as  we  have 
seen,  was  a  man  of  considerable  consequence  among  the 
Mohegans.* 

I  have  already  noticed  that  Attawanhood  left  three 
children,  assigning  to  them  a  considerable  quantity  of 

•  Indian  Papere,  Vol.  I,  Doc.  173,  p.  57. 


i 


'4 


I 


■■? 


-.yy^^t.'JiW  i",'"iri;P 


0'tfi^imf'fj0i>m'';fft00#lf 


W»yvmmW^*'MW^9^ 


i 


? 


I 


►    7 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


305 


land  for  their  maintenance.  These  lands,  it  would  seem, 
were  very  unprofitable,  or  else  the  proceeds  of  them  were 
not  applied  to  the  purpose  for  which  they  were  intended. 
In  1683,  about  four  years  after  the  father  died,  only  one 
of  these  children,  Abimelech,  was  living;  yet  his  guar- 
dians applied  to  the  Court  of  the  colony  for  assistance 
towards  his  support.* 

The  first  object  of  Oweneco  on  receiving  the  sachem- 
ship  seems  to  have  been  to  secure  his  tribe  in  the  per- 
petual possession  of  their  lands.  To  this  course  he  was 
doubtless  urged  by  Daniel  and  Samuel  Mason,  who,  like 
their  father,  John  Mason,  were  high  in  favor  with  the 
Mohegans,  and  advised  them  on  all  important  occasions. 
Under  their  direction,  probably,  the  following  paper,  dated 
March  16ih,  1684,  was  drawn  up,  and  was  signed  by 
Oweneco  with  his  totem  or  mark : 

"  Know  all  men  whom  it  doth  or.  may  concern  that 
I,  Oneco,  sachem  of  Mohegan,  have  and  do,  by  these 
presents,  pass  over  all  my  right  of  that  tract  of  land  be- 
tween New  London  town  bounds  and  Trading  Cove 
brook  unto  the  Mohegan  Indians  for  their  use  to  plant, 
that  neither  I,  nor  my  son.  nor  any  under  him,  shall  at 
any  time  make  sale  of  any  part  thereof;  and  that  tract  of 
land  shall  be  and  remain  forever  for  the  use  of  the  Mohe- 
gan Indians  and  myself  and  mine,  to  occupy  and  improve 
for  our  mutual  advantage  forever,  as  witness  my  seal  and 
mark."     Oweneco's  mark.f 

A  few  weeks  after,  fearing,  as  he  said,  that  he  might 
be  ensnared  in  drink  and  induced  to  make  injudicious 
sales,  the  sachem  trusteed  his  lands  to  Samuel  and  Daniel 
•  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  I,  Document  40.        t  Norwich  Records. 


ii.a 


I  i 


!i'  i 


306 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


Mason,  as  his  father  and  uncb  had,  in  1859,  granted  them 
to  John  Mascn.*  From  ♦his  time  these  two  men  were 
recognizd  as  their  guardians  by  the  Mohegans;  often, 
however,  acting  in  conjunction  with  James  Fitch,  to 
whom  Oweneco  had  trusteed  [December  22d,  1680,]  his 
own  private  lands  on  the  Quinnebaug.f  In  1689,  Owe- 
neco made  a  confirmation  of  the  above  instrument  to 
Daniel  Mason  alone.  Samuel  Mason,  however,  still  acted 
in  the  same  capacity,  and  was  more  noted  as  the  friend 
and  defender  of  the  tribe  than  his  brother.l 

Without  the  limits  of  the  territory  which  he  had  thus 
reserved  to  his  tribe,  Oweneco  still  sold  land,  apparently 
whenever  and  wherever  any  one  chose  to  purchase.     At 
one  time  he  conveyed  to  James  Fitch  a  tract  west  of  the 
•Q-uinnebaug  River  estimated  at  six  or  seven  miles  in 
length  by  one  in  breadth.    At  another  time  he  made  over 
to  him  a  tract  north  of  the  township  of  Norwich,  of  un- 
certain length,  but  of  a  mile  and  a  half  in  breadth.    Other 
parcels  of  similar  magnitude  were  added ;  the  price  of  the 
whole,  it  would  seem,  being  only  sixty  pounds.     James 
Fitch  appears  to  have   been  a  different  man   from  his 
father,  the  minister ;  his  nature  inclining  him  far  more 
strongly  to  the  acquisition  of  land  than  to  th*?  giving  of 
it  away.     The  above  tracts  are  but  a  poi  tion  of  the  lands 
recorded  to  him  in  the  Norwich  records  ;  and  in  1696,  he 
attempted  to  possess  Himself  of  others  in  a  manner  which, 
with  the  light  we  have  at  present  upon  it,  appears  dis- 
honest and  mean.     He  was,  at  that  time,  the  town  clerk 
of  Norwich,  and  he  took  the  opportunity  afforded  by  his 

•  New  London  Records,  Vol.  VI.  t  Plainf^.-ld  Records. 

::  History  of  Norwich,  p.  159. 


■i 


ymm^  >,i.>^«0»,  iii.i|!jiniiiiiiii  |i"in*|WiiJWWf^^ 


i 


f 


OP    CONNECTICUT. 


307 


oftice,  to  record  a  large  tract  of  land  between  the  Quin- 
nebang  and  Shetucket  Rivers  to  himself.  What  claim 
he  could  alledge  is  now  unknown  ;  but  whatever  it  was, 
the  tract  thus  summarily  disposed  of  covered  nearly  the 
whole  of  the  three  hundred-acre  reservation  which  had 
been  set  apart  for  the  "  surrenderors,"  or  Shetucket  In- 
dians. The  town  protested  against  the  record,  and  Mr. 
Pitch  was  probably  obliged  to  resign  hs  claim.  Other 
persons,  however,  had  trespassed  upon  the  reservation,  and 
it  is  likely  that  the  Indians  were  already  deprived  of  a 
considerable  portion  of  it.* 

On  May,  24th,  1685,  the  General  Court  granted  to 
Lyme  a  tract  lying  north  of  that  township,  nine  miles  in 
length  by  two  in  breadth.  This  had  hitherto  been  claimed 
by  the  Mohegans  ;  and  long  afterwards  they  asserted,  in 
their  petitions  to  the  crown,  that  for  this  large  tract  they 
had  never  received  any  remuneration  whatever.f 

In  addition  to  the  grants  and  sales  mentioned  above, 
Oweneco  gave  [1687]  a  deed  of  the  country  between 
Stonington  and  Norwich  to  a  number  of  whites,  for  the 
sum  of  fifty  pounds,  to  be  paid  in  four  annual  installments.! 
Another  tract  parted  with  in  1692,  measured  five  miles 
L,ciuare,  and,  like  the  above,  was  granted  to  several  persons, 
among  whom  was  Samuel  Mason.-§.  Between  1698  and 
1706,  the  Mohegan  sachem  parted  with  four  considerable 
plots  of  ground,  which  were  afterwards  united  into  the 
large  to.vnship  of  Lebanon.  In  1699,  Colchester  was 
bought  by  one  Nathaniel  Foot,  who  acted  as  agent  on 
behalf  of  a  company  of  purchasers.  ||     If  we  may  believe 

•  History  of  Norwich,  pp.  165,  1G6.  t  Mohegan  Petition. 

t  Papers  on  Towns  and  Lands,  Vol,  IV,  Document  223. 

§  Norwich  Records.  ||  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  I,  Document  48. 


*|i 


Pi  ri 

■    1  /;    1 


308 


HISTORY   OF   THE    INDIANS 


the  subsequent  petitions  of  the  Mohegans,  this  purchase 
was  effected  in  a  manner  by  no  means  honest :  Oweneco 
being  in  liquor  at  the  time,  and  the  only  consideration 
given  by  Foot  being  some  five  or  six  shillings.*     The 
settlers,  however,  may  have  acted  on  the  ground  that  the 
Mohegan  country  was  already  justly  the  property  of  the 
colony.     This  purchase  took  in  nearly  all  of  what  were 
called  the  Mohegan  Hunting  Grounds,and  the  town  grant 
was  enlarged  soon  after  so  as  to  comprehend  them  en- 
tirely; but  this  last  act,  it  is  probable,  was  not  intended 
to  extinguish  the  Indian  right.     A  quarrel  arose,  doubt- 
less on  account  of  these  transactions,  between  the  Mohe- 
gans and  the  settlers  of  Colchester,  and  each  inflicted 
petty  insults  and  injuries  upon  the  other.     Daniel  Mason 
took  the  part  of  the  Indians,  and  so  excited  the  wrath  of 
the  townsmen,  that,  as  he  was  riding  through  Colchester 
one  day,  some  of  them  threatened  to  shoot  his  horse 
under  him.f 

Another  quarrel  took  place,  about  the  same  time,  be- 
tween the  Mohegans  and  the  town  of  New  London.    The 
citizens,  it  seems,  passed  a  vote  taking  under  their  juris- 
diction all  the  land  between  the  northern  limits  of  their 
township  and  the  southern  limits  of  that  of  Norwich. 
The  Mohegans  were  alarmed,  fancying  that  by  this  act 
the  whole  of  their  entailed  lands  were  taken  away  from 
them.     They  complained  to  the  General  Court,  which 
ordered  an  investigation  of  the  case  at  New  London,  and 
had  the  chiefs  summoned  there  to  support  their  own  cause. 
Oweneco,  his  brother  Ben,  and  his  son  Mamohet,  styling 


*  Mohegan  Petition. 
t  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  I,  Document  52. 
ments  76,  77. 


Towns  and  Lands,  Vol.  I,  Docu- 


1 


L_ 


■^■iilHI  liJI,  Jljll   I.IKIHUlpil 


1 


OP    CONNECTICUT. 


309 


themselves  sachems  of  the  Mohegans,  made  answer  to  the 
summons  in  a  letter  written  by  their  friend  Daniel  Mason. 
They  complained  of  the  various  encroachments  made 
upon  them,  and,  among  others,  of  two  large  farms  laid 
out,  by  order  of  the  colony,  for  John  Winthrop  and  Gur- 
don  Sallonstall  upon  the  entailed  lands.  They  objected 
to  going  to  New  London,  saying  that  they  could  see  no 
iise  in  it ;  that,  besides,  they  were  afraid  to  go  lest  some 
of  the  people  there  should  kill  them  ;  and  that,  if  they 
should  send  a  faithful  fiiend  who  would  boldly  defend 
them,  he  would  be  in  the  same  danger :  instancing  in 
support  of  their  fears  the  violent  language  which  had  been 
used  towards  Daniel  Mason  by  the  citizens  of  Colchester.* 

The  selectmen  of  New  London  quieted  the  difficulty 
by  making  a  declaration,  that,  in  extending  the  limits  of 
their  township  over  the  Mohegan  territory,  they  had  no 
intention  of  infringing  upon  the  rights  of  the  Indians,  but 
considered  that  they  held  the  same  claim  to  their  lands 
as  before.f 

But  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  Mohegans  still  continued 
respecting  the  territory  which  they  had  lost  in  Colchester. 
They  acknowledged  indeed  that  this  land  had  been  pur- 
chased, but  they  asserted  that  the  manner  of  the  purchase 
was  illegal  and  its  terms  unfair :  illegal,  because  made 
without  the  consent  of  Mason  their  overseer ;  unfair,  be- 
cause Ovveneco  was  intoxicated  at  the  time,  and  because 
the  price  paid  bore  no  proportion  to  the  value  of  the  prop- 
erty.J  Nicholas  Hallam,  a  strong  friend  of  the  Mohe- 
gans, drew  up  a  petition  enumerating  all  their  wrongs, 

•  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  I,  Doc.  52.     t  Towns  and  Lands,  Vol.  I,  Doc.  137. 

t  Mohegan  Petition. 


,  I 


*lii 


,  I 


1 


!  '  I 


'I 


liiiiyi^^ 


1 


.;1 


310 


HISTORY    or    THE    INDIANS 


and  presented  it  to  Queen  Anne.*    A  commission  was 
issued  [July  29th,  1704,]  for  the  trial  of  the  case,  and 
twelve  commissioners  were  appointed,  at   the  head  of 
whom  was  Joseph  Dudley,  Governor  of  Massachusetts. 
Dudley  was  m  private  life  an  estimable  man  ;  a  lawyer 
a  scholar,  a  gentleman  and  a  Christian.     He  was,  how- 
ever stigmatized  as  the  tool  of  Sir  Edmund  Andross,  and 
was  long  regarded  as  the  bitter  enemy  of  the  colony  of 
Connecticut.     The  commissioners   were  empowered  to 
restore  the  Mohegans  their  lands,  if  it  appeared  that  they 
had  been  unjustly  taken  away ;  yet  their  decision  was  not 
irrevocable :  an  appeal  might  be  had  to  the  crown     The 
court  was  appointed  at   Stonington;  the  Commissioners 

w^h'T  :T"'  "^'  ''^"^^^"^  ^^  Connecticut, 

with  all  persons  holding  lands  claimed  by  the  Mohegans 

were  summoned  to  appear.     In  reply,  the  government  of' 

the  colony  appointed  a  committee  with  the  followini.  in- 

inquiry  they  were  to  defend  the  cause  of  the  colony  and 
show  the  unreasonableness  of  the  Mohegan  claims ;  if  the 
design  or  the  court  appeared  to  be  to  decide  definitely 
upon  the  case    they  were  to  enter  a  protest  and  with- 
draw      They  of  course  protested,  and  their  protest  was 
founded  on  the  assertion  that  the  crown  had  no  ri^ht  to 
issue  such  a  commission,  it  being  contrarv  to  a  statute  of 
Charles  I,  ana  to  the  charter  of  Connecticut.!     All  sub- 
jects  of  the  colony  were  likewise  forbidden  to  present 
themselves  before  the  court,  or  in  any  other  manner  to 
acknowledge  its  authority.    Thus  no  defendants  appeared 
to  suj>po^t  their  case,  and  Oweneco  and  his  friends  Mason 
♦  iDdian  P„p.r..  Vol.  I,  Doc.  55.        t  Tr«mbuII.  Vol.  I,  p.  444. 


*v 


::9iS^<iiiii0aa&i^if&tm*ii:3ia*»^^ 


:^»i:^i^£^^^£«^>^agi^.£^^gi^^^^^ 


sion  was 
iase,  and 
head  of 
ihasetts. 
lawyer, 
IS,  how- 
OSS,  and 
•lony  of 
ered  to 
lat  they 
rt^as  not 
1.    The 
ssioners 
3cticut, 
legans, 
lent  of 
ing  in- 
)urt  of 
ly  and 
if  the 
initely 
with- 
t  was 
?ht  to 
lUe  of 
I  sub- 
•esent 
ler  to 
eared 
lason 


or    CONNECTICUT. 


311 


and  Hallam  had  the  testimony  and  the  pleading  all  to 
themselves.  A  survey  of  the  original  Mohegan  country 
jnst  made  under  the  direction  of  the  plaintiffs  was  brought 
forward,  and  compared  with  the  pittance  of  land  which 
now  remained  to  the  tribe.*  The  tract  thus  laid  down 
comprehended  what  may  be  roughly  described  as  the 
northern  two-thirds  of  New  London  County,  and  the 
'  southern  two-thirds  of  Windham  and  Tolland  Counties, 
comprehending  not  far  from  eight  hundred  square  miles. 
It  was  not  claimed,  however,  that  the  Mohegans  ought 
now  to  possess  all  this  territory,  but  only  that  portion 
which  they  had  remai  iig  to  them  when  the  last  treaty 
was  made  [1680]  between  Uucas  and  the  colony.  The 
Commissioners  went  over  the  circumstances  by  which,  in 
a  space  of  twenty-two  years,  the  Mohegans  had  been  de- 
prived of  land  measuring,  as  they  said,  more  than  forty 
square  miles,  almost  without  receiving  any  compensation 
at  all.  They  referred  to  an  enactment  of  the  colony  by 
which  Daniel  Mason  was  acknowledged  as  trustee  of  the 
Indian  lands,  and  pointed  out  the  ruimber  of  grants  which 
had  been  made  of  those  lands,  some  by  Oweneco,  some 
by  the  colony,  without  the  concurrence  of  Mason.  The 
decision  was  then  pronounced,  that  the  Governor  and 
Company  of  Connecticut  should  replace  the  Mohegans  in 
possession  of  all  the  lands  which  they  held  at  the  death 
of  Uncas.  These  consisted  of  three  tracts :  one  of  twenty 
thousand  acres,  lying  between  New  London  and  Norwich  ; 
one  of  eighteen  square  miles  on  the  northern  bounds  of 
Lyme ;  and  one  which  comprised  the  township  of  Col- 
chester.    A  bill  of  costs  was  filed  against  the  colony  of 


■'I  is.i 


•  Mohegan  Petition. 
29 


312 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


£673  125.  8d.     Oweneco  and  Ben  Uncas  thanked  the 
Commissioners  for  their  decision,  expressed  their  com- 
plete satisfaction  with  it,  and  begged  that  their  acknowl- 
edgements  might  be  sent  to  the  Queen  for  her  kind  care 
over  the  Mohegans.     Oweneco  next  requested  that,  as 
Saniuel  Mason    who  had  acted  v^  their  guardian    was 
lately  deceased,  his  nephew,  John  Mason  of  Stonington 
might  be  appointed  in  his  place.     John  Mason  was  ac- 
cordingly appointed  guardian  to  Ou  ineco  and  his  people 
with  authority  to  manage  all  their  affairs.     Other  com- 
plaints were  now  brought  forward  concerning  other  tracts 
of  land  :  one  north  of  Windham  ;  one  called  Plainfield  • 
some  m  Lebanon,  and  some  in  Canterbury.     The  court 
prohibited  all  her  majesty's  subjects  from  entering  upon 
or  improving  any  of  these  lands,  until  a  further  hearing 
and  decision  should  be  had  concerning  them.    An  account 
of  the  proceedings,  and  of  tiie  complaints  still  lying  against 
Connecticut,  was  then  drawn  up  for  the  crown,  and  the 
court  adjourned.* 

Connecticut  appealed  against  the  decision,  and,  on  the 
fifteenth  of  February,  1706,  the  queen  granted  a  com- 
m.ssion  of  review.    John  Mason,  now  the  guardian  of  the 
Mohegans,  fell  into  a  low  state  of  health,  so  as  for  several 
years  to  be  confined  to  his  house.     The  government  of 
Connecticut  had  Imle  interest  in  prosecuting  the  aflair, 
ann  thus  the  commission  was  never  used.f     The  colony 
appointed  a  committee  to  treat  with  Owcneco  ;  bnt  such 
were  the  sachem's  demands,  that  the  governor  rejected 
them,  and  the  attempt  fell  through.^     Mason  soon  found 

«f  tine  trml.  t  Mohegan  Pcition.         t  Coloninl  Record-,  Vol.  IV. 


t 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


313 


himself  involved  in  difficulties,  partly  through  the  already 
confused  state  of  the  Mohegan  lands,  and  partly  through 
his  own  carelessness  or  dishonesty  in  deeding  the  same 
tracts  to  different  persons.  In  1711,  therefore,  he  re- 
signed his  guardianship  to  William  Pitkin  and  five  others, 
while  the  colony  granted  the  new  overseers  lands  valued 
at  one  thousand  pounds,  to  be  laid  out  in  settling  with  the 
different  claimants.*  Grants  were  still  made  with  true 
Indian  heedlessness  by  Oweneco,  as  we  find  by  the 
records  of  the  neighboring  towns.  Several  of  them,  too, 
were  without  the  supervision  of  the  overseers  and  without 
any  consideration  in  return.  It  is  very  likely  that  some, 
if  not  all,  of  these  last  were  obtained  from  the  sachem, 
either  while  he  was  intoxicated,  or  by  teasing  and  impor- 
tuning him  when  he  was  sober.  His  conduct  in  parting 
with  so  much  territory,  in  a  manner  so  reckless  and  un- 
thinking, excited  some  opposition  among  his  people.  Ben 
Uncas  and  fifty-four  other  Mohegans  signed  a  paper 
[May,  1714,]  and  had  it  recorded  in  the  town  books  of 
New  London,  affirming  that  Oweneco  had  wrongfully 
sold  a  great  part  of  their  lands,  and  declaring  that  they 
consigned  what  was  left  to  Gurdon  Saltonstall,  Captain 
John  Mason,  Joseph  Stanton,  Colonel  William  Whiting 
and  John  EUiot.f 

One  of  the  deeds  granted  by  Oweneco  reflects  no  great 
honor  upon  his  character  for  sobriety.  Being  very  drunk 
one  night,  he  fell  out  of  a  canoe  and  would  have  been 
drowned,  had  not  two  settlers,  named  John  Plumb  and 
Jonathan  King,  pulled  him  senseless  out  of  the  water. 

•  Indion  Papers,  Vol.  I,  Document  136. 
t  New  London  Records. 


I' 


m 


314 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


.    .  •  ,  ^     ^  y^^'^-      -ine  brave  warnor  who 

n  h.s  youth  and  early  „,a„hood,  fought  gallantly  agai  1; 

Z!ZTt'-  "^  ""'''""''''  '"«'  NarraganLt,;  be 
came  t„  h,s  old  age  a  mere  vagabond.  With  his  blat^ket, 
his  gun  hts  sqttavv,  and  a  pack  on  his  back,  he  used  ofte, 

At  h,s  o  d  fnends  and  acquaintances  he  was  generallj 
made  welcome,  and  established  himself,  durin.  h's  sTav 
-  the  k,.chen  or  some  of  the  o.u-house;.     T„°strl  ,gerl' 
who  were  unable  to  understand  his  imperfect  Engli  h  he 

written  for  him  by  a  settler  named  Bushnell. 

"  0<"">.  king,  hi«  queen  d„,|,  ^^^^ 
To  beg  a  Utile  food  j 
As  ihey  go  along  his  friend,  among 
To  try  how  kind,  how  lood. 

"  ^™'  P"'!".  *>me  beef,  for  cheir  relief. 
And  if  you  can't  spare  bread 
She'll  , hank  you  for  pu.ldi„g,  nJ  .hey  go  a  goodin,. 
And  carry  u  on  her  head." 

-"he  last  line  refers  to  an  Indian  mode  of  carrying  bur- 

SledT^"""^'  "  '''•  ""''"«  0-™  •"«  '-1  and 
supported  by  a  strap  passi.,g  over  the  forehcad.f 

Oweneco  had  three  sons,  Josiah,  Ma.nohet,  (or  as  the 
Engish  settlers  usually  called  it,  Mahomet,)  nd  ell; 
Josiah  and  Mainohct  died  before  their  father,  and  uZL 

•  Indian  Papers.  Vol.  I,  Document  53. 
t  iliBlory  of  Norwich,  p.  J 70. 


OP    CONNECTICUT. 


315 


het,  the  son  of  Mamohet,  being  still  a  child,  his  uncle 
Cesar,  on  the  death  of  Oweneco,  assumed  the  sachemship.* 

Cesar's  reign  was  equally  disturbed  with  his  father's  by- 
land  disputes  between  his  tribe  and  the  colony.  The 
Mohegans  were  on  the  point  of  again  applying  to  the 
crown,  when  the  General  Court  appointed  a  committee 
empowered  to  hear  and  settle  the  complaints  of  the  In- 
dians, and  to  remove  all  persons  from  the  lands  who  held 
them  by  no  legal  right.  This  committee,  Messrs.  Wads- 
worth  and  Hall,  examined  the  case  at  Mohegan,  and  de- 
cided [1721]  substantially  in  favor  of  the  white  claimants. 
They  allowed  nearly  all  of  the .  English  claims  which 
were  presented  ;  assigned  the  Hunting  Grounds  to  Col- 
chester ;  the  tract  stretching  from  the  Niantic  to  the  Con- 
necticut to  Lyme,  and  three-quarters  of  the  Sequestered 
Landsf  to  the  various  persons  who  had  obtained  deeds  of 
them.  Between  four  and  five  thousand  acres  which  re- 
mained were  granted  to  the  Mohegans,  and  were  entailed 
in  their  possession  as  long  as  a  single  one  of  them  should 
remain  in  existence.^:  This  decision  was  ratified  by  the 
government  of  Connecticut,  and  thus  ended  the  proceed- 
ings resulting  from  the  complaint  which  Hallam  had  pre- 
sented seventeen  years  before  to  the  crown. 

Few  records  lemain  concerning  the  Mohegans,  duruig 
the  period  over  which  we  have  now  passed,  except  those 
which  refer  to  their  lands.  We  know,  however,  that,  as 
in  some  of  the  other  tribes  of  Connecticut,  individuals 
among  them  assisted  in  the  wars  against  the  French  of 


ii- 


'i '' 


iiM'l 


•i|  ihll  i 


•  Mohrgnn  Petition. 

t  Thnt  is,  ihe  landf    ntailed  by  the  first  John  M:tson. 

t  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  V;  Mohcgnn  Petition. 
20* 


■,jM 


316 


HISTORY   OF    THE    INDIANS 


Canada  ;  joining  the  regular  contingents  of  the  colony  in 
the  character  of  scouts,  and  receiving  out  of  the  public 
treasury  pay  of  from  fifteen  to  twenty  shillings  a  month. 
In  1703,  they  were  offered  a  bounty  of  ten  pounds  for 
every  hostile  Indian  whom  they  should  take  prisoner  * 

In  the  year  following  the  warriors  of  the  tribe  were 
estimated  at  one  hundred  and  fifty,  which,  in  the  propor- 
tion of  one  to  five,  would  give  a  total  population  of  seven 
hundred  and  fifty.  It  was  said  that  no  less  than  one  hun- 
dred of  this  number  were  in  the  military  service  of  the 
colony  during  this  same  year.f 

As  to  the  religious  condition  of  the  Mohegans,  little 
was  done  at  this  period  to  instruct  them  in  the  Christian 
%ith.     We  hear  nothing  of  the  little  band  of  praying  In- 
dians, and  only  knov^  that  they  had  been  left  without  a 
teacher  by  the  death  [in  1702]  of  their  excellent  friend 
the  Rev.  James  Fitch.     In  May,  1717,  the  ''  business  of 
gospelizmg  the  Indians"  was  brought  before  the  General 
Court.      The   subject   was   deferred   until   the   October 
session,  and  the  Governor  and  Council  were  req,iested  to 
consider,  m  the  mean  time,  what  might  be  the  best  means 
for  effecting  the  proposed  end.     In  October,  Governor 
Saltonstall  sent  in  a  message,  on  the  subject,  which  was 
well  worthy  of  coming  from  the  pen  of  a  Christian  states- 
man.     After  pointing  out  several  methods  of  preventing 
and  restraining  the  vicious  habits  of  the  Indians  he  ret 
commended  that  the  English  population  should  be  urged 
to  do  their  part  towards  drawing  the  natives  from  bar- 
barism, by  exemplifying  ,n  their  own  conduct  the  excel- 
lencies of  civilization.it     On  the  hints  furnished  in  this 

•  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  m.    i  Mohegau  Petitioa.    ,  i„di.„  P„pe„.  Vol.  III.  Doc.  88. 


: 


!m^iSiimmm::i:m 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


317 


letter,  an  act  for  the  promotion  of  civilization  and  Chris- 
tianity among  the  Indians  was  framed  and  passed.  The 
authorities  of  each  town  were  ordered  to  convene  the  In- 
dians within  their  jurisdiction,  make  known  to  them  the 
laws  existing  against  such  crimes  and  immoralities  as  they 
were  likely  to  commit,  and  inform  them  that  they  were 
as  much  exposed  to  the  penalties  of  a  violation  of  those 
laws  as  were  his  majesty's  subjects.  To  prevent  drunken- 
ness and  its  attendant  evils  it  was  enacted,  that  whoever 
should  sell  strong  drink  to  an  Indian  might  be  tried  before 
any  justice  of  the  peace,  and,  on  conviction,  be  fined 
twenty  shillings  for  every  oifense.  To  encourage  in- 
dustry it  was  recommended  that  the  Indians  should  be 
gathered  into  villages,  and  their  lands  no  longer  left  com- 
mon, biif  divided  among  the  different  families.* 

Such  were  the  provisions  of  this  act,  sensible  and  ex- 
cellent ;  but  alas !  there  is  no  proof  and  no  probability 
that  they  were  ever  thoroughly  carried  into  effect.  Some 
rumsellers  may  have  been  prosecuted ;  some  Indians  may 
have  been  told  that  there  were  laws  against  stealing  and 
fighting ;  but  no  division  was  made  of  lands,  no  well- 
governed  villages  were  formed,  and  no  check  was  put  to 
the  decline  of  the  native  population. 

h\  October,  1722,  it  was  represented  to  the  Assembly 
that  the  acts  forbidding  private  purchases  of  land  from  the 
Indians  had  been  broken  repeatedly  and  with  impunity. 
A  new  enactment  was  passed,  inflicting  a  fine  of  fifty 
pounds  upon  whoever  should  make  such  purchases  in 
future,  or  should  sell  lands  which  had  in  this  manner 
been  already  acquired.f     In  1724,  also,  an  act  of  1702 

•  Colonial  Record^,  Vol.  V,  ami  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  II,  Doc.iment  87. 
t  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  V. 


li 
I! 


•'• 


Wi 


318 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


n  * 


i       I 


recoverable  m  any  court.*  These  various  laws  of  course 
apij.ed  ,0  the  other  tribes  in  the  colony  a,  well  a^  ." 
Mohegans,  and  may  be  kept  in  mind  while  reading  the 
subsequent  chapters.  <'«u'iis  me 

In  ir23,  died  Cesar  the  son  of  Oweneco,  after  hacins 
for  eight  years,  been  the  sachem  of  Mohegan.    The  right' 
M  he,r  to  the  throne  now,  was  Mamohet  the  grandson  of 
Oweneco  by  his  eldest  son,  also  called  Mamohet      A„ 
mfant  when  his  father  died,  he  was  still  a  boy  or  at 

21^7  ''"""t™™'/""  -d-^'-ge  was  taken  of  his 
youth  to  deprive  h.m  of  the  sachemship.     Ben  Uncas 
youngest  brother  of  Oweneco,  and  illegitimate  son  o    t^e' 
great  Uncas,  must  now  have  been  an  old  man;  ye   „„ 
old  enough,  u  seems,  to  have  laid  aside  the  lov^  of  dig- 
nuy  and  power.     On  the  death  of  Cesar,  he  became  a 
competuor  wuh  Mamohet  for  the  sachemship,  and  eve' 
hreate    d,  as  the  Indians  reported,  to  put  his  ';pone 
death      A  general  council  of  the  tribe  v  a.  held,  where 
he  claims  of  the  two  rivals  were  discussed  and  disputed 

made.  The  Assembly  declared  itseSf  in  favor  of  Ben  •+ 
Mason  also  supported  him,  perhaps  to  prevent  a  quarrd 
between  the  Mohegans  and  the  colony ;  .md  MamoZ 
hopeless  of  overcommg  such  opposition,  or  fearful  of  Ben's 
vengeance,  gave  up  the  contest  and  resigned  his  claim. 
Major  Ben  Uncas,  as  he  was  commonly  called,  was  there- 
fore crowned  sachem,  and  had  his  election  ratified  by  an 
act  of  the  Assembly.J  ' 

•  Indta  P.po,.,  Vol.  I,  D<,c„„„„,  1,5.         ,  M„heg.„  relilion. 
t  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  V. 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


319 


The  controversy  respecting  the  Mohegan  lands,  which 
snemed  to  be  settled  in  1721,  was  soon  revived.     John 
Mason  was  by  no  means  satisfied  with  the  decision  then 
made  by  the  .assembly's  committee  :  yet  he  would  not 
probably  have  contested  it  had  it  not  been  for  the  ill- 
advised,  though,  perhaps,  not  singular  parsimony  of  the 
colony.     The  expenses  of  the  commission  of  1705  had 
been  large,  and  Mason,  as  the  friend  and  guardian  of  the 
Indians,  had  stood  responsible  for  their  proportion  of  them. 
This  was,  of  course,  in  expectation  that  the  decision  of 
the  court  would  be  fulfilled,  and  that  then  the  Mohegans 
would  be  able  to  repay  him  out  of  the  proceeds  of  the  re- 
covered lands.     All  such  hopes  being  finally  crushed  by 
the  proceedings  of  the  committee  of  1721,  Mason  seems 
to  have  resolved  to  appeal  for  justice  to  the  General  Court. 
In  1 722,  he  applied  for  copies  of  the  records  relating  to 
the  Mohegans,  and,  in  October  of  the  following  year,  pre- 
sented a  memorial  of  his  grievances  and  a  petition  for 
redress.     He  stated  the  charges  of  Governor  Dudley's 
court  at  £573  12s.  Sd.,  part  of  which  he  had  already  paid, 
and  for  the  remainder  had  made  himself  responsible.    He 
represented  the  injustice  of  the  people  of  Lyme  and  Col- 
chester being  allowed  to  retain  the  large  tracts  which  they 
had  acquired,  without  making  the  Indians  any  compen- 
sation for  them.     Finally,  he  requested  that  he  might 
again  have  the  care  of  the  Mohegans  and  their  lands,  with 
permission  to  live  among  them  and  cultivate  such  a  tract 
as  they  were  willing  to  allot  him*     The  Court  made  no 
reply  to  the  first  part  of  the  memorial,  but  granted  the 
rest  in  full.     He  was  authorized  to  take  charge  of  the 

•  Indian  Paper?,  Vol.  f,  Documents  121,  122. 


*).'.': 


I    i,H*"J 


i-: 


■   !     I 


320 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


Indians, 


3hool 


affairs  of  the  Indians,  and  was  requested 
among  them,  and  to  make  them  acquainted  with  the 
liature  of  the  Christian  religion.  "  This,"  says  the  reso- 
IntiOD,  «  is  in  consideration  of  the  respect  justly  due  to  the 
name  of  Captain  Mason,  ancestors;  to  the  great  trust 
which  the  Mohegans  have  had  in  them ;  to  the  confidence 
which  they  repose  in  him,  and  to  his  knowledge  of  their 
language  and  iiutiineis."* 

Ben  Uncas,  his  council  and  tribe,  had  already  [August 
23d,  1723,]  chosen  Mason  their  guardian,  and  confirmed 
the   office  to  him  and  to  his  heirs  forever.     He  now 
applied  to  them  for  permission  to  live  among  them,  and 
for  a  tract  of  their  land  for  his  own  use.     These  requests 
were  instantly  granted,  for  the  love  of  the  great  body  of 
the  Mohegans  to  the  Mason  family  was  hereditary  and 
unfading.     Mason  accordingly  moved  from  Stonington  to 
Mohegan,  and  for  some  years  acted  as  the  teacher  of  the 
Mohegans:  the  General  Court  granting  him,  at  one  time, 
fifteen  pounds  for  his  services  in  that  capacity.f 

He  still  complained,  however,  of  the  injustice  of  being 
obliged  to  pay  the  costs  of  a  court  which  the  colony  re- 
fused to  obey ;  and  being  unwilling,  and  indeed  unable, 
to  extort  so  large  a  sum  from  the  Mohegans,  he  made 
another  effort  to  obtain  it  from  the  colony.    He  presented 
[May,  1725,]  a  second  memorial,  asking  that  the  decision 
of  Dudley's  court  might  either  be  fulfilled,  or  some  other 
method  taken  of  liquidating   the   expenses  which  had 
accrued  to  h'm  from  it,  as  well  a.,  the  losses  which  he  had 
sustained  by  .vaiting  twenty  years.     He  asserted  that  an 
obligation  to  pay  the  costs  of  the  court  had  been  given  to 

•  Colonial  Rcc,  Vol.  V.     t  Indian  Papers.  Vol.  I,  Doc.  153     Col.  Rec.  V. 


'^t^^^i»M«i^' 


X^iJSii«a»Ma.*.^f  .•t-KMfit-  >.  < 


W^         ".-^Cl;.!!. 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


321 


Oweneco  by  the  colony  in  1706,  but  had  unfortunately 
been  lost,  so  that  he  could  not  produce  it.  A  deed  was 
also  made  out  for  himself  in  the  same  year,  he  said,  con- 
veying to  him  seven  hundred  pounds  in  silver  money  to 
defray  the  above  expenses.* 

On  this  memorial  a  committee  was  appointed,  which 
reported  in  May  of  the  following  year.  It  objected  to 
two  hundred  and  seventy-two  pounds  of  the  costs  which 
Mason  had  charged,  and  stated  that  no  proof  existed  of 
either  the  deed  or  the  obligation  which  he  mentioned. 
The  committee  also  brought  up  against  Mason  the  resig- 
nation of  the  trusteeship  of  the  Mohegan  lands  which  he 
made  in  1710,  and  the  one  thousand  pounds  which  were 
then  paid  by  the  colony  to  satisfy  those  who  claimed 
lands  of  him.  The  report  was  approved  by  the  General 
Court,  and  the  petition  remained  ungranted.f 

In  the  spring  or  summer  of  1726,  the  old  sachem  died, 
and  was  succeeded  by  his  son,  also  named  Ben  Uticas,  to 
the  prejudice  of  the  rights  of  Mamohet.  Some  opposition 
was  made  to  him  by  part  of  the  tribe ;  but  he  was  pub- 
licly invested  with  the  office  after  the  Mohegan  fashion, 
and  his  election  was  ratified  by  the  Court.  One  of  Ben's 
first  acts  of  sovereignty  was  to  give  a  power  of  attorney 
to  one  of  his  people,  Jo  Weebuck,  to  collect  the  rents  and 
herbage  of  the  land  from  the  English  tenants  by  whom 
some  portions  of  it  were  cultivated.^ 

In  the  mean  time.  Mason,  unsatisfied  with  the  decision 
of  the  colony,  was  endeavoring  to  form  a  party  among  the 
Mohegans  to  support  him  in  obtaining  what  he  considered 

*  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  I,  Documpnt  12f).  t  Ibid. 

t  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  T,  Dr.rnniPiiti'  127. 128. 12D. 


f 


II  ,  .  i' 


(  i^ 


322 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


his  rights.     Ben  Uncas  and  a  few  others  remained  firm  to 
Connecticut,  but  the  family  name  and  personal  influence 
of  Mason  succeeded  in  bringing  over  the  greater  part  of 
the  tribe.    In  this  little  community,  therefore,  two  factions 
were  now  formed,  which  continued  for  thirty  or  forty 
years  to  oppose  each  other,  with  a  violence  and  pertinacity 
that  would  have  done  honor  to  bigger  parties  in  a  bigger 
state.     Be  1  Uncas,  finding  his  authority  disturbed  by  this 
circumstance,  became  as  much  opposed  to  Mason,  and  as 
anxious  to  destroy  his  influence,  as  the  government  of 
Connecticut  could  wish.     He  twice  petitioned  that  other 
overseers  might  be  appointed  for  the  tribe,  although  both 
his  father  and  himself  had  granted  that  office,  in  per- 
petuity, to;  the  family  of  Mason.     The  General  Court 
accordingly  passed  [October,  1726,]  a  resolution,  confirm- 
ing Ben  Uncas  as  sachem  of  the  Mohegans,  and  appoint- 
ing John  Hall  and  James  Wadsworth  as  his  guardians.    It 
was  enacted,  at  the  same  time,  that  persons  holding  lands 
on  the  tract  sequestered  to  the  Mohegans  by  John  Mason 
in  1671,  should  not  be  allowed  to  plead  even  fifteen  years 
possession  for  their  claim  ;  but  should  still  hold  them 
merely  as  tenants  of  the  Indians,  unless  they  could  prove 
them  to  have  been  fairly  and  legally  purchased.* 

In  October,  1730,  three  guardians,  James  Wadsworth, 
Stephen  Whittelsey  and  Samuel  Lynde,  were  appointed,' 
with  authority  to  lease  the  Indian  land  to  English  tenants.' 
Two  years  afterwards,  the  guardians  then  chosen  were 
authorized  to  prosecute  those  tenants  who  refused  to  quit 
the  lands  when  their  leases  expired  ;  for  which  object  the 
sum  of  five  pounds  might  be  drawn  from  the  public 

•  Colonial  Record',  Vol.  V.     Indian  Papers,  Vol.  I,  Dooumento  129, 130. 


a>UUUlWti9K«t^JftWIUKseMII 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


323 


if 


treasury.  In  1730,  a  like  sum  was  allowed  for  the  purpose 
of  prosecuting  intruders.  The  rents  were  received  by- 
Ben  Uncas  in  right  of  his  dignity  as  sachem.* 

Mason,  though  deprived  of  the  overseership,  still  con- 
tinued to  live  on  the  Mohegan  lands.  Believing  still  thai 
he  was  wronged  by  the  colonial  government,  and  still 
claiming  to  be  the  rightful  guardian  of  the  tribe,  he  re- 
solved to  carry  his  case  before  the  crown.  Finding  Ben 
wholly  intractable  and  bitterly  opposed  to  him,  he  sup- 
ported the  claims  of  Mamohet  to  the  sachemship,  and  in- 
duced a  great  part  of  the  tribe  to  follow  his  example.  In 
1735,  taking  with  him  his  son,  Samuel  Mason,  and  Ma- 
mohet, now  a  full  grown  man,  he  sailed  to  England,  and 
laid  a  memorial  of  the  case  of  the  Mohegan  lands  before 
George  the  Second.  The  king  referred  it  to  the  Lords 
Commissioners  on  foreign  trade  and  plantations.  They 
reported  that  an  order  of  review  of  the  case  had  been 
given  in  1706 ;  and  proposed  that  another  should  now  be 
granted,  the  expense  of  which,  out  of  consideration  for 
the  poverty  of  the  Mohegans,  should  be  paid  by  the 
crown.  Before  the  commission  was  made  out.  Mason  died 
in  England.  His  two  sons,  John  and  Samuel,  now 
claimed  the  guardianship,  upon  the  authority  of  the  deeds 
making  over  that  office  to  their  father  and  his  descendants 
in  perpetuity.  A  few  weeks  after  the  death  of  Mason,  he 
was  followed  to  the  grave  by  Mamohet,  probably  the  only 
Indian  sagamore  who  was  ever  buried  in  England.f 

A  few  months  previous  to  this  event,  the  Mohegans, 
while  holding  a  great   dance,   had  put  it   to  the   vote 


'i  I 


}  I 


*  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  I,  Doc.  154. 
t  This  passage  is  collected  from  the  Muhegan  Petition!. 

30 


-    J 


r 

m 

M 

V 

'{ 

! 


324 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


whether  Mamohet  or  Ben  Uncas  was  their  true  sachem, 
and  had  decided  unanimously  in  favor  of  the  former.  On 
hearing  of  the  death  of  their  favorite,  they  set  up  in  his 
place  John  Uncas,  a  cousin  of  Ben,  and  son  of  that  John 
who  was  the  next  oldest  brother  to  Oweneco.  Hardly  a 
dozen,  and  sometimes  less,  remained  firm  to  Ben,  while  the 
great  body  of  the  tribe,  which  then  numbered  eighty  or 
one  hundred  men,  followed  John  and  the  Masons.* 

Both  parties  drew  up  and  signed  memorials  which  still 
remain.  The  memorial  of  Ben  Uncas  was  presented  to 
his  guardians.  It  complained  that  Captain  John  Mason, 
lately  deceased,  had  opposed  the  rightful  authority  of  Ben 
Uncas,  and  had  encouraged  the  Mohegans  to  set  up  a  rival 
against  him,  their  true  sachem.  It  asserted  that,  Mason 
being  dead,  the  lands  on  which  he  had  lived  ought  to 
return  into  the  possession  of  the  tribe.  He  had  come 
among  them  on  pretense  of  keeping  a  school,  and,  in  fact, 
had  performed  the  duties  of  a  teacher  for  about  three 
years.  His  lands,  therefore,  ought  now  to  revert  to  the 
tribe,  and  be  leased  to  some  pious  person  who  would  un- 
dertake the  same  office. 

3eu  also  complained  that  the  heirs  of  Captain  Daniel 
Fitch  were  encroaching  on  his  lands.f 

The  other  memorial  made  various  complaints  against 
Ben  Uncas,  and  asked  that  the  widow  and  children  of 
Captain  Mason  might  rernrin  on  the  lands  of  the  tribe 
until  Samuel  Mason  could  reti..n  from  England.^ 

In  reply  to  these  petitions,  the  General  Court  directed 
the  three  guardians  to  go  to  Mohegan  and  do  all  they 

»  Indian  Popers,  Vol.  I,  Doc.  173.      t  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  I,  Doc.  157. 
t  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  I,  Doc.  158. 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


325 


could  to  settle  the  quarrels  of  the  Indians.  They  were 
also  to  see  that  their  rights  were  preserved  to  them,  their 
fields  well  fenced,  and  their  corn  protected  from  the  cattle 
of  the  neighboring  farmers. 

On  the  fourteenth  of  June,  1737,  a  commission  of  re- 
view upon  the  affairs  of  the  M.  .hegans  was  made  out  in 
England,  appointing  as  Commissioners  the  Governor  and 
Assistants  of  Rhode  Island,  and  the  Lieutenant  Governor 
and  Members  of  New  York.  The  government  of  Con- 
necticut, seeing  the  storm  approaching,  began  its  prepara- 
tions to  meet  it.  An  important  point,  on  which  the  fate  of 
the  trial  might  turn,  wao  the  question  as  to  who  was  the 
true  sachem  of  the  Mohegans.  If  Ben  Uncas  could  retain 
the  name  and  authority  of  that  office,  he  might  perhaps 
render  the  proceedings  of  the  proposed  court  nugatory,  by 
refusing  to  acknowledge  Samuel  Mason  as  the  agent  of 
the  tribe,  and  by  declaring  that  the  Mohegans  had  no 
cause  of  complaint  against  the  colony.  The  greater  part 
of  the  Indians  were,  indeed,  violently  opposed  to  Ben ; 
but  a  favorable  opportunity  now  offered  to  induce  them 
to  acknowledge  his  title.  A  report  was  abroad  that  the. 
eastern  Indians  were  coming  to  attack  them,  and  the  Mo- 
hegar.d  therefore  applied  to  the  colony  for  protection. 
Tne  governor  replied  that  he  would  protect  none  but  their 
lawful  sachem,  Ben  Uncas,  and  those  who  submitted  to 
his  government*  A  paper  acknowledging  Ben  as  the 
true  sachem  of  the  tribe  was  drawn  up,  and  was  presented 

•  My  only  authority  for  this  ptatenient  is  a  Mohegan  Petition.  Without 
these  petitions  it  is  imposaibie  to  trace  a  connected  narrntive.  I  must  in 
honesty  give  warning,  however,  that  they  may  contain  exaggrralions  and  even 
falsehoods.  Yet  I  hnve  taken  pains  to  reject  those  passages,  the  truth  of  which 
appcani  evidently  duubtfui. 


t  ) 


11 


Si 


326 


HISTORY    or    THE    INDIANS 


Tor  the  marks  of  those  who,  on  this  condition,  would 
accept  of  the  protection  of  Connecticut.     Fifty-eight  In- 
dians signed  it,  among  whom  was  Ben  Uncas  himself,  and 
John  Uncas,  either  his  rival  or  his  rival's  son.*    That  Ben 
Uncas  should  sign  a  paper  acknowledging  himself  as  sa- 
chem is  very  absurd ;  and  that  John  Uncas  should  sign 
the  same  paper,  with  a  knowledge  of  its  contents,  is  very 
improbable.    The  explanation  is  not  dilficult,  and  is  given 
us  in  full  by  the  testimony  of  Jonathan  Barber,  at  that 
time  missionary  among  the  Mohegans.     He  assigns  three 
reasons  for  believing  that  tlie  signers  of  the  above  paper 
knew  little  or  nothing  of  its  meaning.     In  the  first  place, 
many  of  them  had,  a  short  time  before,  asserted  openly 
in  conversation,  that  Ben  Uncas  was  not  their  sachem. 
In  the  second,  some  of  them  insisted  that  Ben  himself 
should  sign  the  paper,  which  was  inconsistent  with  the 
nature  of  it.     Finally,  many  of  them  afterwards  declared 
that  they  supposed  the  object  of  their  signing  to  be,  to 
show  how  many  Mohegans  were  ready  to  join  in  the  war 
which  was  expected  to  take  place  against  the  French,  the 
Mohawks  and  the  eastern  Indians.f 

Another  method  of  strengthening  the  hands  of  Ben  was 
to  send  for  his  son,  then  an  indented  apprentice  in  Massa- 
chusetts, and  marry  him  to  Ann,  the  daughter  of  the 
former  sachem  Cesar.  His  master,  Samuel  Russell  of 
Shcrburn,  refused  to  give  him  up  without  being  satisfied 
for  that  part  of  his  apprenticesliip  which  was  still  unex- 
pired. Forty  pounds  were  paid  for  this  object,  ten  pounds 
more  for  the  ex])enses  of  the  messenger,  and  young  Ben 

•  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  I,  Documpnt  17.1,  pp  .17,  38. 
t  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  I,  Documeni  173,  pp.  43, 44. 


I 


OI"    CONNECTICUT. 


327 


I 


was  brought  home  to  Mohegan  and  married  to  Ann  as  had 
been  proposed.* 

The  precaution  was  also  taken  of  obtaining  a  deed  from 
the  Mohegans ;  acknowledging  that  the  colony  had  always 
behaved  towards  them  with  justice  ;  disclaiming  the  com- 
plaint which  had  lately  been  made  to  the  king,  and  re- 
leasing all  persons  concerned  from  the  consequences  of 
the  decision  of  Dudley's  court.  Fifty  pounds,  it  was  said 
by  the  enemies  of  the  colony,  were  given  for  this  settle- 
ment ;  yet  such  was  the  influence  of  the  Masons  that  only 
eighteen  of  the  tribe,  including  the  sachem,  could  be  in- 
duced to  sign  it.  A  large  number  of  the  others  met  the 
next  day,  formally  protested  against  what  had  been  done, 
disclaimed  Ben  Uncas  as  their  sachem,  and  denied  that  he 
had  any  righf  to  release  their  demands.f 

The  meeting  of  the  court  being  now  at  hand,  John 
Richards,  one  of  the  overseers,  was  ordered  to  provide  Ben 
Uncas  with  suitable  clothing  to  appear  before  the  com- 
missioners. We  may  be  allowed  to  infer  from  this  circum- 
stance, that  the  sachem  was  ordinarily  somewhat  ragged 
and  dirty  in  his  equipments ;  and,  if  such  was  the  condi- 
tion of  the  chief,  who  claimed  and  received  all  the  rents 
of  the  lands,  what  must  have  been  the  situation  vf  the 
people  !  Another  resolution  of  the  General  Court  directed 
that  the  commissioners  should  be  properly  and  honorably 
rewarded  for  the  expense  and  trouble  which  would  ne- 
cessarily ensne  to  them  in  the  discharge  of  their  duty.J 

On  the  fourth  of  June,  1738,  the  court  convened  at 
Norwich,  almost  in  the  midst  of  the  disputed  territory, 

*  Indian  PnpcrB,  Vol.  I,  DocutnentH  23fi,  237. 

t  Mohegan  Petition.  t  Coloninl  Records,  Vol.  VI. 

80* 


.i,;i 


328 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


and  only  a  few  miles  from  the  wigwams  of  the  Mohegans. 
luc  Commissioners  were  nine  in  number:  Philip  Oort- 
landt  and  Daniel  Horsmanden,  members  of  the  New  York 
council,  and  the  Governor  and  six  Assistants  of  the  colony 
of  Rhode  Island.  Of  the  others  httle  is  at  present  known  • 
but  Horsmanden  was  at  different  times  chief  justice  of  the 
colony  of  New  York,  president  of  the  council  and  recorder 
of  the  city.* 

The  Mason  party  had  retained  as  counsel  for  the  Mo- 
hegans William  Shirley,  advocate-general  of  New  Eng- 
land,  and  afterwards  governor' of  Massachusetts,  and  Wil- 
liam  BoUan,  a  distinguished  lawyer,  son-in-law  of  Shirley, 
and  also,  at  one  time,  advocate-general  of  New  England' 
Phihp  Cortlandt  was  chosen  president,  and  the  court  en- 
tered upon  Its  business.    The  governor  and  council  of  Con- 
necticut, the  sachem  and  heads  of  the  Mohegan  tribe,  and 
the  persons  holding  disputed  lands,  were  now  summoned. 
When  the  chief  sachem  of  the  Mohegans  was  called,  Ben 
Uncas  rose  and  replied  that  he  was  chief  sachem,  and  was 
immediately  followed  by  John  Uncas,  who  asserted  that 
he  was  chief  sachem.     The  court  decided  to  settle  tfiis 
point  before  proceeding  further ;  and  nine  persons  of  the 
vicinity,  well  acquainted  among  the  Mohegans,  were  sum- 
moned  and   examined   as   to    which    was    the   rightful 
claimant.     They  all  testified  that  John  was  descended 
from  the  second  son  of  old  Uncas ;  that  Ben  was  de- 
sceiKied  from  a  younger  son,  who  was  supposed  to  be 
Illegitimate  :  that,  in  consequence,  John   Uncas  was  the 
true  and  lawful  sachem  of  Mohegan.     The  Rhode  Island 
commissioners,  who  from  the  first  showed  a  ducid'.d  m- 

*  Allen's  Biographical  Dictionary. 


or    CONNECTICUT. 


329 


clination  to  favor  Connecticut,  were  still  unsatisfied,  and 
Shirley  and  Bcllan  proposed  that  the  Mohegans  who  were 
then  present  might  be.  brought  in  as  additional  witnesses. 
The  greatest  part  of  the  tribe  was  probably  there,  but  the 
proposition  being  put  to  the  vote,  a  majority  of  the  court 
decided  against  it.  Horsmanden  considered  this  decision 
so  unjust  that  he  openly  dissented.  I'his  was  on  the 
tenth  of  June.* 

On  the  following  day  the  examination  of  witnesses  was 
continued ;  and  Thomas  Stanton  the  interpreter,!  Captain 
John  Morgan  a  firm  friend  of  the  Mohegans,  and  Jonathan 
Barber,  then  missionary  among  them,  testified  in  favor  of 
John  Uncas.  Shirley  and  Bollan  now  moved  again  that 
the  testimony  of  the  Mohegans  might  be  taken,  fir«=t  for 
Ben  Uncas,  afterwards  for  John.  The  Rhode  Island  com- 
missioners refused,  and  Horsmanden  again  dissented  from 
the  refusal. J 

On  the  thirtecntli  of  June,  a  majority  of  the  court  de- 
cided, in  face  of  all  the  evidence,  that  Ben  Uncas  was  the 
rightful  sachem  of  Mohegan.     Horsmanden  once  more 
dissented,  and  was  joined  by  Cortlandt,  ijiscolh^ague  from 
New  York.     The  case  was  now  in  a  singular  position. 
The  sachem  and  people  of  Mohegan  were  complaining 
against  the  colony  of  Connecticut ;  Ben  Uncas  was  the 
acknowledged  sachem  of  Mohegan ;  and  Ben  Uncas  de- 
clared that  neither  he  nor  his  tribe  had  any  cause  of  com- 
plaint against  the  colony.     The  first  thing  that  this  ex- 
traordinary plaintiff  did   was,   to  dismiss   Sherman  and 
Bollan  from  their  post  as  couusel  for  the  Mohegans,  and 

•  See  Indian  Pnf  t'rs,  Vol,  I,  Document  l?*?. 

t  Son  of  tiiat  Thoma**  Slfliuon  who  wns  intrrprrtor  in  the  early  days  of  th« 
colony.  t  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  I,  Document  173. 


i:    1 


'M 


rLaLar^^ 


I     I, 

I 


330 


HISTORY   or    THE    INDIANS 


ask  that  three  Connecticut  men  whom  he  named  might 
be  chosen  in  their  place.     This  was  carried,  and  Messrs. 
Edwards,  Curtiss  and  Lee  were  accordingly  installed  as 
advocates  to  manage  the  case  against  the  colony.     To 
counteract  this  move,  Shirley  and  Bollan  proposed  that 
Samuel  Mason,  son  of  the  deceased  John  Mason,  should 
be  admitted  as  the  guardian  of  the  Mohegans.     This  was 
refused,  and  Horsmanden  dissented.     They  mored  that 
the  Mohegans  might  choose  their  own  advocates.    It  was 
denied.     They  moved  that   these  motions  and  refusals 
might  be  recorded  among  the  proceedings.     It  was  re- 
fused.    The  New  York  commissioners  dissented,  and  re- 
quested that  their  dissents  might  be  entered.     It  was 
voted   down.     Shirley   and    Bollan,    seeing    that    their 
presence  was  completely  useless,  returned  to  Boston.    On 
the  following  day,  Cortlandt  and  Horsmanden  brought  in 
a  protest  against  the  proceedings  of  the  court;  calling  the 
defense  of  the  colony  unfair  and  collusive  ;  observing  that 
the  prosecution  was  in  part  conducted  by  members  of  the 
government  of  Connecticut ;  and  expressing  their  entire 
dissatisfaction.     Having  laid  this   protest   on  the    table, 
they  left  the  court  and  returned  to  New  York.* 

The  remaining  commissioners  now  appointed  John 
Wanton,  governor  of  Rhode  Island,  as  president.  The 
defense  of  the  colony  being  called  for,  various  documents 
were  brought  forward,  and,  among  others,  the  deed  of 
1640.  This  deed,  it  will  be  remembered,  represents  Uncas 
as  passing  away  nearly  his  whole  territory,  amounting  to 
seven  or  eiglit  hundred  square  miles,  for  nothing,  and  re- 
ceiving a  present  of  five  and  a  half  yards  of  cloth  and  a 

•  See  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  I,  Document  17. 'J. 


i:i'i<!l«,K'»„i''.'-»y 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


331 


few  pairs  of  stockings.     Such  a  ground  of  defense,  what- 
ever  justice  it  may  have  had  considering  the  circumstances 
of  Uncas  m  1640,  seemed  so  unreasonable  to  the  clerk  of 
the  court,  a  Rhode  Islander  named  John  Walton,  that  he 
declared  that  he  would  no  longer  execute  his  office.     His 
resignation  was  accepted,  and  Daniel  Huntington  of  Nor- 
,     wich  was  appointed  in  his  place.     It  was  now  proposed 
to  review  the  proceedings  of  former  courts  upon  the  cause  ; 
but  this  a  majority  of  the  commissioners  refused  to  do! 
The  refusal  was  objected  to  by  Lee,  one  of  Ben  Uncas's 
counsel ;  and,  as  he  could  not  induce  the  court  to  revoke 
Its  decision,  he  resigned  his  post.* 

A  paper,  dated  March  11th,  1737,  releasing  the  colony 
from  all  the  charges  made  against  it,  and  signed  with 
the  marks  of  Ben  Uncas  and  a  number  of  other  Mo- 
hegans,  was  now  read,  as  well  as  another  of  a  similar 
purport  obtained  from  the  same  source.  May  5th,  1738. 
Ben  and  several  of  his  tribe  then  came  forward  and  tes- 
tified that  these  releases  were  truly  theirs  and  given  of 
their  own  free  choice. 

On  Monday,  the  sixteenth  of  June,  the  commissioners 
present,  Johii  Wanton,  governor  of  Rhode  Island,  and 
John  Chipnian.  Puier  Bours,  William  AnXhony,  James 
Arnold,  Philip  Arnold,  Rowse  Helme,  Assistants  of  the 
same  colony,  pronounced  their  decision  :  that  the  sentence 
of  Governor  Dudley's  court  of  1705  be  repealed.  In  sup- 
port of  this  decision,  they  adduced  the  deed  of  1640 ;  the 
terms  of  the  royal  charter  of  Connecticut ;  the  quit-cllims 
and  conveyances  obtained  from  various  Mohegan  sactiems 
by  individual  proprietors;  the  fact  that  the  Mohegans 

•  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  I,  Doc.  173.     Mohegan  Petition. 


1  *  r ' 
Mi- 


S    r 


( 


'  h 


i|t 


832 


BISTORT   OF    THE    INDIANS 


1,1 


J^ 


rir 

I  A 


were  still  in  possession  of  a  fertile  tract  of  four  or  five 
thousand  acres ;  and,  finally,  the  two  general  acquittances 
which  had  been  given  to  the  colony  by  Ben  Uncas  the 
present  sachem.* 

Thus  closed  this  extraordinary  trial.  If  the  decision 
was  not  unjust,  it  was,  at  all  events  reached  by  a  course 
disgraceful  to  the  majority  of  the  commissioners.  It  is 
difficult  to  see  what  possible  claim  the  colony  of  Connec- 
ticut had  to  the  right  of  appointing  the  sachems  and  guar- 
dians of  the  Mohegans.  The  Mohegans  were  a  free 
people  :  they  had  never  been  conquered  by  the  English ; 
never  made  any  kind  of  submission  to  the  English  gov- 
ernment. The  only  one  of  the  nation  who  ever  became 
a  British  subject  was  a  man  without  authority  or  in- 
fluence, Abimelech,  the  son  of  Attawanhood.  The  guar- 
dians of  the  Mohegans  should  be  considered  as  their 
agents,  and  these  agents  the  tribe  claimed  a  right  to  choose 
without  regard  to  any  will  besides  its  own.  If  the  General 
Court  of  Connecticut  had  pver  ratified  the  choice,  that 
was  a  thing  which  the  Indians  had  never  requested  it  to 
do,  although  they  had  never  objected  to  it.  The  only 
claim  which  the  Court  could  advance  for  the  right  of 
making  these  ratifications  was,  that  the  said  agents  or 
guardians  had  always  been  citizens  of  the  colony.  Yet 
even  this  fact  would  give  it  no  right  to  say  that  any  such 
citizens  should  not  act  as  agents  or  guardians  in  a  suit 
at  law. 

As  for  the  sachemship,  John  Uncas  was  the  head  of  the 
oldest  surviving  branch  of  the  royal  family,  and  was  sup- 
ported in  his  claims  by  a  great  majority  of  the  tribe.    Ben 


*  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  I,  Document  173. 


■;^»saiiB«fcfedatiiiBt!ii&te*awM>aiaiaiMii»^ 


iiiSii 


;.*i*a*eii>;*:!«ia«» 


OP    CONNECTICUT. 


333 


Uncas,  on  the  contrary,  was  head  of  the  youngest  branch 
of  the  royal  family,  and  that  branch,  too,  generally  be- 
lieved  to  be  illegitimate.     Descent  among  the  Indians 
was  mfluenced  by  the  mother,  not  by  the  father,-  and  the 
mother  of  Ben  Uncas  was  not  a  woman  of  royal  blood. 
John  Uncas,  therefore,  was  the  true  sachem  of  Mohegan 
.    in  spite  of  the  fact  that  his  rival  had  obtained  the  cere- 
mony of  installation.     Mason,  too,  should  have  been  the 
guardian,  Sherman  and  Bollan  the  advocates,  of  the  plain- 
tifts  •  not  some  persons   who  were   chosen   by  the  de- 
fendants.   It  was  a  new  thing  indeed,  as  the  complainants 
said,  that  one  of  the  parties  in  a  suit  at  law  should  be 
guardian  and  adviser  for  the  other. 

Finally,  the  last  treaty  made  with  Uncas  provided  that 
when  any  Mohegan  land  was  taken  for  the  use  of  the' 
colony,  a  compensation  should  be  made  such  as  the  parties 
could  agree  upon.     Yet  not  a  penny  appears  to  have  been 
paid  for  the  eighteen  square  miles  absorbed  into  Lyme  • 
nor  more  than  a  few  shillings  for  the  still  larger  tract  taken 
up  by  the  township  of  Colchester.    These  lands,  therefore 
If  no  others,  ought  to  have  been  paid  for  or  restored.        ' 
The  costs  of  the  trial  had  been  considerable  to  Connec- 
ticut, and  some  of  the  items  preserved  in  the  records  are 
not  unworthy  of  notice.  ^  One  James  Harris  sent  in  two 
bills  for  expenses  incurred  in  keeping  up  among  the  Mo- 
hegans  a  party  favorable  to  the  colony.     The  first  con- 
sisted of  £8  5s.  lOd.  in  clothes  and  other  articles  for 
Joshua  and  Samuel  Uncas.  Simon  Choychoy  and  Zachary 
Johnson.     The  second  was  for  expenses  incurred  while 
remaining  personally  among  the  Mohegans  and  endeav- 
oring to  keep  them  in  a  good  humor.     One  of  the  items 


. 


!'  l' 


334 


HIST0R7    OF    THE    INDIANS 


in  this  last  was  £10  13s.  7d.  "for  feasting  the  Indians 
at  their  meeting  for  the  revocation :"  aUuding  to  the 
council  where  the  quit-claim  or  release  was  assented  to  by 
the  party  of  Ben  Uncas.  The  entire  bills  of  Harris 
amounted  to  over  one  hundred  and  ninety-three  pounds, 
but  the  General  Court  finally  allowed  him  only  one 
hundred.* 

.  Difficulties  soon  arose  between  Ben  and  some  of  the 
people  of  Norwich,  and  he  complained  to  the  Court  that 
encroachments  were  made  on  the  lands  which  had  so 
lately  been  reserved  to  him.  The  guardians.  Wadsworth, 
Lynde  and  Richards,  were  therefore  commissioned  to  as- 
certain the  bounds  of  Mohegan,  and  assist  the  sachem  in 
maintaining  them  against  in'-  ^ers.f 

After  the  close  of  the  coui  1738,  John  and  Samuel 
Mason  were  commissioned  b>  .leir  party  among  the  Mo- 
hegans  to  present  an  appeal  to  the  crown.  The  memorial 
was  written,  signed  and  sent  over  to  England,  with  a 
report  from  Cortlandt  and  Horsmanden  of  the  irregular 
proceedings  which  had  caused  their  withdrawal  from  the 
court.  The  Lords  Justices  accordingly  set  aside  the  de- 
cision, and  granted  a  new  commission,  [January,  1741,] 
empowering  the  governor  and  council  of  New  York  and 
the  governor  and  council  of  Naw  Jersey  to  try  the  cause. 
An  appeal  might  be  made  to  the  king's  privy  council,  and 
then  the  litigation  was  to  be  settled  forever.J 

These  events  being  known  in  Connecticut,  prepara- 
tions were  made  to  meet  the  trial ;  committees  appointed, 
advocates  hired,  and  agents  chosen  to  represent  the  colony 

*  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  II.     Colonial  Records,  Vol.  VII. 

t  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  I,  Doc'ts.  217,  218.        t  Mohegan  Petition. 


1 
t 

a 

o 

V 

n 


-'■^tmtiae.^^matiK.^^tmmtm-^r'i.^-  ■ 


■  '.-r  ^'''' 


''ai^^i^dmismi^iMlii^mmiLAMiti^ 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


335 


before  the  expected  court.    Ben  Uncas  now  did  what  had 
never  before  been  done  by  a  Mohegan  sachem  :  after  ^ 

des  r,„g  that  h,s  appomtments  might  be  mtified.     That 
body  of  course  assented  to  a  request  so  obsequious,  and  so 

hegans.     The  names  of  the  councilors  exhibit  the  curious 
mixture  of  native  and  English  cognomens  now  prev^ 
among  ,he  Indians.     They  were,  "  old  Wambawaug      d 
Jo  Py,  Joshua  Uncas,  Simon  Chawchaw,  Samnef  p' 
Samson  Occom,   Ephraim  Johnson  and  John  Wambl: 
waug.       A  paper  was  also  presented,  signed  by  Ben 

a„r<5  '''f  "  '"^'"™"°"^  ™d  misrep,.sentations  of  John 
and  Samuel  Mason.".  This  paper  probably  exhibits  the 
Whole  strength  of  the  colonial  party  among  the  Mohegans 

dred  mTn  '"'"  """''""^  °'"""'  """"  ""«  h""' 

fro^l'V"'  V "',!'  "^7  "'■  ^"'^'  "^^'  fi™  """mis^ioners 
from  New  York  and  New  Jersey  held  their  firs,  meeting 
a.  N„rw,ch      Two  of  them  were  Philip  Cortlandt,  the 
president  of  the  former  court,  and  Daniel  Horsmanden, 
who  had  made  hunself  so  conspicuous  by  his  opposition 
to  the  members  from  Rhode  Island.     Another  was  '!ad- 
walader  Golden,  historian  of  the  Six  Nations ;  a  physician 
a  botanist  and  an  astronomer;  formerly  surveyor-general 
of  New  York,  and  now  a  member  of  itscouncil.    A  fourth 
was  Lewis  Morris,  first  governor  of  New  Jersey,  an  old 
man  of  seventy-one  summers.     The  little  town  of  Nor- 
wrch  was  filled  to  overflowing  with  strangers,  some  of 


'  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  I,  Dr-^ 


31 


^nf  21 '5.     Colonial  Records,  Vol.  VII, 


^n 


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IMAGE  EVALUATION 
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WIISTH.N.Y.  14510 

(716)  37)-4S03 


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I/. 


336 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


I 

IF  * 


P 


m 


whom  were  personally  interested  in  the  proceedings,  others 
attracted  thither  by  curiosity.  All  the  officers  of  the 
government  and  many  of  the  distinguished  men  of  the 
colony  were  present.  The  whole  tribe  of  the  Mohegans 
was  quartered  on  the  inhabitants,  and  the  two  rival  sa- 
chems exerted  themselves  each  to  support  the  greatest 
state.  John  Uncas  and  his  followers  were  entertained  by 
their  friends,  the  Lathrops,  the  Leffingwells,  and  other 
principal  inhabitants  of  Norwich.  Ben  Uncas  was  sup- 
ported mostly  at  the  expense  of  the  colony,  and  was  hon- 
ored with  the  notice  of  the  chief  officers  of  government.* 

Four  parties,  John  Uncas,  Ben  Uncas,  the  colony  of  Con- 
necticut, and  the  holders  of  the  disputed  lands,  appeared 
in  court,  each  represented  by  its  own  attorney.  The 
counsel  of  John  Uncas  was  the  same  William  Bollan  who 
had  served  him,  five  years  before,  in  conjunction  with 
Governor  Shirley.  The  sheriff  was  commanded  to  sum- 
mon the  Mohegans  individually,  and  inquire  of  them  who 
was  their  rightful  sachem.  He  returned  from  his  duty, 
saying  that  he  had  interrogated  ninety-nine;  that  twenty- 
two  of  them  had  declared  for  Ben  Uncas ;  that  the  other 
seventy-seven  had  denied  Ben,  and  pronounced  for  his 
rival,  John  Uncas.f 

The  case  was  argued  at  length  by  the  council  for  the 
colony.  They  stated,  in  the  first  place,  that  the  Mo- 
hegans were  not  originally  a  distinct  and  independent 
people,  but  only  a  fragment  of  the  Pequots  which  had 
been  rescued  from  servitude  and  rendered  numerous  and 
powerful  by  the  friendship  of  the  Knglish.  Thus  they 
had  properly  no  territory  of  their  own,  and  what  rights  to 


•  History  of  Norwich,  pp.  ICI,  16.1. 


t  Molirgnn  Petition. 


f 


OP    CONNECTICUT. 


337 


land  they  could  claim  were  passed  away  by  Uncas's  deed 
of  1640.     Another  deed  had  been  obtained,  in  1659,  by 
Mason,  not  as  trustee  of  the  Indians,  but  as  an  agent  of 
the  colony  of  Connecticut  of  which  he  was  then  deputy 
governor.     Less  than  a  year  after,  he  made  over  all  the 
lands  thus  obtained  to  the  colony,  so  that  his  subsequent 
reservation  of  a  considerable  portion  of  them  to  the  Mo- 
hegans  was  illegal  and  worthless.     The  lands  in  dispute 
had  thus  twice  been  bought  in  the  mass,  and  had  after- 
wards been  purchased  in  tracts  by  individuals.     The  In- 
dians, of  themselves,  weie  perfectly  satisfied,  and  only 
made  trouble,  because  they  were  incited   to  do  so  by 
selfish  and  designing  men.     The  territory  in  question  had 
been  held  by  its  present  possessors  many  years,  and  as 
these  now  amounted  to  five  or  six  hundred  persons,  much 
suffering  would  be  produced  by  ejecting  them  from  their 
lands.     They  protested  against  the  claims  of  John  and 
Samuel  Mason  to  the  guardianship  of  the  Mohegans,  and 
asserted  that  no  person  could  exercise  that  office  without 
the  consent  of  the  colony.     Finally,  they  denied  that  the 
authority  of  the  court  could  extend  further  than  to  such 
lands  as  the  sachems  had  in  their  sales  reserved  to  them- 
selves.* 

Bollan  spoke  on  the  part  of  the  complainants.  He 
denied  that  the  Mohegans  had  ever  sold  their  land  in  the 
mass  to  the  colony.  On  the  contrary,  they  had  trusteed 
it  to  their  faithful  friend,  John  Mason,  to  keep  it  for  them 
from  the  greediness  and  cunning  of  many  of  the  English. 
When  Mason  grew  old  and  was  about  to  die,  he  had  re- 
turned the  greater  part  of  it  to  the  tribe,  and  the  sachems 

•  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  II.    Mohegan  Petition.    Defense  of  the  colony,  mm. 


338 


HISTORY    OF    THK    INDIANS 


I  :  '  {| 


I 


had,  after  his  decease,  transferre('  it  to  the  care  of  his  chil- 
dren.   In  that  family  it  had  always  continued,  and  in  that 
family,  by  the  will  of  the  Mohegans,  it  still  remained. 
John  and  Samuel  Mason  had  been  noticed  as  guardians 
of  the  tribe  in  the  last  royal  commission  of  review.    The 
government  of  Connecticut  had   no  right   whatever  to 
appoint  overseers  for  a  free  people,  like  the  Mohegans, 
especially  in  such  a  conjuncture  as  the  present.     It  was 
an  unheard-of  thing  for  one  of  the  parties  in  an  important 
law  suit,  or  any  law  suit  at  all,  to  make  itself  guardian 
and  adviser  for  the  other.     His  clients  denied  that  Bea 
Uncas  was  sachem,  and  acknowledged  no  one  for  that 
post  but  John  Uncas.    They  repudiated  most  of  the  grants 
which  were  alleged  to  have  been  made  since  the  death  of 
the  great  Uncas ;  and  they  contended  that  all  papers  re- 
lating to  transactions  between  the  Indians  and  the  English 
ought  to  be  interpreted  in  the  sense  most  favorable  to  the 
former,  because  the  whites,  who  drew  them  up,  would 
naturally  state  them  as  advantageously  as  possible  for 
themselves.     As  for  the  length  of  time  which  the  lands 
had  been  held  by  the  present  tenants,  that  was  not  plead- 
able against  the  Indians,  who,  being  independent,  were 
not  subject  to  English  law.     And,  besides,  when  the  de- 
cision of  1705  was  given  in  their  favor,  few  of  the  tenants 
had  been  in  possession  long,  and  some  of  them  had  not 
entered  upon  the  lands,  or  acquired  any  claim  to  them 
at  all.*  ' 

The  trial  dragged  on  for  a  long  time,  and  an  immense 
amount  of  evidence  on  every  point  bearing  any  relation 
to  the  case  was  brought  up  and  examined.     On  the  sixth 

•  Mohegnn  Petition. 


Il 


or    CONNECTICUT. 


339 


day  of  the  court,  Captain  Lee,  counsel  for  Ben  Uncas, 
begged  a  hearing  on  behalf  of  his  client.    It  was  granted  J 
upon  which  he  produced  a  paper  signed  by  Ben  Uncas,  a^ 
sachem  of  the  Mohegans,  and  by  ten  of  his  people.     It 
was  a  release  to  the  government  and  people  of  Connec- 
ticut from  the  present  trial,  acknowledging  that  all  the 
material  assertions  in  their  defense  were   true,  and  de- 
claring that  they  held  legal  and  honorable  possession  of 
the  territory  now  in  litigation.* 

Several  days  after  the  court   had  been  opened,  the 
holders  of  the  disputed  lands  protested  against  the  pro- 
ceedings, denied  that  they  were  complained  against  by 
those  who  had  a  right  to  complain,  and  prayed  to  be  dis- 
missed.    BoUan  replied  that  the  tenants  held  lands  once 
belonging   to  the    Mohegans;    that  the  Mohegans  had 
charged  them  with  obtaining  those  lands  unfairly ;  and 
that  it  was  their  busir.ess  to  repel  that  charge  and  the 
proofs  which  were  alleged  in  its  support  by  substantial 
facts.     The  tenants  denied  the  power  of  the  crown  to  in- 
stitute such  a  court  as  was  now  sitting ;  but  the  commis- 
sioners overruled  the  denial.     The  tenants  finally  made 
a  declaration,  that  they  held  their  titles  by  fair  Indian 
grants,  obtained  for  money,  goods  and  valuable  articles 
paid  to  the  native  owners.f 

On  the  twenty-sixth  of  July,  seventeen  day?  after  the 
opening  of  the  court,  the  commissioners  had  finished  all 
the  evidence,  heard  all  the  pleas ;  and  three  out  of  the 
five,  Golden,  Rodman  and  Cortlandt,  pronounced  a  de- 
cision in  favor  of  the  colony.  They  went  over  the  whole 
history  of  land  transactions  between  the  Mohegans  and 


•  Mohegan  Petition. 


31* 


t  Mohpgin  Petition. 


II! 


340 


niSTORT    or    THE    INDIANS 


the  people  of  Connecticut ;  allowed  the  truth  of  all,  or 
nearly  all,  that  had  been  urged  by  the  advocates  of  the 
latter ;  expressed  their  belief  that  the  Indians  would  not 
have  retained  a  foot  of  land  had  it  not  been  for  the  inter- 
ference of  the  colonial  government ;  mentioned  that  the 
Mohegans  now  had,  secured  to  them,  a  tract  of  four  oi 
five  thousand  acres,  and  declared  that  with  this  they 
ought  to  be  satisfied  * 

Lewis  Morris  than  rose,  and  stated  that  his  opinion 
differed  in  some  particulars  from  that  of  Messrs.  Golden, 
Rodman  and  Cortlandt.  He  considered  the  deed  of  1640 
to  be  the  genuine  work  of  Uncas ;  but,  from  its  tenor, 
and  from  s:it  ent  transactions,  he  regarded  it  as  only 
giving  thf  Conr.ecticut  people  a  pre-emption  right  to  the 
lands  therein  mentioned,  to  the  exclusion  of  the  other 
English  and  of  the  Dutch.  As  to  the  surrender  of  the 
Mohegan  lands  by  Mason  to  Connecticut,  he  thought  it 
could  not  have  been  his  intention  to  convey  to  the  colony 
the  ownership  of  t'le  lands,  but  only  to  enable  it  to  ex- 
ercise its  jnrisdictive  power  within  the  limits  of  the  ter- 
ritory. His  opinion  on  the  whole  case  he  would  reserve 
until  the  next  meeting  of  the  court.f 

Finally  rose  Horsir  .nden  ;  not  a  whit  more  friendly  to 
the  government  of  Connecticut  now  than  he  had  been 
five  years  before.  He  differed  widely,  he  said,  from  Mr. 
Morris,  as  well  as  from  Messrs.  Golden,  Rodman  and  Cort- 
landt. He  had  carefully  examined  the  deed  of  1640,  and 
had  compared  the  several  exhibits  made  of  it  with  each 
other.  He  did  not  believe  that  the  marks  on  it  were  those 
of  Uncas  and  his  councilor,  nor  that  the  name  of  the  in- 


•  Mohegan  Petition. 


t  Mohegan  Petition. 


i 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


341 


terpreter,  Thomas  Stanton,  which  was  appended  to  it, 
was  written  by  Thomas  Stanton  himself.  He  believed 
the  whole  instrument,  with  its  marks  and  signatures,  to 
be  the  work  of  one  man.  Governor  Hopkins  of  Connec- 
ticut. And  even  if  the  deed  had  been  genuine,  such  were 
the  transactions  subsequent  to  it  that  they  ought  to  render 
it  null. 

Having  delivered  this  extraordinary  opinion,  as  much 
out  of  the  way  on  one  hand  as  that  of  Golden,  Rodman 
and  Cortlandt  could  possibly  oe  on  the  other,  Horsman- 
den,  like  Morris,  reserved  his  decision  on  the  entire  case 
until  the  next  meeting  of  the  court.  It  was  now  carried, 
by  a  vote  of  three  against  two,  that  the  judgment  of  the 
majority  should  be  drawn  up.  The  court  then  adjourned 
to  the  fifth  of  November,  1743. 

On  the  day  appointed  the  commissioners  met,  and  the 
statement  of  the  case  made  out  by  Golden,  Rodman  and 
Gortlandt  was  read,  closing  with  the  following  decision. 
The  decree  of  Governor  Dudley  and  his  colleagues,  de- 
livered September  3d,  1705,  is  wholly  revoked,  except  as 
to  that  pan  of  the  Sequestered  Lands,  amounting  to  be- 
tween four  and  five  thousand  acres,  which  has  been  laid 
out  by  the  colony  of  Gonnecticut  for  the  Mohegan  In- 
dians, and  which  is  now  reserved  to  them  as  long  as 
they  exist. 

Bollan,  on  the  part  of  John  Uncas  and  his  people,  then 
presented  an  appeal  from  the  decision  of  the  court  to  that 
of  the  king's  privy  council.  The  commissioners  accepted 
it,  although  the  agents  of  the  colony  objected  that  it  was 
signed  by  Bollan,  who,  they  still  insisted,  had  no  right  to 
act  as  the  advocate  of  the  Mohegans. 


342 


BISTORT    OF    THE    INDIANS 


Morris  rose  and  stated  that  he  had  not  been  able  to 
prepare  his  opinion,  because  the  clerk  had  neglected  to 
send  him  the  exhibits  of  the  case.     Horsmanden  then 
read  his  opinion  at  length ;  but  such  was  its  character, 
that  the  commissioners,  by  a  vote  of  three  to  two,  refused 
to  record  it.     He  protested  against  the  refusal,  and  de- 
clared that  he  would  forward  the  opinion  to  the  Lords 
Commissioners  on  foreign  trade  and  plantations,  to  whom 
all  colonial  matters  were  usually  referred.*     He  kept  his 
promise  :  the  appeal  of  the  Indians  was  also  sent,  and  the 
cause  was  tried  and  finally  settled  in  England.     The  last 
mention  of  it  to  be  found  at  Hartford  is  dated  July  8th, 
1766,  when  it, was  to  be  presented  to  the  Lords  Commis- 
sioners in  the  folio-  ing  February.     The  final  decision, 
when  it  took  place,  was  given  in  favor  of  the  colony ;  but 
more,  as  many  people  thought,  on  grounds  of  expediency 
than  on  those  of  justice. 

I  have  yet  to  speak  of  the  legal  enactments  made  for 
the  Mohegans  from  1722  to  1743,  and  of  their  religious, 
moral  and  physical  condition  during  the  same  period.  I 
shall  be  obliged  to  mention,  also,  some  laws  passed  by  the 
Legislature,  which  applied,  not  only  to  them,  but  to  the 
other  tribes  in  the  colony. 

War  had  broken  out  in  1722,  between  the  Indians  of 
Maine  and  the  people  of  New  England.     The  natives  of 

•  The  account  of  the  proceedings  of  this  trial  is  taken  almost  wholly  from 
the  petitions  of  the  Mohegans  in  the  Library  of  Yale  College.  Other  materials 
would  have  been  desirable  as  standards  of  comparison,  but  I  knew  not  where 
they  can  be  found.  Some  particular.'^  are  extracted  from  Miss  Caulkins*  en- 
tertaining history  of  Norwich,  a  few  from  the  second  volume  of  papers  on 
Indians  in  the  office  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  and  a  few  from  the  manuBcript 
defense  of  the  colony  prc.-crvcd  in  the  Library  of  Ynlc  College. 


'<A':Siia.iml^:i-^M:^-mi^Mg£tsikif- 


OF   CONNECTICUT. 


343 


Oonneoticut  were  suspected  of  supplying  the  hostUe  wai- 
nors  with  arms,  and  were  also  suspected  of  the  less  serioiw 
offense  of  killing  deer  out  of  the  legal  hunting  season.    It 
was  considered  best  that  they  should  not  possess  weapons 
to  use  m  these  ways,  and  a  law  was  passed  [17231  calcu- 
lated  to  deterjhe  whites  from  furnishing  them  witii  them. 
It  provided  that  no  person  should  be  allowed  to  prosecute 
an  Indian  for  the  payment  or  recovery  of  guns  or  ammu- 
nmou  wh.ch  he  had  sold  to  him.     Restrictions  were  Z 
lad  upon  the  Indians  themselves;  forbidding  them  to 

w  th™  T    "'     /"""'  """''  ""<■  ''^'  "'  -«-"  "mi" 
r.  In       T'  """^f  P^"«"y  »f  heing  treated  a.  enemies. 

wl  ™^t'™       ■  *""''""'•  f^'^^J  ""^^  restrictions 

were  partially  removed  from  the  Mohegans,  and  at  the 

same   .me  from  the  Pequots.     They  might  hunt  atd 

travel  all  over  the  country  east  of  the  Connecticut  River 

o«  condition  that  they  gave  in  their  names  to  the  highes; 

commissioned  military  officer  of  the  town  where  they  be- 

onged,  appeared  before  him  once  in  ten  days  to  answer 

to  their  names,  and,  while  hunting,  wore  something  white 

on  their  heads  to  distinguish  them  as  friends.* 

In  1725,  all  the  Indian  tribes  in  Connecticut  were  placed 
by  enactment,  under  the  care  of  the  governor  and  council.' 
Whether  they  were,  at  this  time,  considered  subjects  of 
the  colony,  it  is  difficult  to  say.  Their  real  condition 
was  one  of  submission  and  dependence,  although  none 
of  them   except  the  Pequots,  having  ever  formally  ac- 

fully  S    ""'*"""  '"  "'^  ^"S"*'  '"^y  -"«  "Sht- 
It  has  been  already  mentioned  that  John  Mason,  who 

•  tadtan  P.p,„  Vol.  7,  Documm  III.        f  Coloni.1  Eecrd.,  Vol.  V. 


! 


11^ 


ri 


t  i 


844 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


died  in  England,  acted  for  several  years  as  school  lieacher 
among  the  Mohegans.  A  one  story  schoolhouse,  twenty- 
two  feet  long  and  sixteen  feet  wide,  was  ordered  by  the 
Assembly  to  be  built  for  then,  and  to  be  paid  for  out  of 
the  colonial  treasury,  unless  some  of  the  rents  of  the  In- 
dian lands  could  be  employed  for  that  purpose.  In  1727, 
all  persons  having  Indian  children  in  their  families  were 
commanded  to  teach  them  English  and  instruct  them  in 
the  Christian  faith,  under  a  penalty  not  exceeding  forty 
shillings.  The  guardians  of  the  Mohegans  were  repeatedly 
recommended  to  use  their  influence  in  encouraging  their 
charge  to  industry  and  religion.  Such  exertions  in  the 
cause  of  morality  and  piety  were  of  course  cheap,  and 
probably  met  with  a  proportionate  degree  of  success.* 

When  the  famous  Samson   Occoni  was  a  boy,  Mr 
Jev/ett,  minister  of  that  part  of  New  London  which  now 
constitutes  the  township  of  Montville,  used,  at  one  time, 
to  preach  at  Mohegan  once  a  fortnight. 

In  the  fall  of  1733  a  minister  named  Jonathan  Barber 
was  sent  among  the  Mohegans  by  the  agents  of  a  mis- 
sionary society  established  in  England  with  a  view  to 
spreading  the  gospel  among  the  natives  of  North  America. 
Barber  had  only  been  with  them  a  few  weeks,  when  he 
found  that  his  exertions  for  their  benefit  were  rendered 
almost  nugatory  by  the  effects  of  intoxicating  liquors  in- 
troduced among  them  by  the  whites.  Severe  laws  had 
been  repeatedly  enacted  against  the  practice ;  but  they 
were  broken  with  impunity,  and  rum  was  brought  among 
the  Indians  by  the  gallon,  and  cider  by  the  barrel.  At 
Barber's  instigation,  doubtless,  Ben  Uncas  petitioned  the 

•  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  V.  *      - 


a(BiMiiywii-;giiiBiW^ 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


345 


Assembly  concerning  this  grievance,  and  John  Mason, 
who  had  not  yet  gone  to  England,  added  a  letter  much 
to  the  same  purpose.     It  was  therefore  enacted,  "  that  all 
cyder,  Rhum  and  other  strong  drink  found  in  the  Mohe- 
gan  territory,  without  the  consent  of  Messrs.  Fitch  and 
Avery  there  living,  shall  be  forfeited  to  the  king."    Fitch 
and  Avery,  the  guardians  of  the  Mohegans,  were  em- 
powered to  search  for  all  such  liquors  and  make  seizure 
of  them ;  and  the  vender,  besides  being  liable  to  all  the 
penalties  hitherto  laid  upon  his  offense,  was  to  forfeit  twice 
the  value  of  what  he  had  sold.     This  sum  was  to  go  to 
the  person  who  exposed  him,  even  if  that  person  was  the 
very  Indian  who  had  bo.ight  the  liquor  and  was  detected 
with  It  m  his  possession.*     This  proviso  is  a  sufficient 
proof  of  how  anxious  the  natives  were  to  obtain  ardent 
spirits,  and  how  difficult  it  was  to  induce  them  to  inform 
against  those  who  enabled  .them  to  procure  their  favorite 
beverage. 

How  long  Jonathan  Barber  remained  among  the  Mohe- 
gans, or  what  success  attended  his  labors,  is  uncertain 
He  was  with  them,  however,  at  the  time  of  the  com- 
mission of  1738,-  and  it  is  hardly  probable  that  he  would 
leave  them  during   the   deep   religious  interest  of  that 
period,  which  continued  through  the  year  1741.     This 
was  the  great  American  revival,  during  the  progress  of 
which    Whitefield  visited   New  England  and  preached 
with  such  distinguished  success.     Several  ministers  were 
m  the  habit  of  visiting,  and  preaching  to,  the  Mohegans 
and  many  of  the  latter  used  to  attend  the  neighboring 
churches.     As  early  as  1736,  Ben  Uncas  made  a  declara- 

*  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  VI. 


Ml 


lid 


;  i 


346 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS,    ETC. 


tion  that  he  embraced  the  Christian  religion.  When  this 
event  was  made  known  to  the  Assembly,  the  members  of 
that  body  expressed  themselves  much  gratified,  and  re- 
solved to  encourage  the  chieftain  in  so  good  a  course.  It 
was  the  first  instance  of  the  kind,  they  said,  that  had  ever 
been  known  of  any  Indian  sachem.  They  therefore 
passed  a  resolution  desiring  the  governor  to  present  him, 
at  the  public  expense,  with  a  hat  and  coat  in  the  English 
style,  and  his  wife  with  a  gown.*  Nothing  remains  to 
show  what  was  the  religious  character  of  Ben  ;  but  from 
his  will,  made  several  years  after  this  event,  it  would 
seem  that  he  was  at  least  theoretically  acquainted  with 
the  vital  truths  of  Christianity.! 

We  now  take  leave  of  the  Mohegans  for  a  few  pages. 
They  number,  at  this  period,  from  one  hundred  to  one 
hundred  and  twenty  men,  and,  of  course,  from  four  to 
five  hundred  individuals.  They  are  divided  into  two 
parties  :  a  small  one  supported  and  countenanced  by  the 
colony  of  Connecticut ;  and  a  larger  one,  looking  with 
anxiety  for  the  result  of  their  petition  against  that  colony.' 
They  possess  upwards  of  four  thousand  acres  of  good 
land ;  probably  only  a  small  part  of  it  cleared,  and  the 
greatest  portion  of  this  leased  and  cultivated  by  English 
tenants. 


*  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  VI.  t  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  VI. 


;-<%•:'#*„  V»0*fe; 


CHAPTER    IX. 

HISTOBT   or    THE    PRIMITIVE    WESTERN  AND   NORTHERN 

TRIBES   FROM   THE    DEATH    OP    UNCAS   TO   THE 

PRESENT   DAT. 

The  present  chapter  will  comprise  the  history  of  the 

primitive  western  and  northern  tribes,  and  will  extend 

from  the  death  of  Uncas  down  to  the  present  time.    The 

same  disconnection  in  the  subject  which  obliged  me  to 

break  the  chronological  order  of  the  narration  at  the  close 

of  the  seventh  chapter,  here  renders  it  necessary  to  do  so 

again      I  shall  therefore  mention  a  few  circumstances 

which  have  some  geneial  interest,and  shall  then  take  up, 

and  prosecute,  the  history  of  each  little  community  by 

One  feature  of  this  latter  period  of  Indian  history,  in 
our  State,  is  the  emigration  and  breaking  up  of  old  tribes 
and  the  temporary  formation  of  new  ones.     We  shall 
see  whole  clans  forsaking  their  ancient  habitations,  and 
moving  off,  almost  bodily,  until  they  come  to  some  spot 
where  they  can  fish  and  hunt  in  streams  and  forests 
hitherto  little  visited  by  the  white  man.     We  shall  see 
new  communities,  of  considerable  size,  collecting  under 
the  leadership  of  individuals  of  more  than  ordinary  genius 
and  then  melting  away  like  the  tribes  from  which  they 
were  originally  composed.     We  shall  also  see  portions  of 

32 


343 


HISTORY   OF    THE    INDIANS 


the  Indian  population  leaving  the  State  altogether ;  and 
giving  grounds  for  us  to  speculate  on  the  still  greater 
numbers  who  may  have  pursued,  and  probably  did  pursue, 
the  same  course  singly  or  in  families.  All  these  are  in- 
teresting and  important  acts  in  the  long  drama  which 
exhibits  the  gradual  disappearance  of  the  aborigines  of 
Connecticut.  Nor  is  this  disappearance  a  thing  so  un- 
paralleled as  to  demand  from  us  any  great  degree  of  aston- 
ishment. If  we  look  through  the  pages  of  History,  and 
if  we  look  round  at  the  present  condition  of  the  world, 
W'3  shall  see  many  instances  not  at  all  dissimilar.  Espe- 
cially have  these  instances  multiplied  since  the  discovery 
of  America)  and  o^  the  islands  of  the  Pacific  Ocean,  have 
thrown  open  communities  of  entirely  savage  and  uncul- 
tivated men  to  the  trading  visits  and  colonies  of  the 
civiliz'ition-hard'ened  races  of  Europe.  This  phenomenon 
is  taking  place  in  New  Zealand,  where  the  natives  are 
strong  in  body,  cheerful  in  disposition,  and  singularly  free 
from  any  inclination  to  intemperance.  It  is  taking  place 
in  Tahiti,  where  the  English  missionaries  have  long 
labored  with  great  zeal  and  success,  and  where,  until  very 
lately,  the  branch  of  peace  hau  for  many  years  waved  un- 
distnrbed  in  the  breeze.  It  's  taking  place  in  the  Sand- 
wich Islands,  where  the  whole  of  the  population  has  been 
more  or  less  christianized,  and  where  the  dawn  of  a  semi- 
civilization  has  sucked  ;d  to  the  dark  night  of  unmingled 
ign'-Tance  and  barbarism.  New  diseases  have  been  sewn  : 
new  vices  have  been  Imported  ;  iniemperanee  has  raised 
its  head  ;  licentiousness  has  become  febly  destructive. 
These  seem  to  be  the  inevitable  results  to  barbarians  of 
intercourse  with  Europeans ;  and  from  these  results  spring 


•j 


,. 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


349 


those  seeds  of  decay  whuh  are  infecting  the  races  of  bar- 
barous men  in  every  part  of  the  world. 

In  1720  a  circumstance  occurred  in  Connecticut  which 
caused  some  httle  alarm  among  the  settlers  of  the  western 
part  of  the  colony.      It  v/as  discovered  that  a  belt  of 
wampum  had  been  brought  from  some  Indian  place  at  the 
5outh  called  Towattowau,  and,  after  arriving  at  Ammo- 
waugs    on  the  Hudson  River,  had  reached   an  Indian 
living  at  Horseneck  in  the  town  of  Greenwich.     From 
him  it  had  been  carried  to  Chickens  or  Sam  Mohawk,  in 
Reading ;  from  thence  to  Potatuck  or  Newtown,  and  from 
there  to  Wyantenock  or  New  Milford,  where  it  stopped. 
The  Assembly  caused  some  inquiries  to  be  made  into  the 
mystery,  and  an  Indian  named  Tapauranawko  testified 
that  the  belt  was  in  token  that,  at  each  place  where  it 
was  accepted,  captive  Indians  would  be  received  and  sold. 
He  said  that  it  would  be  sent  back  to  Ammowaugs,  and 
from  there  to  Towattowau,  which  was  a  great  ways  to 
the  south,  and  was  inhabited  by  a  large  tribe  of  Indians. 
The  Assembly  resolved  that  no  further  notice  should  be 
taken  of  the  belt ;  that  the  Indians  should  be  directed  to 
send  it  back  whence  it  came ;  and  should  be  charged  not 
to  receive  such  presents  in  future  without  giving  notice 
to  ti^e  magistrates.* 

In  October,  179A,  restrictions,  which  had  been  laid  ou 
th3  Indians  in  consequence  of  the  war  with  the  tribes 
of  Maine,  were  removed ;  and  they  were  allowed  to  hunt, 
as  usual,  in  the  counties  of  Hartford,  New  Haven  and 
Fairfield,  provided  they  wore  something  white  ci  their 
heads,  and  had  some  English  with  them  during  the  first 
fortnight.f 

•  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  I,  Doc'ta.  98  and  94.       t  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  V. 


360 


BISTORT   OF   THE    INDIANS 


On  Thanksgiving  day  in  1736  a  contribution  was  taken 
up,  by  order  of  the  Assembly,  in  all  the  churches,  for  the 
benefit  of  the  Indians  in  the  colony,  except  the  Mohegans, 
who  were  already  provided  for.  Six  hundred  and  nine 
pounds,  seven  shillings  and  two  pence  were  contributed. 
How  this  sum  was  employed  it  is  now  probably  impos- 
sible to  ascertain.  A  school  for  Indian  youth,  however, 
was  in  being,  about  this  time,  in  Farmington  ;  and,  as 
Indians  are  sometimes  mentioned  in  the  records  and  papers 
of  that  day,  who  had  acquired  a  knowledge  of  reading 
and  writing,  it  is  possible  that  other  establishments  of  a 
similar  nature  existed  elsewhere.  Some  part  of  the  money, 
too,  was  probably  paid  to  the  ministers  of  the  various 
towns,  for  preaching  to  those  tribes  who  were  within 
their  reach.* 

In  the  fall  of  1738,  the  people  of  New  Hartford  and 
vicinity  were  thrown  into  much  consternation  by  the 
appearance  of  a  party  of  strange  Indians  in  the  woods  of 
that  town,  whose  motives  were  unknown,  and  whose 
language  could  not  be  understood.  One  Martin  Kellog, 
who  seems  to  have  been  somewhat  erudite  in  the  abo- 
riginal tongueS;  was  sent  for,  and  obtained  an  interview 
with  the  strangers.  He  found  that  they  were  Mohawks, 
a  tribe  always  friendly  to  the  English,  and  that  their 
only  object  in  coming  hither  at  this  time  was  to  hunt. 
This  was  tho  last  recorded  appearance  of  an  armed  party 
of  that  famous  nation  in  these  regions  which  they  had 
formerly  so  often  visited  as  enemies  and  conquerors.f 

In  1774,  a  census  of  the  Indians  in  Connecticut  wa9 

•  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  VII.     Ecclfsiasiical  Papera,  Vol.  V. 
t  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  I,  Docunienla  224—226. 


1 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


351 


taken,  by  which  it  seems  ihat  they  amounted  to  thirteen 
hundred  and  sixty-three  souls.  Of  these  there  resided  in 
each  of  the  following  counties,  in  Hartford  one  hundred 
and  twenty-two,  m  New  Haven  seventy-one,  in  Fairfield 
sixty-one,  in  Tolland  nineteen,  and  in  Windham  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty-three.* 

In  May,  1819,  it  was  enacted  that  each  overseer  of  any 
Indian  tribe  in  Connecticut  should  annually  state  and 
settle  his  accounts,  with  th3  tribe,  before  the  court  of  that 
county  in  which  it  resided.f 

In  May,  1823,  another  law  was  passed,  ordering  that 
every  such  overseer  should  give  bonds,  with  sufficient 
sureties,  to  the  court  of  his  county,  as  a  pledge  that  he 
would  be  faithful  to  his  trust.  These  enactments  had, 
of  course,  an  equal  degree  of  reference  to  the  overseers  of 
the  Pequots  and  Mohegans.| 


J 


THE    POTATUCKS. 

The  Potatucks  of  Newtown  and  Woodbury  appear  to 
have   been  a  small   community;  they  neve-     -ave  any 
trouble  to  the  English  settlers ;  and  they  are  not  known 
fo  have  distinguished  themselves  by  wars  upon  the  neigh- 
boring tribes.     One  of  the  first,  if  not  the  very  first,  acts 
recorded  of  them,  is  the  sale  [1728]  of  forty-eight  square 
miles  of  their  territory  to  a  number  of  settlers  from  Strat- 
ford.    The  deed  of  sale  is  subscribed  by  the  marks  of 
nineteen  Indians,  among  which  those  of  Mauquash,  Mas- 
iumpus  and  Nunawrnk  are  the  first,  and  probably  the 

•  Moss.  Hi«t.  Coll.,  V.,i.  X,  p.  118.        t  State  Records.  Vol.  XIH. 
t  State  Records,  Vol.  XIV 
33* 


352 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


most  important.  The  price  received  for  the  land  consisted 
of  four  guns,  four  broadcloth  coats,  four  duffel  coats,  ten 
shirts,  ten  pairs  of  stockings,  four  kettles,  ten  hatchets, 
forty  pounds  of  lead,  ten  pounds  of  powder  and  forty 
knives.*  Never,  probably,  had  the  Potatuck  tribe  felt 
itself  so  abounding  in  wealth  as  at  the  instant  this  bargain 
was  consummated^  when  they  could  put  on  the  coats, 
handle  the  guns  and  fill  their  empty  pouches  with  the 
invaluable  powder.  Little  did  they  trouble  themselves, 
in  that  moment  of  overflowing  opulence,  with  the  reflec- 
tion that  they  had  parted  with  their  country,  or  imagine 
that  in  one  century  there  would  not  be  a  Potatuck  man, 
or  woman  or  child  above  the  sod  of  Connecticut. 

The  Potatucks  were  said  to  number  in  1710  fifty  war- 
riors ;t  but  this  estimate,  being  made  more  than  half  a 
century  subsequent  to  that  date,  is  very  uncertain  and 
jirobably  altogether  too  large.  President  Stiles  gives  it 
as  his  opinion  that  they  were  at  this  time  subject  to 
Weraumaug,  a  considerable  sachem  who  lived  on  the 
Housatonic  within  the  township  of  New  Milford. 

The  same  author  preserves  the  account  of  a  great  pow- 
v.'owing  which  took  place  at  the  village  of  the  Potatucks, 
probably  about  1720  or  1725.  The  scene  was  witnessed 
by  a  Mrs.  Bennet,  then  a  little  girl ;  and,  after  her  death, 
was  related  by  one  of  her  children  to  the  President.  The 
ceremonies  lasted  three  days,  and  were  attended,  she  said, 
by  five  or  six  hundred  Indians,  many  of  whom  came  from 
distant  towns,  as  Hartford  and  Farmington.  While  the 
Indians,  excited  by  their  wild  rites  and  dark  superstition, 

•  Papers  on  Ti  wns  and  Lands,  Vo!.  Ill,  Documents  63  and  64. 

♦  Prerident  SiilcoV  Itinerary. 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


353 


were  standing  iu  a  dense  mass,  a  little  girl,  gaily  dressed 
and  ornamented,  was  led  in  among  them  by  two  squaws, 
her  mother  and  her  aunt.  As  she  entered  the  crowd  the 
Indians  set  up  their  "high  powwows,"  howling,  yelling, 
\^  throwmg  themselves  into  strange  postures,  and  making 

hideous  grimaces.      Many   white   people   stood  around 
gazing  at  the  scene  ;  but  such  was  the  excited  state  of 
the  savages,  that,  although  they  feared  for  the  child's^ 
safety,  none  of  them  dared  to  interfere,  or  to  enter  the 
crowd.     After  a  while  the  two  squaws  emerged  alone 
from  the  press,  stripped  of  all  their  ornaments,  and  walked 
away  shedding  tears  and  uttering  mournful  cries.     The 
informant,  deeply  interested  in  the  fate  of  one  so  near  her 
own  age,  ran  up  to  the  two  women  and  asked  them  what 
they  had  done  with  the  little  girl.     They  would  not  tell 
her,  and  only  replied  that  they  should  never  see  that  little 
girl  again.     The  other  Indians  likewise  remained  silent 
on  the  subject ;  but  Mrs.  Bennet  believed,  and  she  said 
all  the  English  then  present  believed,  that  the  Indians 
had  sacrificed  her,  and  that  they  did  at  other  times  offer 
human  sacrifices.* 

In  1742,  the  Potatucks  united  with  the  Indians  of  New 
Milford,  in  a  petition  to  the  Legislature  for  a  school  and  a 
preacher.  From  the  sentiments  and  language  of  the  peti- 
tion it  is  evident  that  it  was  dictated,  as  well  as  penned, 
by  some  pious  white  person  of  the  neighborhood.  It  has 
the  marks  of  Mowehu,  Cheery  and  nine  other  natives; 
and  it  states  the  number  of  the  Potatucks  at  forty,  and 
that  of  the  New  Milford  Indians  at  thirty,  individuals 
The  Assembly  voted  foi.>   pounds  in  bills  of  the  old 

•  Presidrnt  Stilcs's  Itinerary. 


iP 


364 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


tenor,*  to  assist  the  Indians  of  New  Milford  in  obtaining 
schools  in  that  town,  and  twenty-five  pounds  for  the  Po- 
tatucks,  who  were  to  receive  the  same  benefits  in  New- 
town and  Waterbury.  The  ministers  of  New  Milford, 
Woodbury  and  Newtown  were  recommended  to  take  the 
petitioners  under  their  care  and  instruction.!  I  know 
nothing  of  the  results  of  this  movement,  nor  any  thing 
,  further  of  the  history  of  the  Potatucks  until  1761.  At 
that  time  they  were  found  to  consist  of  one  man  and 
two  or  three  broken  families.^  In  1774,  the  Newtown 
Indians  were  reduced  to  two.<^ 


THE    PAUGUSSETTS    OR   WEPAWAUGS. 

This  tribe,  it  will  be  remembered,  lived  on  the  Housa- 
tonic,  from  its  mouth  at  least  as  high  up  as  its  confluence 
with  the  Naugatuc,  and  claimed  the  country  for  a  con- 
siderable distance  on  either  side  of  the  river.  The  last 
person  who  exercised  the  sachemship  over  the  whole  tribe 
was  Konckapotanauh,  who  died  about  the  year  1731  at 
his  home  in  Derby.  After  this  event  the  nation  broke 
up :  some  joined  the  Potatucks  ;  some  went  to  the  country 
of  the  Six  Nations ;  some  perhaps  migrated  to  Scatacook  ; 
and  of  those  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  river  very  few  re- 
mained about  their  ancient  seats.  In  1774,  the  Milford 
part  of  the  tribe  was  reduced  to  four  persons,  who  lived 

•  Three  pounds  and  a  half  old  tenor  were,  about  this  time,  equal  to  one  of 
new  tenor ;  new  tenor  was  not  equal  to  silver,  at  six  shillings  and  eight  pence 
the  ounce,  though  intended  to  be  so. 

t  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  I,  Document  242. 

X  L'-ttcr  of  Rev.  N.  Bi.dscy  to  President  Stiles,  dated  September  3d,  1761. 

4  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  X,  p.  118. 


or    CONNECTICUT. 


355 


on  a  small  reservation  at  Turkey  HUl,  now  in  the  town- 
ship of  Derby. 

On  the  western  side  of  the  river  the  Paugussetts  con- 
tinued to  reside  quietly  on  their  reservations :  one  on 
Coram  Hill  in  Huntington ;  ane  one,  of  about  eighty 
acres,  on  Golden  Hill  in  Bridgeport.    In  171C,  there  were 
said  to  be  twenty-five  wigwams  on  Golden  Hill  and  about 
sixty  or  eighty  warriors  in  other  parts  of  the  town.*    This, 
It  must  be  observed,  was  over  twenty  years  before  the 
dispersion  of  the  tribe  after  the  death  of  Konckapotanp.uh. 
It  is  probable  that  this  estimate  is  an  exaggerated  one, 
as  in  1765  only  three  women  and  four  men  remained 
on  Golden  Hill,  where  lay  the  principal  reservation  of 
the  tribe.f     They  enjoyed  their  reservations  peaceably 
until  about  1760,  when  they  were  ejected  by  some  of  the 
neighboring  white  proprietors  who  laid  claim  to  all  the 
land  but  about  six  acres,  and  enforced  their  claims  by 
pulling  down  the  Indian   wigwams.     Soon  afterwards, 
[1763]  John  Sherman,  Eunice  Shoran,  and  Sarah  Shoran,' 
stated  their  wrongs  to  the  Assembly,  and  asked  that  they 
might  be  righted,  and  that  for  themselves  a  suitable  guar- 
dian might  be  appointed.     Thomas  Sherman  of  Fairfield 
was  chosen  guardian,  and  a  committee  was  appointed  to 
examine  the  grievances  of  the  Indians  and  make  a  report. 
This  report  was  unsatisfactory  to  the  Assembly,  and  an- 
other committee  was  appointed,  [1765]  authorized  to  sum- 
mon witnesses,  and  to  call  on  the  English  claimants  for 
their  defense.    The  case  was  brought  to  trial ;  was  decided 
in  favor  of  the  Indians ;  and  the  defendants  were  ordered 
to  surrender  the  land.     In  consequence  of  this  decision 

•  R«v.  N.  Birdsey's  letter.  1761.      t  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  II.  Doc.  333. 


Ml 


n 


.,''•! 


356 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


a  compromise  was  effected  between  the  parties.  The 
whites  gave  the  Indians  thirty  bushels  of  corn  and  three 
pounds  worth  of  blankets ;  and  they  also  furnished  them 
with  twelve  acres  of  land  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Po- 
quonnuc,  and  eight  acres  of  woodland  on  Rocky  Hill. 
For  these  considerations  the  Indians  gave  up  their  rights 
to  all  the  remainder  of  their  ancient  reservation.* 

In  1774,  the  number  of  Indians  in  Stratford,  which 
then  comprehended  Monroe,  Huntington,  Trumbull  and 
Bridgeport,  was  thirty-five.f 

In  1791,  the  remnant  of  the  Milford  band  complained 
to  the  Legislature,  that  some  of  their  white  neighbors  car- 
ried away  wbod  from  their  reservation.  A  bill  was  there- 
fore passed,  ordering  the  county  court  of  New  Haven  to 
appoint  an  overseer  foi*  the  Indians,  who  should  be  em- 
povrered  to  prosecute  all  trespassers,  and  also  to  lease  out 
all  the  arable  land,  or  otherwise  improve  it  for  the  best 
advantage  of  the  owners.|  A  few  of  this  clan  still  live  on 
about  ten  acres  of  land  at  Turkey  Hill.  The  family 
name  is  Hatchet ;  they  are  mixed  with  negro  blood  j  and 
they  are  all  pooi,  degraded  and  miserable.*^ 

As  the  Golden  Hill  Indians  made  little  or  no  use  of 
their  land,  and  as  their  guardians  were  repeatedly  obliged 
to  advance  them  money  for  taxes  and  other  expenses,  the 
whole  reservation  was,  forty  or  fifty  years  since,  exposed 
for  sale.  The  sum  which  it  brought  was  very  consider- 
able, and  was  put  out  at  interest  for  the  benefit  of  the 
owners.  In  1842,  it  amounted  to  eleven  hundred  and 
seventy-five  dollars.     At  that  time  five  hundred  dollars 


•  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  X. 
t  State  Records,  Vol.  IV. 


t  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  X,  p.  118. 

§  Janiinry,  1849. 


or    CONNECTICUT. 


357 


were  expended  in  purchasing  a  small  house  and  twenty 
acres  of  land  in  the  township  of  Trumbull. 

The  tribe  now  numbers  two  squaws,  who  live  in  an 
irregular  connection  with  negroes,  and  six  half  breed 
children,  all  of  whom  are  grown  up  but  one.  They  are 
intemperate,  but  have  been  of  about  the  same  number  for 
many  years.  Their  family  name  is  Sherman.  There  is 
another  family,  called  the  Pan  tribe,  who  wander  about 
m  this  part  of  the  country,  and  seem  to  have  no  land. 
They  number  three  adults  and  one  boy,  and  resemble  the 
Shermans  in  their  character  and  habits.  Such  is  the 
present  state  of  the  Paugussetts ;  flickering  out  of  ex- 
istence like  the  wick  of  a  burnt-out  candle. 

The  Woodbridge  Indians,  known  as  the  Mack  family, 
were  from  the  Paugussetts,  and  moved  many  years  ago  to 
their  rocky  and  thorny  patch  of  territory  in  that  township. 
Some  were  carried  off  by  the  small  pox,  and  for  ten  or 
twelve  years  back  none  have  remained,  except  one  man 
and  two  women.    One  of  the  women.  Old  Eunice,  as  she 
was  commonly  called,  died  a  number  of  years  since.     Her 
two  children,  Jim  and  Ruby,  I  have  often  seen  coming  into 
my  native  village,  to  sell  parti-colored  baskets  and  purchase 
provisions,  the  greater  part,  if  not  the  whole,  of  which  was 
usually  rum.    Ruby  was  short  and  thick,  and  her  face  was 
coarse  and  stupid.     Jim's  hi>ge  form  was  bloated  with 
liquor ;  his  voice  was  hoarse  and  hollow  ;  and  his  steps, 
even  when  he  was  not  intoxicated,  were  unsteady  from  the 
evil  effects  of  ardent  spirits.    At  present,  I  believe,  they  are 
all  in  their  graves ;  at  least  it  is  years  since  I  have  seen 
them,  or  heard  any  one  speak  of  them. 

Other  Indians  of  Fairfield  County  will  now  be  menr 


,  )i 


358 


HISTORr    OF    THE    INDIANS 


tioned,  among  whom  the  most  notorious  seems  to  have 
been  a  small  sachem,  variously  known  as  Sam  Mohawk, 
Chickens,  Warrups  Chickens  and  Chickens  Wallups.    He 
was  said  to  be  a  Mohawk,  by  nation,  and   he   is  first 
known  to  us  as  living  at  Greensfarms  between  Westport 
and  Fairfield.     Having  committed  a  murder  here,  prob- 
ably upon  some  of  his  own  race,  he  moved  away  from  his 
old  home  and  settled  in  the  town  of  Reading  *    In  1720, 
he  received  here  the  Indian  belt  which  came  from  Towat- 
towau,  and  forwarded  it  to  the  village  of  the  Potatucks. 
Five  years  after,  [March  1st,  1725,]  he  sold  all  his  land  to 
Samuel  Couch  of  Fairfield  for  twelve  pounds  and  six 
shillings;  reserving  to  himself  and  his  heirs  liberty  to  fish 
and  fowl  on  land  and  water,  and  also  such  a  tract  of  land 
around  his  wigwam  as  a  committee  appointed  by  the 
Assembly  should  think  proper.    Such  a  tract  was  laid  out 
for  him,  accordingly ;  but,  owing  to  Chickens's  ignorance 
of  public  business,  the  vote  was  never  approved,  and  the 
appropriation   remained   incomplete.     He    subsequently, 
therefore,  found  himself  deprived  of  all  his  land  without 
the  power  of  ever  reclaiming  it.     Having  laid  the  case 
before  the  Assembly,  he  obtained  [1746]  a  grant  of  one 
hundred  acres  mostly  arable  and  of  a  good  quality.f    Two 
years  after,  a  man  named  John  Read  proposed  to  exchange 
with  him  ;  and,  in  place  of  his  one  hundred  acres  at  Read- 
ing, to  give  him  two  hundred  at  Scatacook  in  the  township 
of  Kent.    A  considerable  tribe  had  collected  at  this  locality, 
and  Chickens  would  thus  find  himself  among  his  own 
race  with  .lo  probability  (.f  being  disturbed  by  the  whites 

*  President  Stiles's  Itinerary. 

t  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  I,  Document  114 ;  Vol.  II,  Documenta  35—30. 


:ste^a»y**'.ss^!*i«A,JlS»»;i34ii^ 


I 


or    CONNECTICUT. 


359 


for  some  time.  The  land  offered  by  Read,  also,  was 
v/ell  adapted  to  an  Indian's  wants.  It  was  bounded  on 
the  east  by  the  Housatonic,  in  which  there  was  good  fish- 
ing, and  on  the  west  by  mountains  where  there  was 
plenty  of  game.  At  Reading  his  fences  were  decayed,  his 
trees  partly  gone,  the  English  were  gathering  round  him, 
and  their  beasts  injured  his  crops.  Having  received  per- 
mission from  the  Assembly,  he  made  the  exchange,  [1749] 
and  removed  to  Scatacook.*  But  Chickens  was  growing 
old  and  unable  to  support  himself  by  labor ;  and  in  1762 
he  petitioned  the  Assembly  that  thirty  acres  of  his  land 
might  be  sold,  and  the  proceeds  expended  in  paying  his 
debts  and  providing  for  his  future  support.  His  request 
was  granted,  and  the  business  was  committed  to  his  over- 
seer, Jabez  Smith.  The  old  sagamore  died  not  many 
years  after,  leaving  his  remaining  land  to  his  squaw  and 
one  or  two  children. 

The  Indians  of  Greenwich,  Stamford  and  Nor  walk, 
seem  to  have  melted  away  unnoticed :  a  great  part  of  them 
probably  moved  to  other  homes,  and  one  portion  appears 
to  have  settled  for  a  time  in  what  is  now  Ridgefield.  We 
learn  from  the  census  of  the  Connecticut  Indians,  taken 
in  1774,  that  there  were  then  only  eight  natives  remaining 
in  Greenwich,  nine  in  Norwalk  and  not  one  in  Stamford.f 
The  Ridgefield  clan  called  themselves  the  Raraapoo 
Indians.  About  the  beginning  of  the  last  century  they 
were  under  the  government  of  a  sachem  named  Catoonah. 
On  the  tenth  of  October,  1708,  Catoonah  and  his  people 
sold  out  their  country,  for  one  hundred  pounds,  to  a  com- 

•  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  II,  Document  31. 
t  Masa.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  X,  p.  118. 
33 


♦'!^i 


I  ' 


360 


HISTOUY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


!  i 


1  ' 
I  i 


papy  of  settlers  from  Norwalk  and  Milford.  The  tract 
was  estimated  to  contain  twenty  thousand  acres ;  no  re- 
servation was  made,  and  ihe  Ramapoo  Indians  went  their 
ways  into  the  wide  world,  to  seek  a  home  where  it  might 
be  found.  Those  besides  Catoonah  who  put  their  marks 
to  the  sale  were  Woquacomick,  Waspahchain,  Waw- 
kamawee,  Naranoka  and  Caweherin.  Three  others,  prob- 
ably of  some  other  tribe,  signed  as  witnesses :  Gootquas, 
Mahkee  and  Tawpormick.* 

The  township  of  New  Fairfield,  originally  much  larger 
than  at  present,  was  chiefly  purchased  of  its  ancient  in 
habitants  in  1729.  A  tract  of  eight  miles  in  length  was 
then  sold  to  the  English  settlers  by  Cockenon,  Mauwehii 
and  eleven  others,  who  styled  themselves,  in  the  deed, 
"  the  rightful  owners  of  all  unsold  lands  in  the  grant  of 
new  fairfield"t 

THE    QUINNIPIACS. 

Under  this  head  are  included  the  aboriginal  inhabitants 
of  New  Haven,  East  Haven,  Branford  and  Guilford.  A 
reservation  of  thirty  acres,  laid  out  in  three  lots  of  ten 
acres  each,  was  early  made  in  East  Haven  for  the  Quin- 
Dipiacs.  They  used  to  cultivate  these  lots  by  rotation, 
each  one  being  planted  in  its  turn  while  the  other  two 
lay  unused.l  It  is  traditionary,  I  believe,  that  the  last 
sachem  of  the  tribe  was  named  Charles,  and  that  ho  wa? 
frozen  to  death  in  1740.*^  President  Stiles  assure^  ui,  on 
the  other  hand,  that  the  last  sachem  was  John  Sanck,  and 
that  he  died  about  the  year  1730.  |J 


•  Ridgeficia  Rcords,  Vol.  I,  p.  1. 

t  Papers  o;  Tjvv.is  anr^  Lands,  Vol.  VIII,  Document  4 

t  Cole  --.]  >^  (,    .^,  V.,1   X.  ^  Barber,  p.  1.S4. 


II  Itinerary. 


or    CONNECTICUT. 


361 


' 


This  last  author  was  told,  in  1785,  by  one  of  the  old 
citizens  of  Branford,  that,  fifty  years  before,  that  town 
was  inhabited  by  fifty  Indian  men ;  and  a  Mr.  Pardee  of 
East  Haven  assured  him  that,  in  1730,  there  were  as 
many  as  three  hundred  Indians  in  East  Haven,  and  that 
he  could  himself  remember  when  their  grown  men  out- 
numbered the  town  militia.  I  must  confess  that  I  look 
upon  these  estimates  and  comparisons  as  sheer  exaggera- 
tions. If  they  were  correct,  then  the  aboriginal  population 
of  Branford  and  East  Haven,  in  1730,  must  have  been 
five  hundred  souls.  Yet  in  1638,  nearly  a  century  before, 
the  duinnipiacs  only  counted  forty-seven  men,  while  the 
Indians  of  Guilford,  if  they  were  a  separate  tribe  at  all, 
(which  I  do  not  believe,)  must  have  been  considerably 
less  numerous.  Is  it  likely  that  the  native  population  of 
this  region  had  increased,  or  even  remained  stationary 
during  this  long  period,  while  the  surrounding  tribes  had 
so  fearfully  declined  ?  But  further :  in  1774,  only  forty- 
four  years  after  the  date  fixed  by  these  old  men,  the 
number  of  Indians  in  Branford  was  only  four,  and  in  East 
Haven  only  eleven ;  yet  no  considerable  emigration,  that 
we  can  learn,  had  taken  place.  It  is  not  by  such  sudden 
fits  and  starts,  but  by  a  steady  and  gradual  decline,  that 
the  aboriginal  population  of  Connecticut  has  disappeared. 
About  1768  some  of  the  Cluinnipiacs  removed  to  Far- 
mington,  where  land  was  bought  for  them,  among  the 
Tunxis,  with  the  proceeds  of  what  they  had  sold  in  East 
Haven.*  In  1774,  twenty-three  Indians  resided  in  Guil- 
ford, which  then  comprehended  Madison.f  Eleven  years 
later,   those   of  Branford   had  all  disappeared.     At  the 

•  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  VI.        t  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  X,  p.  118. 


J'l 


M» 


H 


362 


HISTORY   or    THE    INBIANS 


present  time  the  Q,uinnipiacs  no  longer  exist,  except  in 
story. 

The  site  of  the  ancien*  burying  place  of  the  (i^uinni- 
piacs  in  East  Haven  is  still  known,  and  several  localities 
are  pointed  out  where  they  are  said  to  have  had  forts  or 
villages.     One  of  these  strong  holds  was  in  the  Indian 
cemetery  on  a  hill  which  overlooks  the  harbor.    In  1S22, 
three  graves  were  opened  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Dodd  of  East 
Haven.     The  skeletoiis  were  found  three  and  a  half  feet 
below  the  surface,  stretched  on  the  bare  sandstone  rock, 
and  exhibiting  no  appearance  of  any  wrapper  or  inclosure. 
Every  one  had  the   head  laid  towards  the  southwest, 
where  dwelt  Cautantowit,  and  where  the  Indians  believed 
heaven  to  be.     Two  of  the  skeletons  had  their  arms  laid 
by  their  S'ies:  in  the  other  case  ihey  were  crossed  over 
the  breast  after  the  manner  of  the  whites.     The  thigh 
bones  of  one  measured  nineteen  inches  m  length,  the  leg 
bone  eighteen,  and  the  arm,  from  the  shoulder  to  the 
elbow,  thirteen.     The  skeleton  seemed  to  be  that  of  a 
man  about  six  feet  and  a  half  in  length.     No  article  of 
any  description  was  discovered  with  the  bones;  but  it 
was  traditionary  that,  many  years  before,  some  graves 
were  opened  here,  and  found  to  contain  a  variety  of  In- 
dian implemetrts  for  cooking  and  war.* 

The  other  Indians  of  New  Haven  County,  with  the 
exception  of  one  band  at  Humphreysville,  which  will  be 
noticed  m  the  next  chapter,  have  left  few  records  of  the 
time  and  manner  of  their  disappearance.  In  1774,  there 
were  twenty  in  Derby,  four  in  Wallingford,  one  in  Dur- 
ham, and  four  in  Waterbury.f 

•  Bnrber'8  Hist.  Coll.  of  Conn.,  p.  207.     t  Mum.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  X.  p.  1 18. 


'^WbMs^ibiiM^&iiiii&^iiS&ii^.^J^i-iA  . 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


363 


THE    RIVER    INDIANS.  -       \i 

This  was  the  ancient  term  for  all  the  Indians  residing 
on  the  banks  of  the  Connecticut  River  and  within  the 
limits  of  Connecticut  colony.  The  river  population  was 
considered  numerous  at  one  time ;  but  it  consisted  of 
small  clans  who  had  little  national  strength  and  pride  to 
bind  them  together,  and  who  were  thus  easily  broken  and 
dispersed. 

The  Indans  of  Windsor  gradually  left  their  ancient 
seats,  some  removing  among  the  Tunxis,  and  others 
settling  in  the  towns  of  Salisbury  ar  I  Sharon. 

In  1730,  the  number  of  Indian  men  who  used  to  come 
into  Hartford  on  election  and  other  great  gala  days  was 
estimated  at  seventy  or  eighty.  Thirty-two  years  after, 
President  Stiles  was  informed  that  there  were  only  six 
families  remaining  in  Hartford  and  one  in  Windsor.*  A 
remnant  of  the  Podunk  nation,  living  on  the  Hocka- 
num  River,  remained  in  East  Hartford  as  late  as  1745, 
but  in  1760  had  entirely  disappeared.! 

In  1774,  there  were  four  Indians  in  Suffield,  five  in 
Hartford,  six  in  Windsor,  six  in  East  Windsor,  sixteen  in 
Glastenbury,  and  seven  in  PJast  Haddam.^ 

The  Wangunks  remained  for  some  time  in  Middletown 
and  Chatham,  living  on  three  separate  reservations.  One 
of  these  was  in  the  neighborhood  called  Newfield  ;  and 

•  President  Stiles's  Itinerary.  Indians,  however,  used  to  go  to  election 
from  distant  porta  of  the  Stote,  as  for  instance  from  Mohegon.  Thus  the 
above  seventy  or  eighty  Indian  men  were  by  r.u  means  ail  from  Windsor  and 
Hartford. 

t  President  Stiles's  Itinerary.         t  Masa.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  X,  p.  118. 

33* 


,\\;\ 


!! 


A    \. 


■  !  ■ 


ami: 


1 

J 

364 


BISTORT   or    THE    INDIANS 


t    ! 


on  this  the  Indians  stayed  and  held  lands  as  late  as  1713. 
Another  was  laid  out.  at  an  early  date,  on  the  west  side 
of  the  river,  for  one  Sawsean  and  his  descendants.  The 
third  consisted  of  three  hundred  acres  on  the  opposite 
bank,  which  was  set  aside  by  the  town  in  1675,  "  for  the 
heirs  of  Sovvheag  and  for  the  Mattabesett  Indians."* 

As  a  considerable  number  of  Wangunks  still  remained 
in  1734,  a  man  named  Richard  Treat  conceived  the  benev- 
olent idea  of  trying  to  improve  them  by  education  and  re- 
ligious teaching.  Being  encouraged  in  his  design  by 
several  of  the  neighboring  ministers,  he  commenced,  on 
the  sixth  of  January,  with  a  small  number  of  the  Indian 
children.  He  was  attended  for  some  time  by  twelve  or 
fourteen  of  these;  and  he  maintained,  also,  a  weekly 
meeting,  with  those  of  the  adults  of  the  tribe  who  would 
listen  to  him,  for  about  two  months.  The  governor  of 
Connecticut,  Joseph  Talcott,  approved  his  design  and 
urged  him  to  go  on  ;  but,  at  the  end  of  four  months,  having 
found  that  no  one  felt  disposed  to  assist  or  reward  him, 
and  that  he  had  to  bear  all  the  expense  and  trouble  alone, 
IVHr.  Treat  became  discouraged  and  gave  up  hie  efforts. 

He  found  the  Indians  ignorant  of  the  doctrines  of  the 
Scriptures  and  even  of  what  the  Scriptures  were ;  so  that 
quotations  from  them  had  no  more  weight  on  their 
opinions  than  a  common  proverb  or  one  of  his  own  ob- 
servations. He  was  obliged,  therefore,  in  his  controver- 
sies with  them,  to  apj^eal  to  such  principles  of  morality 
and  natural  religion  as  they  held  among  themselves.  He 
was  hindered,  also,  by  the  broken  knowledge  whicfi  iho 
Indians  had  of  the  English  tongue,  and  by  their  natural 

*  Slntistical  Account  of  Middlesex  Comiu  p.p.  3},  35. 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


365 


I 


1 


aversion  to  the  humbling  doctrines  of  Christianity.  Once, 
when  he  was  speaking  of  the  resurrection  of  the  dead, 
and  of  the  judgment  to  come,  one  of  them  pointed  to  a 
pig  which  lay  by  the  fire,  and  asked  with  a  sneer  if  that 
pig  would  rise  again  like  one  of  themselves.  It  would 
not  do,  the  preacher  thought,  to  answer  this  fool  accord- 
ing to  his  folly,  and  he  succeeded  in  silencing  him  by  ar- 
guments, "  although  it  took  him  a  long  time  to  do  it.". 

During  the  latter  part  of  the  summer,  after  the  school 
and  religious  services  had  been  discontinued,  the  Wan- 
gunks  held  a  great  funeral  dance.  One  Saturday,  the 
second  day  of  the  ceremonies,  Treat  repaired  to  the  place, 
partly  to  find  out  the  numbers  of  the  Indians,  as  the  gov- 
ernor had  requested  him  to  do,  and  partly  with  the  idea 
that  his  presence  might  operate  as  a  restraint  upon  their 
extravagances.  When  he  arrived,  the  Indians  were 
dancing,  singing  and  yelling;  and  some  of  those  who 
knew  him  gathered  around  him,  and  bade  him  "  begone, 
for. he  had  no  business  there."  "I  come  to  see  you  as 
others  do,"  said  Treat.  "  You  never  order  them  away. 
Why  are  you  so  angry  at  my  presence  ?" 

"  You  come  here  to  see  if  you  cannot  preach  to  us  to- 
morrow," replied  one  of  them  in  a  rude  tone  ;  "but  you 
shall  not  preach  !" 

"That  is  not  my  business  here."  said  Treat;  "but  I 
am  ready  to  do  you  what  service  I  can.  You  are  now 
taking  off  mourning  clothes  for  one  who  is  dead,  and  you 
ought  to  think  of  prep;*ration  for  your  own  death.  Others 
will  wear  niou.ning  for  you  as  you  have  worn  it  for  him.'* 
"You  shall  not  preach  !"  still  insisted  the  Indian.  "  To- 
morrow is  our  day  and  you  shall  not  preach  !" 


.1  hIJ 


I' 


■)i  ' 


H  ' 


i'!:; 


E.^ 


\r-k. 


S    lit 


I 


366 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


A  number  of  Nehantics  and  Mohegans,  however,  gath- 
ered round  Treat,  and  told  him,  that,  if  he  wished  to 
preach,  they  would  assemble  on  the  following  day,  at  a 
certain  house  near  by,  and  hear  his  discourse.     On  the 
morrow,  therefore,  which  was  Sunday,  he  went  to  the 
house  in  question,  but  found  no  listeners,  all  the  Indians 
being  too  much  interested  in  the  dance.     Hearing  that 
there  was  a  sick  child  among  them,  he  went  in  search  of 
It,  thinking  that  he  might  be  able  to  do  it  some  service. 
He  had  succeeded  in  finding  it,  when  some  Indians  came 
up  and  attempted  to  drive  him  away,  although  without 
offering  violence.    Finding  this  impossible,  they  told  him, 
that,  if  he  would  go  to  a  clump  of  trees  ten  or  fifte  )n  rods 
distant,  they  would  follow  and  listen  to  his  preaching. 
He  complied,  but  had  scarcely  reached  the  trees  when  the 
Indians  commenced  a  most  hideous  noise,  beating  their 
breasts,  grunting  and  groaning,  by  way  of  an  invocation 
to  the  devil.     It  seems  that  some  Indian  was  suspected 
of  having  poisoned  the  deceased  Wangunk,  and  they  were 
now  soliciting  a  revelation  from  the   evil   spirit  as  to 
whether  the  suspicion  was  just.     Horrified  and  scandal- 
ized by  the  scene.  Treat  ran  back,  rushed  in  among  them, 
and  by  his  energetic  corporeal  interference  put  a  very 
sudden  end  to  their  spiritual  investigations.     Some  of 
them  were  prodigiously  enraged,  and  seemed  much  in- 
clined to  dispatch  him  on  the  spot.     They  finally  told 
him,  that,  if  he  would  only  go  the  trees  again,  they  would 
certainly  follow  and  listen  to  him.    Treat  did  not  believe 
it,  and  told  them  so;  but  still  he  walked  away,  to  satisfy 
them,  and  to  see  what  they  would  do.    As  he  expected  they 
re-commenced  their  orgies.    He  ran  back  and  broke  them 


i^4«a^>«**%S^^*«a^S»*^fel«*««ii^*^  ■ 


OP    CONNECTICUT. 


367 


op  as  before      This  happened  several  times:  until  the 

Indians    either  wearied  out   with   his   perseverance    or 

having  obtained  all  the  information  from  diabolical  sou;ces 

which  they  expected,  gave,  up  the  contest  and  desisted 

fiom  their  invocations.     He  now  waited  some  time,  to  let 

hem  season,  as  he  expressed  it,  for  divine  service  :  and 

then  made  them  a  discourse  to  which  they  listened  without 

offering  any  disturbance. 

His  course  on  this  occasion,  singular  as  it  may  seem 
appears  to  have  been  productive  of  good  effects;  for  there 
was  but  httle  noise  made  the  following  night,  while 
usually,  at  such  times,  the  Indians  kept  up  an  astounding 
uproar.  No  similar  ceremony  was  performed  among  the 
Wangunks  for  several  years,*  and  there  is  nothing  to  show 
but  that  this  was  the  very  last. 

The  last  sachem,  but  one,  of  the  Wangunks  was  called 
Doctor  Robbins;  it  is  not  known  exactly  when  he  died 
but  It  was  some  little  time  previous  to  1757.     He  left  a 
son  named  Richard  Ranney,  who  was  brought  up  among 
the  whites,  spoke  and  wrote  the  English  language,  learned 
the  trade  of  a  joiner,  and  became  a  professor  of  religion.f 
In  1/64,  the  tribe  still  numbered  between  thirty  and 
forty  persons ;  but  some  of  these  were  living  among  the 
Mohegans,  and  others  had  migrated  to  Hartford  and  Far- 
mington.     Those  who  remained  consisted  of  two  squaws 
and    their   three   children.     One    of  the   squaws,   Mary 
Cuschoy  or  Tike,  was  the   blind  and  aged  widow  of 
Cuschoy,  the  last  sachem   of  the  tribe.     She  had  been 
supported  for  twelve  months  previous  by  the  town, J 

•  Eccleainstioal  Paper..  Vol.  V.     t  Indian  Papers.  Vol.  Ill  DoCf  131. 136. 
t  In(Jian  Papew,  Vol.  I,  Documents  132.  239. 


•1 


W 


•  I 


<■ 


368 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


il 


In  1764,  a  committee  appointed  for  the  purpose  sold  a 
large  part  of  the  lands ;  and,  on  the  first  of  June,  1765. 
reported  that  they  had  on  hand  funds  to  the  amount  of 
one  hundred  and  sixty-three  pounds  and  nineteen  shillings 
in  continental  bills,  and  about  one  hundred  pounds  in  ob- 
ligations not  yet  collected.  By  1772,  over  ninety  pounds 
of  this  sum  had  been  expended  in  the  support  of  old  Mary 
Cuschoy :  the  rest,  also,  was  probably  laid  out,  in  one  way 
or  another,  for  the  benefit  of  the  Indians.* 

The  Wangunks  were  willing  to  dispose  of  their  land,  and 
the  third  religious  society  in  Middletownf  was  anxious  to 
purchase  it. .  Several  petitions  were  presented  to  the  As- 
sembly, in  the  name  of  both  parties,  and  in  1765,  a  com- 
mittee was  appointed  to  sell  the  land,  and  use  the  proceeds 
for  the  benefit  of  the  proprietors.  A  part  only  seems  to 
have  been  disposed  of;  for,  some  years  after,  [1769,] 
Samuel  Ashpo  and  nine  others,  then  living  at  Farmington, 
obtained  permission  from  the  Assembly  to  sell  their  re- 
maining lands  at  Wangunk. 

Mary  Cuschoy  was  living  on  the  town  of  Chatham  as 
late  as  1771.  Three  years  later,  the  number  of  Indians 
residing  in  that  township  was  two.|  In  1785,  a  com- 
mittee was  appointed  by  the  Legislature  to  collect  all  the 
money  due  on  the  Indian  lands  at  Wangunk,  and  pay  it 
over  to  the  proprietors,  who  seem,  at  that  time,  to  have 
entirely  left  the  place.  Thus  ended  the  national  existence 
of  the  Wangunks,  or,  as  they  were  sometimes  called,  the 
Wangums.<^ 

•  Colonial  Records,  Vols.  X  and  XI. 

t  This  society  is  now  in  Chatham,  which  was  then  a  part  of  Middletown. 

t  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  X,  p.  118. 

§  Colonial  Recordfl,  Vol.  X.     Indian  Papers,  Vol.  II,  Doc'ts  234—336. 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


369 


In  various  parts  of  Middletown  and  Chatham,  Indian 
skeletons  have  been  exhumed.     They  were  found  in  a 
sitting  posture,  with  food,  utensils,  arms,  ornaments  and 
wampum  around  them.     In  1808,  three  Indian  graves 
were  opened  in  Chatham.     In  one  of  them  there  was  the 
skeleton  of  a  man,  sitting,  and  wrapped  in  a'blanket.    On 
exposure  to  the  earth  the  blanket  crumbled  as  if  it  had 
been  reduced   to  cinders.     In  the  man's  lap  were  two 
small  brass  kettles  containing  a  spoon,  a  knife,  a  vial  and 
a  pipe.     One  arm  of  the  skeleton  was  passed  around  the 
kettles,  and  it  was  observed  that,  where  the  flesh  had 
been  in  contact  with  the  brass,  it  was  in  a  state  of  pre- 
servation.    The  other  two  graves  contained  skeletons  of 
children,  one  of  which  held  in  its  hand  a  small  brass  cup. 
In  this  instance,  also,  the  flesh  had  not  perished  where  it 
touched  the  brass;  and,  what  was  more  curious  still,  the 
other  side  of  the  cup  had  disappeared,  as  if  the  flesh  and 
the  brass  preserved  each  other.     Around  the  wrist  was 
wampum  strung  on  deer  skin,  and  near  by  were  beads,  of 
the  hearts  of  oyster  shells,  which  may  have  been  around 
the  neck.     In  the  grave  of  the  other  child  was  a  copper 
box  containing  wampum  strung  on  deer  leather.* 


THE    TUNXIS. 

The  Tunxis  continued  to  reside  for  some  time  on  their 
two  reservations  in  Farmington,  without  any  important 
incident  happening  to  them  which  has  been  recorded  Of 
that  part  of  the  tribe  which  lived  in  Massacoe  or  Sims- 
bury,  some  had  fled  from  their  country  during  Philip's 

•  Statistical  Account  of  Middlesex  County,  p.  9. 


370 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


:n 


war.  and  m  x710  only  a  few  families  were  remaining. 
Some  years  later,  a  single  individual  still  possessed  a  little 
ract  of  land,  on  the  east  side  of  Farmington  River,  near 
the  south  hue  of  the  town.  In  1750,  this  man,  as  well  as 
every  other  representative  of  the  Massacoe  Indians,  had 
disappeared.*"  ' 

The  main  body  of  the  tribe  was  joined  in  1730  by  the 
Indians  of  Hartford  jf  and  it  received,  also,  at  various 
times,  re-enforcements  from  Windsor,  Middletown  and 
other  parts  of  the  Connecticut  valley. 

A  historical  discourse,  delivered  by  Professor  Porter  of 
Yale  College,  states  that  an  Indian  school  was  taught  in 
Farmmgton  by  Mr.  Newton,  and  perhaps  by  Mr.  Hooker  • 
the  former,  munster  in  that  town  from  1648  to  1657  and 
the  latter  from  1658  to  1697.     In  the  colonial  rec;rds, 
from  1733  to  1736,  are  repeated  notices  of  such  a  school 
then  ni  existence.     Bills,  amounting  to  sixty-one  pounds 
and  SIX  shilhngs,  ''for  the  dieting  of  the  Indian  youth  at 
two  shillings  a  week,"  were  presented  in  1735  and  1736 
aiid  liquidated  out  of  the  colonial  treasury.    Judging  from' 
these  bills  I  should  conclude  that  the  number  of  scholars 
who  were  boarded  could  not  have  amounted  to  more  than 
five  or  SIX.    Rev.  Samuel  Whitman,  at  this  time  minister 
in  t  armington,  seems  first  to  have  brought  it  to  the  notice 
of  the  Assembly;  and  it  is  probable  that,  like  his  prede- 
cessors he  officiated  as  its  teacher.     Now,  from  the  time 
when  Mr.  Newton  must  have  established  his  school,  to 
1736,  when  the  one  alluded  to  above  is  last  mentioned  on 
the  records,  is  a  period  of  more  than  eighty  years.    But  it 
seems  scarcely  possible  that  such  an  institution  could  have 

•  Phelps'a  History  of  Simsbury.        t  President  Stile.'s  Itinerary. 


^s«SfefttSkS^aii.iaiii*^^ 


OP    CONNECTICUT. 


371 


been  kept  up  so  long  a  time,  without  attracting  consider- 
able attention,  and  leaving  behind  it  some  traces  more 
extensive  than  the  two  or  three  brief  records  to  which  I 
have  adverted.  We  may  suppose,  therefore,  that  it  ex- 
isted at  intervals  during  the  consecutive  ministries  of  Mr. 
Newton,  Mr.  Hooker  and  Mr.  Whitman.  We  have  the 
authority  of  the  above  discourse  for  saying  that,  at  one 
time,  fifteen  or  sixteen  scholars  attended  the  school ;  that 
a  few  of  the  Tunxis  were  admitted  as  freemen,  and  that  a 
few  became  members  of  the  church.  Indeed  it  seems  to  be 
traditionary  in  Farmington  that  a  number  of  the  Indians 
of  that  place,  in  early  times,  made  a  profession  of  reli- 
gion ;  while  to  verify  this  tradition  from  written  state- 
ments, at  the  present  day,  is  probably  utterly  impossible. 
Farmington  was  not  a  very  learned  town  anciently,  not 
being  able  for  a  while  to  keep  its  own  records  without 
assistance  from  Hartford  •*  and,  from  this  cause  or  some 
other,  the  church  records  were  either  not  kept  at  all,  or 
were  kept  in  marvelous  confusion.  At  the  accession  of 
Mr.  Whitman  they  were  put  in  proper  order ;  but  his  list 

-hurch  members  only  shows  two  Indian  professors; 

-^mon  Mossock  admitted  June,  1763,  and  Eunice  Mos- 

iC  admitted  September,  1765. 

In  1738,  two  of  the  Tunxis  memorialized  the  Assembly 
on  behalf  of  their  tribe,  alleging  that  nearly  all  their  land 
in  Indian  Neck  had  been  usurped  from  them  by  the  neigh- 
boring whites.  Eighteen  or  twenty  of  the  settlers  were 
concerned  in  these  aggressions,  most,  if  not  all,  of  whom 
claimed  that  they  had  obtained  the  land  they  held,  by 

»  Such  was  the  case  with  some  other  towns  in  the  State,  not  one  person  in 
the  community  being  Budicicntly  en,  lite  to  ofliciate  as  town  clerk 

34 


!li'"' 


iii 


372 


BISTORT    OF   THE    INDIANS 


V:         I 


purchase.*  No  effect  seems  to  have  been  produced  by 
this  memorial,  and  the  affair  remained  unsettled  for  manjr 
years.  But  in  1768  another  petition,  of  a  similar  purport, 
was  presented  by  James  Wauwus.  A  committee  which 
was  appointed  on  the  subject  by  the  Assembly  made  the 
following  report.  The  English  claimants  had  obtained 
entire  possession  of  Indian  Neck,  by  various  purchases, 
some  of  them  made  for  valuable  considerations.  Some  of 
these  purchases  were  never  acknowledged  ;  some  wore 
acknowledged,  but  never  recorded ;  and  only  four  had, 
according  to  law,  been  ratified  by  the  Assembly.  They 
stated  that  the  reservation  really  amounted  to  only  one 
hundred  aud  forty  acres.  Finally,  they  recommended 
that  a  committee  should  be  appointed  to  lay  out  to  the 
English  claimants  what  they  were  entitled  to,  and  sur- 
render the  rest  to  the  Indians.  Wauwus  and  others  of 
the  Tunxis  sent  in  a  remonstrance  against  this  report, 
alleging  that  all  but  four  of  the  deeds  mentioned  were 
void  in  law,  and  that,  moreover,  the  committee  had  made 
a  great  mistake  as  to  the  amount  of  the  reservation.  Both 
these  allegations  were  true :  the  Assembly,  therefore, 
negatived  the  committee's  recommendation,  and  the  affair 
lingered  on  for  some  time  longer.f 

By  these  petitions  it  appears  that  several  of  the  Tunxis 
at  this  time  understood  the  use  of  letters.  It  is  probable 
that  they  had  been  scholars  in  the  school  mentioned  as 
having  existed  in  1735.  James  Wauwus  was  one  of  the 
number,  and  Solomon  Mossuck,  Charles  and  Elijah  Wimp- 
sey,  James  Cusk  and  Thomas  Carrington  were  others. 

•  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  II,  Documents  171  and  172. 
t  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  II,  Documenta  179,  180,  191. 


'Mli&IS^S^aiX^!iiS^^4^4iiitiMkis^mMiii0^Jsi»i«^ 


or    CONNECTICUT. 


373 


An  aged  citizen  of  ^armington,  who  died  some  few- 
years  ago,  and  who  was  born  about  1730,  used  to  say- 
that,  within  his  recollection,  the  Indian  children  in  the 
district  school  were  not  much  fewer  than  those  of  the 
whites.  In  their  snow-balling  parties,  the  former  used  to 
take  one  side  and  the  latter  another,  when  they  would  be 
so  equally  balanced  in  numbers  and  prowess,  as  to  render 
the  battle  a  very  tough  one  and  the  result  doubtful.  This, 
of  course,  must  have  been  at  least  as  early  as  1750. 

In  1761,  the  tribe  was  estimated  at  something  less  than 
twenty-five  families.  They  had  moved  back  from  their 
original  position,  and  resided  chiefly  in  the  northwest  part 
of  Farmington,  and  in  the  adjoining  township  of  New 
Hartford.*  A  considerable  number  removed,  about  this 
time,  either  before  or  after,  to  Stockbridge  in  Massachu- 
setts. In  1774,  the  number  of  Indians  in  Farmington 
was  forty-three,  and  in  New  Hartford  thirteen.f 

During  this  year,  [1774,]  Elijah  Wimpsey  and  Solomon 
Mossock  petitioned  the  Assembly,  in  behalf  of  their  tribe, 
for  a  copy  of  the  laws  of  Connecticut.  They  stated  that 
most  of  their  people  had  formed  some  idea  of  English 
customs ;  that  many  had  learned  to  read  and  write  the 
English  language ;  and,  though  poorly  able  to  bear  the 
expense,  had  furnished  themselves  with  bibles  and  other 
books.  They  had  been  told  that  they  were  considered 
subjects  of  the  colony,  like  their  white  neighbors;  and 
they  thought,  therefore,  that  they  ought  to  become  ac- 
quainted with  its  laws.  The  Assembly,  in  reply,  granted 
the  petitioners  a  copy  of  the  laws  of  the  colony.J 

•  President  Stiles's  Itinerary.        t  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  X,p.  118. 
t  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  II,  Docament  195. 


,1     I 


■m 


-    ! 


■i  i 


i 


374 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


Only  a  few  days  after,  another  memorial  was  presented 
to  the  Assembly,  by  the  same  persons,  accompanied  by 
one  John  Adams  who  was  probably  one  of  the  Quinui- 
piacs  that  had  lately  moved  to  Farmington.  They  said 
that  the  Six  Nations  had  invited  them  to  settle  in  the 
Oneida  country,  and  had  promised  them  a  cordial  recep- 
tion and  plenty  of  land.  Being  straitened  where  they 
were,  they  thought  it  would  be  better  for  themselves,  and 
would  afford  an  opportunity  for  the  extension  of  the  king- 
dom of  Uhrist,  if  they  should  go.  They  therefore  desired 
that  Messrs.  Strong,  Gay  and  Gridley  of  Farmington 
might  be  appointed  to  assist  them  in  the  sale  of  their 
lands.  The  petition  was  granted,  but  two  or  three  cir- 
cumstances embarrassed  the  sale.  The  land  was  the 
common  property  of  the  tribe  :  the  revolutionary  war 
soon  broke  out,  and  the  Mohawks  took  the  British  side. 
For  these  reasons  the  property  was  not  sold  :  yet,  for  all 
this,  some  of  the  Tunxis  removed  to  the  Mohawk  country, 
and  others  determined  to  follow.  They  thus  found  them- 
selves in  need  of  the  avails  of  their  land,  and,  in  1777, 
thirty-one  of  them  petitioned  that  it  might  be  divided 
among  the  individuals  of  the  tribe.  John  Porter,  Heze- 
kiah  Wadsworth  and  Solomon  Whitman  were  appointed 
by  the  Assembly  to  undertake  the  division.  They  found 
the  lands  to  consist  of  four  separate  tracts,  amounting 
altogether  to  two  hundred  and  sixty  acres.  Two  hundred 
acres  were  situated  on  the  west  side  of  Pequawbuck 
meadow ;  another  tract,  purchased  for  the  duinnipiacs, 
amounted  to  sixteen  acres  and  one  hundred  and  twenty- 
eight  rods ;  there  were  five  acres  at  Fort  Hill,  and  forty 
and  a  half  acres  at  another  place.    The  whole  was  divided 


fH'i^musm  ■'^xm^  .- 


'i^^^im^^^fimmS^Si^h^^^ 


or    CONNECTICUT. 


375 


into  sixty-five  lots,  of  various  sizes,  but  generally  contain- 
ing from  four  to  five  acres  each.  The  number  of  males 
who  shared  was  seventeen ;  the  number  of  females  twenty- 
four;  and  some  individuals  received  two  or  three  lots 
apiece.  The  report  was  approved  by  the  Assembly  and 
the  division  confirmed.* 

So.iie  of  the  Tunxis  removed,  after  this,  to  Scatacook, 
and  from  thence  to  Stockbridge.  Two  of  them,  Elijah 
Wimpsey  and  Samuel  Adams,  having  been  driven  from 
the  latter  place  by  Indians  in  the  British  interest,  applied 
for  relief  to  the  Assembly  of  Connecticut,  and  obtained  a 
grant  of  £33  Is.  8d.  Adam,  the  Q,uinnipiac,  removed 
to  the  Mohawk  country  previous  to  1776,  and  his  land 
was  sold.  In  1804,  some  of  the  Tunxis  still  lived,  and 
held  property,  in  Farmington,  and  were  under  the  care 
of  an  overseer.f 

At  the  present  time  they  have  all  disappeared  from  their 
ancient  home.  One  miserable  creature,  a  man  named 
Mossock,  still  lives  in  Litchfield,  perhaps  the  sole  remnant 
of  the  tribe. 

In  the  burying  ground  of  Farmington,  which  was  also 
the  Indian  burying  ground,  and  which  looks  out  upon  the 
river  valley  and  upon  Indian  Neck,  a  small  monument  has 
been  erected  to  the  memory  of  the  Tunxis.  It  is  grate- 
ful to  see  such  a  memorial  of  the  poor  aborigines,  and 
one  can  only  regret  that  the  execution  of  the  design  did 
not  correspond  with  the  emotions  which  prompted  its 
conception.  The  monument  is  about  six  feet  high :  the 
cap  has  never  been  placed,  or  else  has  been  removed :  the 

•  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  II,  Document  199. 
t  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  II.     State  Records,  Vol.  VII. 
34* 


'II 


i 


M\ 


376 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


1 


material  is  red  sandstone,  coarse  and  crumbly  in  its  texture, 
and  the  inscriptions  upon  it  are  fast  obliterating  under  the 
influence  of  the  winds  and  storms.  These  inscriptions 
mention  that,  according  to  tradition,  this  spot  was  the 
scene  of  a  bloody  battle  between  the  Tunxis  and  the 
Stockbridges ;  that,  according  to  another  tradition,  and 
judging  from  the  many  skeletons  discovered  here,  the 
place  was  once  used  as  a  cemetery  by  the  aborigines,  and 
that  some  of  these  scattered  remains  have  been  collected 
and  decently  interred  beneath  this  stone.  So  sleep  the 
Tunxis.  So  in  time,  perhaps  will  sleep  the  race  which 
has  succeeded  them. 


I 


THE    NIPMUCKS    AND    QUINNEBAUGS. 

These  Indians,  living  entirely  under  the  domination  of 
the  Mohegans,  never  sold  any  land  for  themselves,  except 
the  tract  purchased  by  John  Winthrop,  all  the  rest  of  their 
country  being  granted  away  by  the  chiefs  of  the  family 
of  Uncas.  This  circumstance  saved  both  them  and  the 
colony  of  Connecticut  an  incalculable  amount  of  quarrel- 
ing and  vexation.  They  had  no  petitions  to  present  to 
the  Legislature  :  there  were  no  long  and  expensive  law 
suits  to  be  sustained  against  them  ;  and  no  committees  to 
be  appointed  to  examine  into,  and  settle,  the  state  of  their 
affairs.  For  this  reason  there  are  almost  no  reords  con- 
cerning the  Indians  of  this  part  of  the  State,  and  very  little 
can  be  related  of  them,  except  a  few  unimportant  an- 
ecdotes. 

A  considerable  number  of  Nipmucks  lived  in  Thompson, 
the  most  northeasterly  town  in  the  State  ;  and  it  is  tradi- 
tionary that  one  of  their  chiefs,  named  Q,uinnatisset,  had 


^-^  >;*^*«i«SMK«^a^^a^* 


.j^itfefeaiai&S^iiijifei- 


I 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


377 


a  grand  wigwam  near  the  spot  where  now  stands  the 
congregational  church.    Their  strong  hold,  however,  was 
on  Fort  Hill,  an  eminence  about  three  quarters  of  a  mile 
easterly,  where  the  rude  foundations  of  a  fortress  can  yet 
be  traced.     Individuals  who  wander  into  the  neighboring 
forests  still  find,  here  and  there,  the  hills  and  rows  of  the 
Indian  cornfields,  now  thickly  covered  over  with  sturdy 
trees.    The  Indians  were  well  supplied  with  fish  from  the 
streams  and  ponds,  and  especially  from  a  considerable 
body  of  water  extending  from  Thompson  into  Massachu- 
setts, which  bore  the   discouraging  name   of  Chargog- 
gagoggmanchogaggogg.     This  pond  is  studded  with  little 
islands;  and  tradition  affirms,  though  not  with  much 
probability,  that  the  Nipmucks  regarded  it  as  the  sceiie 
of  their  paradise  ;  the  place  where  the  Great  Spirit  lived  ; 
where  the  shades  of  theix  departed  friends  wandered ;  and 
vhere,  after  death,  they  should  be  delightfully  employed 
forever  in  fishing  and  luniting. 

An  aboriginal  tradition  has  been  preserved  concerning 
a  pond,  called  Mashapaug,*  which  lies  in  the  western  part 
of  Killingly.     It  is  said  that,  on  the  spot  occupied  by  this 
pond  there  once  stood  a  mountain,  and  that  a  small  island 
in  the  pond,  called  Loon's  Island,  constituted  the  top  of 
this  mountain.     But  in  ancient  times,  aflat  the  red  men 
of  this  region  had  long  enjoyed  en  abundance  of  fish  and 
game,  they  grew  gluttonous  and  wicked,  and  provoked 
tlie  anger  of  the  Great  Spirit.     Finally,  they  appointed  a 
festival  on  the  top  of  a  mountain  covered  with  tall  pine 
trees,  and  there  they  s\mn  four  days  in  feasting  and 
revelry.     At  the  end  of  this  time,  the  Great  Spirit  could 

•  Conimniily  known  ns  Alcxnnder's  Lnke. 


I.I 


>  y 


. ;. 


378 


HISTORT    OT    THE    INDIANS 


no  longer  contain  h^>  anger  at  their  wickedness,  and  re- 
solved to  overwhelm  them  with  a  quick  and  awful 
destruction.  While,  therefore,  the  Indians  were  still 
capering  about  the  sides  of  the  mountain  it  suddenly  sunk 
down  into  a  great  cavity ;  the  subterranean  waters  rose 
around  it,  and  all  the  red  people  perished,  except  one  good 
old  squaw  who  stood  on  the  very  summit  of  the  emi- 
nence. Such,  says  tradition,  was  the  origin  of  Masha- 
paug  Lake.  Even  at  the  present  day  it  is  soberly  affirmed, 
that  the  boatman  who  will  push  out  into  the  deepest  parts 
of  the  water,  may,  in  a  clear  day,  see  the  trunks  of  pine 
trees  reaching  up  from  the  bottom  towards  the  surface. 

The  Indians  were  somewhat  troublesome  to  the  first 
se  *lers  of  this  region,  wlio,  being  few  and  scattered,  durst 
not  use  force  to  resist  their  impositions.  A  large  party 
would  sometimes  call  at  a  white  man's  house,  demanding 
its  hospitality,  and  threatening  by  their  numbers  and  ap- 
petite to  bring  the  household  to  utter  starvation.  Some- 
times they  employed  stratagem  for  the  sake  of  obtaining 
admission ;  and,  in  the  morning,  when  the  astonished 
settler  came  to  count  his  guests,  he  would  find  half  a 
dozen  new  ones  who  had  been  dexterously  smuggled 
in  among  the  baggage  and  pappooses.  Friendship  was 
always  preserved,  however,  between  the  whites  and  their 
wild  acqtiaintances,  and  the  two  races  often  joined  to- 
gether in  amicable  sports  and  trials  of  strength.  The 
Indians  were  fond  of  wrestling,  although  they  were 
generally  thrown  by  the  whites,  whose  muscles,  hardened 
by  labor  and  regular  habits,  were  stronger  than  those  of  the 
indolent  savages.  A  certain  Joseph  Cady,  one  of  the  first 
•ettlers  of  Killingly,  was  one  day  cutting  brush  alone, 


i^mmm^m&iLmm 


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OF    CONNECTICUT. 


379 


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•>vhen  an  Indmn  approached  him  from  the  neighboring 
ores,,  and  expressed  a  strong  desire  to  try  the  skill  of  f 

f  he    "m  ".'  '™"""^-     ^'"'^^  ""'"='"  '»  himself  that, 
f  he  ecu  d  thro^v  the  fellow,  it  might  operate  to  deter  the 

Indmns  from  hostilities  against  the  settlements,  and  ac- 
cord,ngly  accepted  the  challenge.     Both  men  struggled 
ong  and  desperately,  but  Cady  at  last  prevailed  and  the 
Indian  was  prostrated.     Unfortunately  he  fell  among  the 
brush  wh,ch  his  antagonist  had  been  cutting,  and,  one  of 
the  sharp  stumps  perforating  his  skull,  he  died  on  the  spot. 
In  1720  Jacob  Spalding,  also  an  early  settler  of  Kil- 
hngly  had  a  curious  adventure  with  an  Indian  creditor. 
He  had  purchased  a  deer  skin  of  the  Indian,  and  had  paid 
h,m  wuh  one  of  the  paper  notes,  called  tenor  bills,  issued 
by  the  colony      The  man  .  n.  the  bill  in  his  pocket ;  but, 
be„,g  somewhat  intoxicated  at  the  time,  soon  forgot  tha 
he  had  ever  received  it,  and  again  demanded  payment  for 
hts  deer  skm     Jacob  was  indignant,  of  course,  at  what 
he  considered  such  a  bare-faced  attempt  a,  imposition,  and 
refused  eomphance.     A  wordy  squabble  ensued  which 
ended  by  the  Indian's  going  away,  muttering  that  he 
would  have  revenge.     The  next  day,  as  Jacob  was  shin- 
ghng  a  barn,  he  saw  his  late  creditor  approaching,  accom- 
panied by  two  of  his  tribe.    He  jumped  down,  met  them  . 
and  was  again  asked  to  pay  for  the  deer  skin.     He  re^ 
fused.     One  of  the  Indians,  who  seemed  to  be  a  sachem 
then  stated  in  broken  English,  that  he  had  come  to  see' 
lair  play,  and  laid  it  down  as  perfectly  honorable  that  two 
Indians  should  fight  with  one   white   man.     His  two 
friends  thou  attacked  Spalding;  who,  however,  defended 
himself  with  such  dexterity  and  success,  that  he  laid 


fl  ;.. 


m 


'\ ' 


m 


J        ! 


380 


HISTORY   OF   THE    INDIANS 


them  both  on  the  ground  and  gave  them  a  sound  drub- 
bing. The  sachem  looked  on,  in  the  mean  time  with 
great  impartiahty,  and  gave  his  fellows  no  further  en- 
couragement in  their  tribulation  than  Pnorcl.^gsl  poor 
dogs!  me  hope. he  kill  you  both  !' 

Thus  ended  this  skirmish  ;  but  ti.-  Jay  after,  as  Jacob 
was  again  mounted  on  his  barn,  he  saw  the  same  Indians 
commg  towards  him ,  the  one  who  fancied  himself  cheated 
bearmg  a  rifle  which  he  was  in  the  act  of  loading.     But, 
putting  his  hand  into  his  pocket  to  find  a  ball,  he  drew 
out  the  identical  bill,  the  loss  of  which  had  caused  all  this 
trouble.     Qonscience-struck,  he  said  to  Jacob  who  was 
commg  to  meet  him,  "  Me  believe  now,  Jacob,  you  paid 
me  de  bill."    Jacob  now  turned  to  the  sachem  and  said, 
You,  who  have  come  to  see  fair  play,  what  shall  we  do 
with  this  fellow  ?"     "  Tie  him  to  de  tree  and  whip  him," 
was  the  laconic  sentence.     This  was  no  great  justice, 
perhaps,  but  it  was  well  administered;  for  the  culprit 
being  tied  up  by  the  combined  puissance  of  all  hands,  wa^ 
soundly  threshed  to  strengthen  his  memory.     Such  was 
his  mortification  at  the  whole  affair,  and  particularly  at 
the  flogging,  that  he  soon  afterwards  left  that  part  of  the 
country  and  never  returned.* 
.      The  great  revival  of  1740  and  1741,  which  affected  the 
Mohegans  and  the  Pequots,  also  reached  the  Indians  on 
the  Qumnebaug.     Many  of  them  seemed  to  become  con- 
verted ;  they  reformed   from  drinking  ;  they  conversed 
much  on  religious  subjects ;  they  held  meetings  among 
themselves  for  prayer  and  exhortation ;  and  numbers  of 

•  The  above  traditions  and  anecdotes  are  from  Barber's  Hist.  Coll.  of  Conn 
Thompson  and  Killingly. 


)} 


1 


•CJ*    CONNECTICUT. 

th*M  *«Wed  «,«h  e^^dence  of  piety  ,ha,  they  were  ad- 
m«ted  .*  taembera  of  English  churches..  How  ,ince« 
»nd  how  lasting  this  impression  was,  we  do  no.  know  • 
bat  we  may  presume  that  it  mostly  faded  away  before 
many  years,  like  the  effects  of  the  same  excitement  in 
other  abongmal  tribes.  It  is  said,  that  Samson  Occom 
preached  a  few  times  among  the  duinnebaug  Indians,  and 
It  IS  very  possible,  therefore,  that  he  did  so  during  this 
period.  ° 

In  1774  Windham  and  Tolland  counties  contained  one 
hundred  and  forty-two  Indians,  who  were  divided  as  fol- 
ows :    twelve   in  Killingljr,   twenty-five   in   Plainfield, 
twelve  in  Pomfret,  eleven  in  Canterbury,  six  in  Volun' 
town,  nineteen  in  Windham,  thirty-eight  in  Woodstock, 
five  in  Tolland,  two  in  Coventry  and  twelve  in  Mansfield  f 
Since  that  time  their  diminution  has  still  continued ;  and 
It  is  now  more  than  thirty  years  since  the  last  of  the  Kil- 
l>ngly  band,  a  pious  female  named  Martha,  was  laid  in 
her  unpretending  grave.    Of  the  other  Indians  of  this  part 
of  the  State  I  do  not  know  that  now  even  one  exists. 


THE    WESTERN   NEHANTICS. 

It  is  difficult  to  conjecture  in  what  way  the  lands  o^  the 
western  Nehantics  passed  from  their  possession  into  that 
of  the  colonists.  They  were  not  willed  away  by  Atta- 
wanhood ;  the  were  not  covered  by  the  sales  of  Chapeto 
and  Captain  Sannup  ;  and  the  only  other  Indian  sale  pre- 
served in  the  Lyme  records  refers  to  a  tract  of  very  in-, 
considerable  dimensions.    A  reservation  was  indeed  made 

•  Trumbull,  Vol.  11.  t  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  X,  p.  118. 


' 

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)  5 

"5     ': 

ii 

,•) 

382 


HISTORY    OP    THE    INDIANS 


for  the  natives  when  Lyme  and  New  London  were  incor- 
porated, stretching  from  the  Niantic  River  four  miles 
westward,  and  running  north  from  the  seacoast  as  far  as 
the  bounds  of  those  townships.     This  territory,  however, 
was  afterwards  absorbed  into  Lyme  and  New  London  j 
and  I  am  entirely  ignorant  as  to  whether  its  original  in- 
habitants ever  received  or  claimed  for  it  any  remuneration. 
The  first  definite  fact  which  I  can  state  concerning  the 
matter,  is,  that  in  1672,  the  Nehantics  had  no  land  of 
their  own,  and  were  then  furnished  with  three  hundred 
acres  by  Lyme,  on  condition  of  bringing  in  a  wolf's  head 
annually,* 

In  1693,  their  chief  man  seems  to  have  been  one  Obed 
whom,  during  the  same  year,  we  find,  with  his  fellows' 
very  unwisely  entering  into  some  arrangements  with  their 
white  neighbors.     For  a  small  consideration  they  allowed 
one  Joseph  Bull  to  have  the  herbage  from  one  hundred 
acres  of  their  land,  on  condition  that  he  would  not  inter- 
fere with  their  plowing  and  planting.     This  bargain  soon 
began  to  work  against  the  Indians,  like  almost  every  other 
of  the  bargains  between  them  and  their  civilized  neigh- 
bors     Before  many  years  had  elapsed  the  horses  and 
cattle  of  Joseph  Bull,  his  neighbors  and  descendants,  in 
their  pursuit  after  the  above  mentioned  herbage,  were 
running  all  over  the  Indian  reservation,  pushing  down  the 
fences  of  the  poor  Nehantics  and  devouring  their  crops. 
In  1728,  they  presented  a  memorial  of  their  grievances  to 
the  Assembly,  complaining  that  the  English  animals  were 
turned  into  their  fields  to  feed  even  after  the  corn  and 
beans  had  come  up  and  been  weeded.     The  Assembly 

*  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  III. 


S 


iiaflWfia^^M»aa«Miiidaafcrtiie*feYjiatfc^^ 


oaeg: 


:-m^W!E^fiff 


in 


s 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 

granted  them  a  pound,  which  was  to  be  built  hv  ih 
society  of  Lyme  •  anri  n^r.  •  *  /  ^^  *^®  ^^^ 

7  "1  i^yme ,  and  appointed  an  oversppr  fnr  ♦»,«  *   l 

not  far  from  one  hundred  and  fiftv     n^u 

heathen  «tm  K  r     .    '^^^  ^"^  ^"7-    They  were  nearly  all 

neathen,  still  believing  m  their  ancient  gods:  and  manv 

a  memorial  tn  th.  a        !^,  clergymen  presented 

exam  ne  the  case,  and  see  that  the  Nehantics  were  nlacerf 
.n  q„,et  possession  of  .heir  rights,  was  chosen  The'  "l' 
mmee  surveyed  the  land,  fixed  the  bounds,  and  oX^d 
that  the  mcIos.„g  fences  should  '  ,  erected  by  the  ^erh 

m  or  nearly  all  the  herbage  on  the  land,  and  the  As- 
sembly  was  compelled  to  admit  the  legalit;  of  the  clafm 
These  measures  somewhat  soothed  the  temper  of  he  ^ 

orS^h..        isitodtltf^-ti^ 
May  of  the  same  year  h.s  example  was  followed  by  a 

*  Colonial  Records,  Vol  V      Tn,i,nn  d 

t  Indian  Pnp^s.  v;,.  iL.^^^^^  '''  ''  ^~  ^^S. 

35 


,!(>!, 


''I' 


;!!. 


i 


Wl 


I   i' 


^1 


384 


HIST0R7    OF    THE    INDIANS 


clergyman  named  Adams,  probably  Eliphalet  Adams 
of  Mohegan.  The  Nehantics  told  this  gentleman  that 
Captain  Mason  had  promised  them  a  school,  a«d  they 
begged  him  to  see  that  the  promise  was  fulfilled.  Mr. 
Adams  petitioned  to  the  Assembly;  a  grant  of  fifteen 
pounds  was  obtained,  and  with  this  sum  a  man  named 
Ely  was  hired  to  open  a  school  for  the  Nehantics.* 

Six  or  seven  years  after  this,  the  great  religious  interest 
of  New  England  spread  among  the  Narragansetts,  Pequots 
and  Mohegans,  and  finally  reached  the  western  Nehantics. 
Together  with  about  one  hundred  English,  Mr.  Griswold, 
the  minister  of  Lyme,  admitted  into  his  church  thirteen 
Indians.!  These  were,  perhaps,  the  first  of  the  tri'^e  who 
forsook  their  ancient  superstitions ;  and,  at  all  events,  they 
were  the  first  who  cordially  embraced  the  Christian  faith. 

Some  of  iix~  Nehantics  were  still  dissatisfied  with  the 
tenure  of  their  lands,  and  nineteen  of  them  presented 
[1743]  a  memorial  on  the  subject  to  the  Assembly.  From 
this  paper  we  learn  that  the  English  farmers  claimed  the 
grass  on  two  hundred  acres  of  the  reservation  ind  the  fall 
foed  of  the  remaining  one  handred.  The  pelitioners  ac- 
cused three  men,  named  John  and  Jonathan  Prentiss  and 
Thomas  Mannering,  of  having  taken  possession  of  the 
southern  hundred  acres  and  inclosed  them.  They  com- 
plained that  their  ^'lardians  were  old  men  and  not  able  to 
perform  their  duties.  The  Nehantics,  they  said,  wished 
to  live  like  Christian  people,  and  keep  cattle^  hogs  and 
swine,  which,  in  the  present  state  of  things,  was  difficult, 
if  not  impossible.^ 

•  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  VI.     Indian  Papers,  Vol.  I. 

t  Trumbull,  Vol.  II,  p.  146.        t  Indian  Papers,  Vol,  I,  Doc.  25!. 


/ 


MmmitMii«a:imiiiammmmtkMxmmfi&9^eMt*/iiu-tmu,)ii 


mamasmimimBmMi 


OF    CONNfiCTICUT. 


385 


A  committee  was  appointed  to  investigate  the  subiect 
but  ..s  proceedings  did  not  satisfy  the  Indians,  and  bick' 
enngs  still  continued  between  them  and  the  farmers.  At 
one  time  the  former  owned  a  few  cattle  and  swine,  and 
wished  to  pasture  them  at  pleasure  on  the  reservation. 
The  farmers,  however,  still  claimed  the  herbage  of  all  the 

hundred     They  threatened  to  impound  the  animals  of  the 
Indians  If  these  claims  were  not  respected,  and  actually 
dd  impound  some  of  them.    Something  in  this  style,  now 
.   quiet  and  now  disturbed,  matters  went  on  till  1762     Two 
men,  named  Joseph  Smith  and  Edward  Champlin,  then 
laid  claim  to  part  of  the  reserration  by  virtue  of  a  grant 
formerly  made  to  Jonathan  Bull  of  Hartford,  descending 
iron,  him  to  his  sons,  and  made  over  by  them  to  Neh^ 
miah  Smith  of  Groton.     A  compromise  was  effected,  by 
which  the  upper  hundred  acres  was  equally  divided  with 
regard  tp  both  quantity  and  quality :  one  half  was  re- 
tained  by  the  Indians,  and  the  other  made  over  to  Smith 
and  Champlin.* 

The  last  sachem  of  the  Nehantics  was  a  Pequot,  named 
Vummanum,  who  died  about  1710.  In  1761,  President 
Stile..  visited  the  rribe  and  found  it  to  consist  of  eighty- 
five  persons,  lidng  in  eleven  houses  and  seven  wigwams 
there  were  nir.e  widows,  ten  married  men  with  their 
wives,  and  fifty-six  children,  large  and  small.    The  large 

IVT.  r  rir^^"^'  ^^  ^^P^^^^^^  ^  ^^e  fact  that,  from 
17^5  to  1761  eighteen  men  of  the  Nehantics  had  joined 
the  colonial  troops  in  the  war  against  Canada,  and  sevea 
out  of  this  number  had  died  or  been  killed  in  the  service.f 

♦  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  I.  Doc.  124.        t  President  SiUes's  Itinerary. 


386 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


It  is  probable  that  this  census  of  President- Stiles  extended 
only  to  the  Indians  immediately  around  Black  Point :  for, 
in  1774  it  was  shown  by  the  colonial  census,  that  the 
number  of  Indians  in  the  whole  township  was  one  hun- 
dred and  four  *     'ri  1783,  the  number  of  families  remain- 
ing at  Nehantic  was  sixteen :  only  one  of  them  living  in 
wigwams  :  all  the  rest  in  rude  houses.     One  of  the  tribe, 
named  Simon  Hobaxt,  served  in  the  Connecticut  line 
during  the  revolutionary  war  and  received  pay  like  other 
soldiers.     Some  have  sold  their  lands  in  late  years,  by 
permission   of  the   Legislature,   and    have   removed   to 
Brothertown,  or  to  other  places  where  bands  of  Indians 
existed.     Trespasses  have  hardly  yet  ceased  upon  the 
property  of  the  Nehantics,  as  appears  from  an  enactment 
passed  in  1836,  by  which  a  fine  of  five  dollars  was  im- 
posed upon  any  one  who  should  carry  a  load  of  wood  off 
from  the  reservation.! 

At  the  present  time  the  amount  of  the  Nehantic  land  is 
about  two  hundred  and  forty  acres,  of  which  rather  more 
than  half  is  cleared,  and,  for  the  most  part,  used  as  pasture. 
Very  little  is  cultivated,  or  otherwise  employed,  by  the 
Nehantics,  the  rest  being  rented  by  white  farmers.  The 
Indians  have  some  bank  stock  and  a  quantity  of  money 
at  interest,  but  their  whole  annual  income  is  not  above 
one  hundred  and  thirty  dollars.  Some  of  the  tribe  have, 
in  years  back,  removed  to  Oneida  County,  New  York, 
and  at  present  it  amounts  to  only  ten  individuals.  All 
but  one  are  full-blooded,  and  this  one  has  no  share  in  the 
income  of  the  property.  Some  of  them  occasionally  go 
to  sea ;  but  they  all  make  it  their  residence  in  Lyme, 

*  Mass.  Hiflt.  Coll.,  Vol.  X,  p.  118.        t  State  RecordB,  Vol.  XXI. 


I 


i 


or    CONNECTICUT. 


387 


except  one  who  usually  resides  at  Mohegan.  They  have 
but  one  house,  and  their  only  other  dwellings  consist  of 
two  wigwams.  For  some  years  they  have  kept  but  few 
cattle,  and,  at  present,  their  whole  stock  amounts  to  one 
horse,  one  cow  and  fifteen  or  twenty  sheep.  Two  of  them 
are  much  addicted  to  intemperance :  the  others  go  to 
meetmg,  send  their  children  to  school,  and  are  generally 
moral,  and,  to  a  certain  extent,  industrious.  Such  is  the 
condition  of  the  western  Nehantics  in  the  year  eighteen 
hundred  and  forty-nine. 

A  few  monuments  remain  of  their  ancient  existence,  as 
fleeting,  and  as  unobtrusive  in  their  nature,  as  that  ex- 
istence Itself  has  been.  Arrow  heads  and  stone  hatchets 
are  sometimes  found  in  the  soil;  large  deposits  of  shells 
have  been  discovered  even  at  a  distance  from  the  sea- 
shore ;  skeletons  have  been  exhumed  by  inhabitants  of 
Lyme  m  digging  their  cellars ;  and  the  Niantic  River 
with  Its  ceaseless  washings,  has  exposed  skulls  and  bones 
which  were  once  interred  on  its  banks.* 

Thus  closes,  for  the  present,  the  history  of  all  the 
primitive  tribes  of  Connecticut,  with  the  exception  of  the 
Pequots  and  the  Mohegans.     It  is  a  history  which  opens 
in  all  the  freshness  and  wildness  of  savage  life,  amidst  the 
rustling  of  unbroken  forests,  and  in  hearing  of  the  long- 
drawn  howl  of  the  wolf  and  the  piercing  yell  of  the 
panther.     It  closes  amid  the  presence  of  busy  multitudes 
the  clangor  of  Sabbath  bells,  the  strokes  of  the  printing 
press,  the  puff  of  the  steamboat,  and  the  thundering  rush 

•  For  the  above  information  concerning  the  present  condition  of  the  Ne- 
hantics. I  am  indebted  to  a  letter  (dated  December  3d.  1849)  from  their 
overseer,  Calvin  S.  Manwaring,  Esq.,  of  East  Lyme. 

35* 


';l 


.ii!' 


1'    . 


k  f 


■i  Ij 


RISTORT    or   THE    INDIANS,    ETC. 


of  the  locomotive.  The  change  has  been  complete,  and 
in  its  nature  marvelous ;  but  the  space  over  which  that 
change  extends  has  been  a  space  of  two  hundred  and 
twenty  years.  It  can  hardly  be  accounted  singular,  that, 
m  this  period,  an  attenuated  and  feeble  barbarism  should 
have  given  way  before  a  full  and  vigorous  civilization. 


;'to'--»«a(iaU»iaKt4**s*^3«ft 


,  and 
that 
and 

that, 

lould 

•n. 


/ 


CHAPTER    X. 

HISTORY   OP    THE    NEW   TBIBES    FORMED    IN   THE   NORTH 
AND    WEST    OF    CONNECTICUT. 

The  present  chapter  will  contain  the  history  of  the 
new  tnbes  which  were  formed  among  the  Indians  by 
aggregation  from  the  older  commumties.     These  tribes 
will  be  only  four:  the  New  Milford  Indians ;  the  Indians 
of  Sharon  and  Salisbury ;  the  Scatacook  Indians  of  Kent, 
and  the  Naugatuc  Indians  of  Humphreysville.     Other 
settlements  of  the  same  kind  may  have  existed ;  but,  with 
the  exception  of  one  at  Ridgefield,  and  a  very  insignifi- 
cant one  at  Woodbridge,  both  for  obvious  reasons  already 
mentioned,  none  such  have  come  to  my  knowledge. 

NEW   MILFOR^    INDIANS. 

The  clan  which  collected  at  New  Milford  was  quite 
considerable  in  size,  although  I  cannot  find  that  it  ever 
had  a  distinctive  name.  It  was  unquestionably  a  mere 
collection  of  refugees  and  wanderers,  who  had  migrated 
hither  from  the  southern  and  eastern  parts  of  Connecticut 
to  escape  from  the  vicinity  of  the  English  settlements! 
Its  numbers  seem  to  have  been  large  about  the  beginning 
of  the  last  century,  although  it  is  perfectly  incredible  that 


|»{ 


H 


F  i 


^     ( 

i  I 

'i 

;• 

. 

„M 

i^ 

:  t.i    1 

390 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


it  could  have  mustered,  as  some  authors  have  affirmed, 
two  or  three  hundred  warriors.    The  manuscripts  of  Pres- 
ident Stiles  state  them  at  three  hundred;  and  a  century- 
sermon  preached  in  1801  by  the  Rev.  Stanley  Griswold, 
then  of  New  Milford,  puts  them  at  two  hundred.     Both 
these  gentlemen  had  good  opportunities  for  obtaining  in- 
formation, yet  I  must  still  be  allowed  to  express  my 
incredulitjr.     Tradition   is   always   unsafe,   and    always 
exaggerates ;  and  even  our  recollection,  when  it  refers  to 
events  which  happened  in  our  youth,  inclines  us  often  to 
exceed  the  truth,  never  to  underrrte  it.     For  the  sound- 
ness of  these  positions  I  would  be  willing  to  submit  to  the 
judgment  of  any  judicious  person,  who  has  had  experience 
in  collecting  oral  information  on  a  historical  subject,  and 
comparing  that  information  with  written  facts.     When 
Gookin,  in  1674,  wrote  his  Historical  Collections  of  the 
Indians  of  Ne  vv  England,  he  was  told  by  the  "  ancient  In- 
dians" that,  forty  years  previous,  the  Pequots  could  muster 
four  thousand  warriors.     Yet,  in   that  early  period  to 
which  he  alludes,  the  Pequots  themselves  stated  their 
numbers  at  only  seven  hundred  warriors.     When  I  was 
in  the  eastern  part  of  the  State,  inquiring  into  the  condi- 
tion of  the  North  Stonington  Pequots,  one   gentleman 
ass,;ired  me  that  they  were  rapidly  declining  ;  that  thirty 
years  a^o  they  numbeied  as  many  as  twenty  families,  and 
that  during  a  very  few  years  back  they  h-^i  diminished 
full  two-thirds.     Yet,  when  I  came  to  prosecute  my  in- 
quiries, I  was  informed,  on  unquestionable  authority,  that, 
thirty  years  ago  they  numbered  not  more  than  ten  fami- 
lies, and  that  at  the  present  time  they  arc  nearly  as  nu- 
merous as  they  were  then.     Other  examples  might  easily 


.« 


^ 


i.tmmtMuamimiMKtimaamtam 


^^^^^Y-Tili    ^^ 


•MiMilMI^ 


.44L 


■■'■eim&miiVMi^fMi' 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


391 


be  given  of  the  fallacy  of  estimates,  traditions  and  remi- 
niscences, on  this  subject,  and  of  their  invariable  tendency 
to  exaggeration.  I  must,  therefore,  disbelieve  that  the 
INevv  Milford  Indians  could  raise  three  hundred  warriors, 
and  must  be  allowed  to  question  whether  they  could  even 
muster  one-third  of  that  number.  The  rapidity  with 
which  they  disappeared,  and  the  sparse  population  of  the 
tribes  from  which  they  congregated,  render  it  improbable 
that  they  could  have  been  very  numerous. 

The  first  settlers  of  New  Milford  were  from  the  old 
town  of  Milford  on  the  Sound.     They  bought  the  town- 
ship  from  the  native  proprietors,  on  the  eighteenth  of  Feb- 
ruary, 1703,  for  sixty  pounds  in  money  and  twenty  pounds 
m  goods.     The  first  Indian  name  mentioned  in  the  deed 
and  the  first  on  the  list  of  signers,  was  Papetoppe ;  from 
whence  it  is  possible  that  he  at  that  time  was  sach«m. 
The  others  are  Rapiscotoo,  Towcomis,  Nanhootoo,  Haw- 
wasues,  Yoncomis,  Shoopack,  Wewinapouck,  Docames, 
Paramethe,  Wewinapuck,  Chequeneag,  Papiream,  Noko- 
purrs  and  Paconaus.     It  is  witnessed  by  the  interpreter, 
John  Minor;  and  by  Ebenezer  Johnson,  John  Durand' 
Wonawak  and  Tomaseete.     Although  this  purchase  was' 
made  in  1703,  it  was  not  recorded  until  1756,  more  than 
half  a  century  afterwards;  being  found  in  the  records, 
not  on  the  first  page  of  the  first  volume,  where  it  ought 
to  be,  but  on  the  two  hundred  and  sixty-ninth  page  of  tho 
ninth  volume.    This  fact  and  others  similar  give  us  reason 
to  conclude  that  some,  if  not  many,  Indian  deeds  are  now 
lying  in  oblivion,  or  have  been  totally  lost,  for  want  of 
being  recorded.     Tho  proportion  of  Connecticut  which 
we  can  prove  to  have  been  sold  by  tho  Indians  to  the 


iij.^ 


^^f 


i 


L'i 


i  '  .  I 


392 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


I   J 


whites  is  much  less  extensive  than  that  which  unques- 
tionably was  thus  sold. 

A  considerable  tract  of  ground,  which  is  now  known 
as  the  Indian  fields,  and  lies  on  the  west  side  of  the  Hou- 
satonic,  opposite  to  the  village  of  New  Milford,  still  re- 
mained to  the  Indians  after  this  sale.  This  tract  was 
sold  in  1705,  [September  8th,]  to  John  Mitchell  of  Wood- 
bury, by  one  Shamenunckgus,  who  styled  himself  its  sole 
proprietor.  The  paper  was  signed  by  Shamenunckgus 
himself,  by  Papetoppe,  who  signed  the  first  sale,  Ches- 
queneag,  Whemut,  Wannuppe,  Cuttouckes,  Joman,  Ap- 
pacoco,  Yongan,  Yongan's  squaw,  Papetoppe's  squaw  and 
Mantooe's  mother.*  These  rolls  of  unmusical  and  out- 
landish names  may  seem  tiresome  and  uninteresting  to 
the  majority  of  readers ;  yet  those  who  have  toiled  among 
Indian  records,  and  who  look  with  interest  and  kindness 
upon  the  mementoes  of  that  faded  race,  will  know  how  to 
ttxcuse  me  for  introducing  them  into  my  narrative. 

Whether  Papetoppe  or  Shamenunckgus  were  sachems  is 
uncertain ;  but,  if  they  were,  they  were  soon  succeeded  by 
another  whose  name  has  acquired  much  more  notoriety. 
This  was  Raumaug,  or  Weraumaug,  whom  we  find  in 
1716  selling,  in  conjunction  with  one  Nepato,  a  large  tract 
of  land  north  of  New  Milford.  It  stretched  twenty-five 
miles  along  the  east  bank  of  the  Housatonic,  was  one  mile 
in  width,  and  was  bought  by  Benjamin  Fairweather  of 
Hartford  for  twenty-nine  pounds.f 

The  country  around  New  Milford  was  styled  Wyan- 
tenock  ;  and  the  chief  residence  of  the  Indians  was  at  tho 


•  New  Milford  Records,  Vol.  II,  p.  3.     Recorded  Novtmber  2Gth,  1714. 
t  Jun«  88th,  1716.    New  Milford  Records,  Vol.  I,  p.  73. 


«V    CONNECTICUT. 


393 


i 


fiJls.on  the  Housatonie,  called  by  the  natives  Meticha«ron 
This  rapid  descent  of  water  formed  an  excellent  fishing 
place,  espec.ally  ,n  the  spring,  when  great  numbers  of 
lamprey  eels  came  swarming  up   the  river  and  vainly 
attempted  to  ascend  the  cascade.     At  this  spot,  and  „o^ 
far,  probably,  from  the  bank  of  the  river,  stood  the  palace 
or  great  w.gwam  of  Weranmaug.     It  was  constructed  of 
a  frame  of  poles,  covered  with  bark  laid  on  and  fastened 
With  unusual  care.     The  smooth  side  of  the  bark  was 
inwards,  and  was  adorned  with  pictures  of  many  kinds 
of  known  beasts,  birds,  fishes  and  insects,  and  some,  too 
no  doubt,  which  were  never  known.     The  artist  who' 
executed  these  drawings  was  an  Indian,  and  had  been 
sent  to  Wcraumaug  by  a  sachem,  living  at  a  great  dis- 
tance, who  was  his  friend.  =  s  » 

President  Stiles  tells  us,  that  the  fndians  of  New  Mil- 
ford  were  on  terms  of  alliance  with  those  who  lived  at 
Scatacook  or  Kent,  at  Pomperaug  or  Woodbury,  at  Ban- 
torn  or  Litchfield,  and  at  Wealaug  or  Salisbury."     The 
clan  at  Woodbury,  however,  was  merely  a  part  of  the 
Potatucks;  that  at  Litchfield  was  no  doubt  extremely  in- 
s.gmfica„t;  while  the  one  a.  Scatacook  was  not  formed 
till  1728,  nor  that  at  Salisbury  till  slill  later.    The  ranse 
of  tribes  living  on  the  Housalonic  combined,  it  is  said  ii, 
a  system  of  signals,  consisting  of  cries  which  might 'be 
heard  from  one  eminence  to  another,  by  means  of  which 
an  alarm  could  be  conveyed  down  the  river,  in  three 
hours,  over  a  line  of-nobody  pretends  to  tell  hoT  •  many 
miles.     Some  of  the  heights  in  New  Milford  still  bear 
euch  names  as  Fort  Hill,  Guarding  Mountain,  to  show 

•  Itinerary. 


'h'' 


394 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


that  they  were  once  occupied  by  the  fortresses  and  look- 
out stations  of  the  Indians. 

As  I  have  already  mentioned,  the  natives  early  parted 
with  the  Indian  fields  ;  but  they  long  kept  a  reservation 
at  the  falls  in  the  Housatonic  ;  and  Weraumaug  also  made 
another,  of  two  thousand  acres,  which  was  comprised  in 
what  is  now  the  society  of  New  Preston  in  Washington. 
This  last  was  sometimes  called  the  hunting  grounds  of 
Weraumaug,  and  was  eventually  sold  (some  of  it,  at  least,) 
by  Chere,  son  of  the  sachem. 

The  Rev.  Daniel  Boardman,  ordained  in  1716  the  first 
minister .  of  New  Milford,  became  much  interested  in 
Weraumaug,  and  often  mentioned  him  with  great  respect. 
In  one  of  his  letters,  quoted  by  Trumbull,  he  calls  him 
"  a  distinguished  sachem,"  speaks  of  "  his  great  abilities 
and  eminent  virtues,"  and  declares,  though  very  incor- 
rectly, that  he  was  the  most  powerful  chieftain  that  ever 
lived  in  Connecticut.  He  took  great  pains  to  instruct 
him  in  the  truths  of  the  Christian  religion  ;  and,  from  his 
evidence,  it  would  seem  that  the  sachen's  death-bed  was 
softened  by  penitence  and  cheered  by  hope.  During  his 
last  illness,  Mr.  Boardman  constantly  attended  him,  and 
endeavored  to  impress  and  confirm  upon  his  mind  the 
vital  truths  of  Christianity.  It  was  a  sad  place  for  a  sick 
and  dying  man ;  for  all  the  other  Indians,  and  even  the 
sarhem's  wife,  were  bitterly  opposed  to  the  English  reli- 
gion, and  exerted  their  utmost  influence  to  keep  him  true 
to  the  cheerless  faith  of  his  ancestors.*     Their  conduct 

•  Thus  far  from  Trumbull,  Vol.  11,  pp.  83,  84 ;  and  Barber,  pp.  475,  476. 
Barber  copies  from  the  sermon,  before  referred  to,  by  Mr.  Griswold  ;  and  that 
gcnileman  drew,  for  authority,  from  a  manuscript  left  by  the  Rev.  Daoiel 

nonrdinan. 


rs&fxmmsimmiismr^Bmsaimmfmmm 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


395 


was  rude  and  abusive  towards  the  good  minister;  and 
scenes  sometimes  occurred  which,  in  spite  of  the  solemnity 
of  the  occasion,  were  little  less  than  ludicrous.     Once 
m  particular,  while  Mr.  Boardman  was  at  the  sachem's 
bed-side,  the  latter  asked  him  to  pray,  to  which  he  of 
course  assented.     It  happened  that  there  was  at  this  time 
n  the  village  a  sick  child,  whom  a  powwow  had  under- 
taken to  cure  by  means  of  the  usual  writhings,  grimaces 
and  belbwings.  •  As  soon  as  Mr.  Boardman  began  his 
prayer,  Weraumaug's  wife  sent  for  this  Indian  clergyman 
stationed  him  at  the  door,  and  bade  him  commence  hi 
exercises.    The  powwow  immediately  set  up  a  prodigious 
shoutjngand  howling;  Mr.  Boardman  prayed  loudeVso 
that  the  sick  man  might  hear  him  above  the  din;  elch 
raised  his  voice  more  and  more  as  he  went  on;  the  In- 
dians gathered  round,  anxious  for  the  success  of  their 
champion;  the  powwow  was  fully  determined  to  tire  out 
he  black-coat,  and  Mr.  Boardman  was  equally  .esolved 
that  he  wou  d  not  be  put  to  silence  in  his  duty  by  this 
son  of  Behal.     The  indomitable  minister  afterwards  de- 
clared, that,  according  to  the  best  of  his  belief,  he  prayed 
three  hours,  without  stopping,  before  victory  declared  in 
his  favor.     The  powwow,  completely  exhausted  with  his 
efforts,  gave  one  tremendous  yell  by  way  of  covering  his 
retreat ;  then  took  to  his  heels,  and  never  stopped  till  he 
was  cooling  himself  up  to  his  neck  in  the  Housatonic 

The  above  anecdote,  with  some  other  particulars  con- 
cerning  the  New  Milford  Indians,  was  related  to  me  by 
the  grandson  of  Mr.  Boardman,  the  venerable  David  S 
Boardman  of  New  Milford.     This  gentleman  informed 
me  that  he  supposed,  from  various  circumstances,  that  the 

86 


396 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


!  t' 


^j  I 


i 


death  of  Weraumaug  must  have  happened  about  the  year 
1735.  His  grandfather  left  a  minute  account  of  his  labors 
with  the  sachem  ;  but  unfortunately  it  has  been  lost,  and 
nothmg  now  remains  of  it  but  some  facts  which  were 
copied  into  the  sermon  of  Mr.  Griswold. 

Chere,  the  son  of  Weraumaug,  was  never  sachem ;  the 
tribe  breaking  up  and  dispersing  soon  after  his  father's 
death.     He  was  a  savage,  violent  man,  of  huge  stature, 
great  strength,  and  had  a  deep,  hoarse  voice.     Like  the 
othe-  Indians,  Chere  disliked  Mr.  Boardman's  teachings 
but  held  th^t  gentleman  himself  in  great  respect,  because' 
nature   had   endowed    him    with    extraordinary  bodily 
strength.:    One  day,  Sherman  Boardman,  the  son  of  the 
minister,  observed  Chere  and  another  Indian  sitting  ou  a 
log,  both  partially  intoxicated,  and  engaged  in  a  violent 
quarrel.     He  came  up  softly  "behind  them,  and  just  as  he 
reached  the  log  saw  Chere  draw  back  his  hand  to  stab 
the  other,  who  was   too  drunk  to  observe  it.     Young 
Boardman  caught  the  huge  wrist,  and  held  it  firmly  while 
he  shook  the  savage  with  all  his  strength.     ''  Ah   boys  '" 
roared  Chere  with  his  big  voice  ,•  then  looking  over  his 
shoulder  and  seeing  who  it  was,  he  said.  ''  I  give  up ' 
your  father  is  the  strongest  man  in  the  world  !" 

In  1736,  part  of  the  New  Milford  Indians  migrated  to 
Scatacook,  and  took  up  their  residence  on  the  plain  on  the 
west  side  of  the  river.  Their  desire  of  remaining  here 
hf  ving  been  communicated  to  the  Assembly,  an  order  was 
passed,  forbidding  any  white  person  to  lay  out  a  farm  on 
this  plain,  and  declaring  that  whoever  laid  out  such  a  farm 
should  obtain  no  title  thereby.* 

*  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  I,  Doc.  170. 


Mi^mfeaifep!^wi 


or    CONNECTICCT. 


i« 


About  six  years  after  this  removal,  the  New  Milford 
Indians  as  well  as  the  Soa.acooks,  and  various  ohlr 
clans  of  New  York  and  Connecticut  i^  this  vid„r  we" 
very  favorably  influenced  by  the  labors  of  the S^" 
m,-.o«ar.es.     A  more  full  account  of  these  laborsZd  o" 

.rr;"".'"^  f'^'"'  "'"  "«  S-»  -  'he  history 

of  the  f't  :  ■  ""  "•''  '™^  "^^'^  ^^^  """y  thirty 

of  the  tnbe  remammg  in  New  Milford.     This  remnant 

m,t.ed  wuh  the  Potatucks  in  petitioning  the  ArmbTy 
for  a  school  and  preaching.  The  Potatucks  were  provided 
for  as  I  have  already  described.  The  Assembly  recom- 
C  Milf   ;"?  '"  ""^  '^^'°™'  ^-^  "'  'he  min'rr Hf 

own      Th'r  H°  ""'■"'  "*"""  '""  P'^^o-^-S  in  that 
town.     These  advantages  were  made  use  of  for  a  fme 

and  some  of  the  Indian  children  attended  the  schodsbrh 

wmter  and  summer.!     When  the  Moravians  left  tt  ^r" 

of  the  country,  a  large  par.  of  the  New  Milford  Ind.Tn 

^ft  also,  and  moved  with  their  teachers  to  Pennsylvania 

Many  „   .hem  died  there ;  others  returned  to  (TI  Z; 

and  sett  Id  a,  Scatacook.     They  still  retained  their  land 

S  ockb  f  '"     ""  '''"'"'■  "■"'  "^"^ '"  -•»«  "own  fro,; 
Stockbndge,  every  year,  to  fish  for  lampreys,  which  d" 

ne°  ef:    ,d    "  ""  ""'"' '"  '"=  "'^    ™s'stand'he; 
never  would  part  with,  although  they  had  sold  every 

her  part  of  their  ancient  patrimony.     By  the  censu     f 

im,  .t  appears  that  there  were  no  Indians  remaining  in 

L    a^i  ::  ":?'"'  """'  "■"■"'■S'"  to  this  fishing 
place,  and,  even  of  late  years,  when  a  straggler  present! 

•  Equal  to  about  eleven  pounds  in  silver 

t  Indian  Papers.  Vol.  I,  Doc'ts  240,241.243. 


Ii 


398 


'   t 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


himself,  his  claims  are  acknowledged,  and  he  is  allowed 

nosLT     i,  "  ""  ""'  ^'"  ''^'  "^  'h«  "'"  op- 

posite the  village ;  another  on  the  east  side  at  no  grea^ 

dmance  from  the  ancient  residence  of  the  sachem.    M "^ 

of  the  graves  have  trees  of  considerable  size  growiMl 

o..t  of  them.     The  mounds  are  circular  in  shape  Id 

on  opemng  then,  the  skeletons  are  found  in  TLtZl 

posture.    Tne  grave  of  Weraumaug  is  still  supposed  to  b^ 

dLTni r '"'^ '-  '^^ "'--  -^ '"  ^-^  of  c 

INDIANS    OP    SALISBURY   AND    SHARON. 

corrr'of  tlirLf.  ""'  '""  '""^"'P-^  '"  "^^  "-"^--t 

nected  1  K      f     !  '"""  '°  ^''"'  ^'^'^  «»«eiently  con- 
nected to  be  placed  under  one  head.     They  were  com 
posed  of  refugees  from   various  quarters :    ml^  Z" 

pT:-  rortheM":""":"'-  ^"-^  ^™— -ilr 

.he  Hudsl  R  vef  1;  .t/'""^  ''""  ''^  """''^"^  » 

z  iviver.    As  the  former  retreated  west  to  avoiVI 

he  advancmg  Now  Bnglanders,  so  the  latter  ™oved  a 

Nel  York'  ""  '°  "'^^^^  '""^  ">«  -'"^  settlements  i: 

In  Sharon  the  Indians  lived  chiefly  in  the  northwestern 
parts  of  the  town,  fishing  around  the  large  pond,  tit™ 
and  hun.n,g  m  the  still  undisturbed  forests  Their  pri^;' 
cjpal  v.„age  was  on  the  plan,  lying  between  Z 
Mountain,  a  spur  of  the  Taghconnuc  range,  and  India^ 

•  Barber,  pp.  475,  47G. 


( 


=*^*^****l'^^«*«»»fe«<»^ife^*ai^^ 


or    CONNECTICUT. 


:ori- 


Pond, 


399 


and    N        V  1r'""  '"  '^'  ^''''  ^^^^^^'-^  Connecticut 

probably  ten  or  fifteen  years  after  the  principal  English 
settlement  was  commenced  [1739]  in  Salisbury.     The 
first  purchase  of  land  effected  by  white  men  in  these 
regions  was  probably  the  one  made  by  two  citizens  of 
iNew  York  on  the  thirty-first  of  January,  1721.     Twcv 
were  Lawrence  Knickerbocker  of  Dutchess  County,  and 
Johannes  Diksman  of  the  manor  of  Livingston.     The 
tract  purchased  lay  west  of  the  Housatonic  and  north  of 
the  great  falls,  and  must  have  comprised  more  than  half 
of  the  present  township  of  Salisbury.     The  deed  was 
given  for  a  consideration  of  twenty  pounds,  and  was  sub- 
scribed  by  Konaguin,  Sakowanahook  and  others,  ''all  of 
the  nation  of  the  Mohokandos,"  that  is,  of  the  Mohicans 
of  Hudson  Rit-er.f 

The  number  of  Indians  in  Salisbury,  in  these  early 
times,  was  considerable  ;  and,  even  some  time  afterwards 
It  was  said  that  their  village  counted  seventy  wigwams 
They  were  perfectly  .friendly,  however,  to  the  settlers, 
who  for  many  years  were  few  and  scattered. 

In  1726,  a  number  of  English  from  Connecticut  pur- 
chased of  Mef.xon,  the  sachem,  the  southwest  corner  of 
Sharon,  and  all  the  western  part  of  Salisbury  up  to  within 
about  two  miles  of  the  Housatonic  River.  Again  on  the 
sixth  of  November,  1738,  Thomas  Lamb  purchased  of  tho 
same  chieftain  all  the  land  in  Sharon,  still  unsold,  with 
the  exception  of  a  strip,  one  mile  in  width,  across  the 
southern  extremity  of  the  township.  For  this  territory 
he  paid  the  sum  of  eighty  pounds;  and  shortly  after  he 


•  Barbe  ,  p.  492. 


t  Pnpcrs  on  Towns  and  Lands,  Vol.  VII,  Doc.  245. 
36* 


I       1 


nf' 


& 


I-   i 


400 


HISTORT   or    THE    INDIANS 


added  to  It  the  slip  at  the  south  end,  which  he  succeeded 
m  buying,  for  nine  pounds,  of  an  Indian  named  John  or 
Waunese.     Other  purchases  took  place  subsequently,  and 
by  1740  the  whites  had  obtained  possession  of  all  of  both 
townships,  except  about  two  miles  square  in  the  northeast 
corner  of  Salisbury.     The  Indians  soon,  however,  began 
to  complain,  asserting  that  some  lands  had  been  taken 
which  they  never  sold,  and  that  they  were  not  allowed 
the  rights,  which  they  had  reserved,  of  living  on  some  of 
the  lands  which  they  had  sold.     These  complaints  were 
probably  just,  for  some  of  the  neighboring  whites  united 
^vith  them  in  thinking  that  they  were  aggrieved;  and,  in 
addition.  It  was  stated  by  a  committee,  appointed  to  ex- 
amine the  case  by  the  Assembly,  that  the  Indians  had 
been  wronged  in  the  laying  out  of  the  lands.* 

In  1742,  therefore,  a  memorial  on  the  subject  was  pre- 
sented to  the  Assembly,  subscribed    by  Messrs.   Pratt 
Skmner  and  Dunham  of  Sharon,  and  by  Stephen  Negun' 
temaug,  Nanhoon  and  other  Indians  of  the  vicinity     The 
memorial  mentioned  the  above  grievances,  and  prayed 
that  a  committee  might  be  appointed  to  examme  into 
them.     It  stated  that  the  number  of  Indians  in  the  north- 
west corner  of  Sharon  was  considerable  ;  that  there  were 
others  in  the  vicinity,  and  that  they  were  all  anxious  to 
be  instructed  m  the  Scriptures,  and  to  have  their  children 
educated  in  a  knowledge  of  the  Christian  rel  i^ion  f 

In  answer  to  this  petition,  a  committee  was  sent  to 
Sharon,  to  investigate  the  Indian  claims.      The  com- 

•  Indian  Papers.  Vol.  I.  Doc'ts  244-246.    Towns  and  Lands  Vol  Vir 
Documents  213,  214,  249,  ^^naa,  voi.  vil, 

t  Towns  and  Lands,  Vol.  VII.  Document  913. 


I    i 


ms^s^^^sisi^ii^'mmmmmmm 


^^iimkMi 


or    CONNECTICUT. 


401 


mittee,  on  examination,  found  that  tlie  whole  number  of 
Indians  m  Sharon  was  only  forty-five ;  and  that  they  Z 
c  aimed  two  hnndred  acres  of  land  in  the  northwest  cornt 
of  that  township,  besides  a  tract  of  two  miles  square  in 
the  northeast  corner  of  Salisbury.     The  committee  gave 
It  as  their  opinion  that  all,  or  nearly  all,  of  Sharon  had 
been  fairly  purchased  by  the  settlers ;  but  they  still  re- 
commended that  fifty  acres  should  be  set  off  to  the  In- 
dians, who,  they  thought,  could  not  reasonably  ask  for 
any  more*  ' 

.„  1"'  u'T^!^  ^P'"'"""'  °^'"«'  Edwards  of  Hartford 
to  finish  the  business.  He  was  to  buy  the  two  miles 
square  m  Salisbury,  and  lay  out  the  fifty  acres,  for    he 

Peter  Pratt  of  Sharon  to  give  religious  instruction  to  the 
Indians  for  the  next  six  months;  and,  for  this  purpose 
was  authorized  to  draw  on  the  colonial  treasury  to  the 
amount  of  twenty  pounds.t 

Edwards  proceeded  to  Sharon,  but  did  not  execute  his 
commission  there,  as  the  Indians  still  claimed  ,wo  hundred 
acres  and  told  him  they  could  not  keep  together  wi  h 
less,  havmg  cultivated  eighty-nine  acres  that  very  year 
They  stated  their  willingness  to  listen  to  Mr.  Pratt ;  con- 
tinued to  express  a  desire  for  the  education  of  their  chil- 
dren ;  and  said  that,  if  they  were  allowed  to  keep  together 
they  would  receive  the  laws  of  the  colony  thankfully  and 
behave  as  good  subjects.     Under  such  circumstances  it 
seemed  very  hard  to  force  them  on  the  meagre  pittance 
of  fifty  acres;  and  Edwards,  letting  the  matter  pass  for 

*  '"'"»"  f'P"',  Vol.  I,  Dociiment  244 

♦  I"'"""  '""K".  Vol.  I,  Docnmeni  S45. 


1   t^|i8 


hi: 


:* 


m 


402 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


,      i 


the  time,  promised  them  that  he  would  report  their  situa- 
tion  to  the  Assembly  * 

From  Sharon  he  went  on  to  Salisbury,  to  buy  the  two 
miles  square  still  possessed  in  that  town  by  the  Indians. 
But  this  part  of  the  tribe,  it  seems,  had  already  emigrated, 
and  vrere  now  living   in   Stockbridge.     Proceeding  to 
Stockbridge,  he  published  his  errand  among  the  Indians 
^ere,  and  inquired  for  the  owners  of  the  Indian  lands  in 
VVeataug.t    All  agreed  in  saying  that  there  were  but  three 
left :  a  man,  a  woman  and  a  child.     The  man,  Tautau- 
pusseet,  had  wandered  abroad  and  was  living  at  a  great 
distance.     The   woman  was  his  sister,    Shekannenooti, 
and  the  child  was  named  Kowannun.     Edwards  drew 
up  a  deed,  had  it  read  and  interpreted  to  Shekannenooti 
and  Kowannun,  and  bought  the  land  for  sixty  pounds 
sterling.!  '^ 

On  his  return  he  reported  the  case  of  the  Sharon  In- 
dians ;  but  no  notice  seems  to  have  been  taken  of  their 
wants,  and  for  several  years  they  had  no  land  which  they 
could  call  their  own.     They  exhibited  much  discontent 
at  this  injustice,  and  many  of  the  white  inhabitants  of 
Sharon  became  interested  in  their  complaints.     In  1747 
a  number  of  the   settlers   memorialized  the  Assembly! 
representing  *he  uneasiness  of  the  Indians,  and  asking 
that  a  committee  might  be  appointed  to  examine  into  the 
difficulties  and  settle  them.<^     A  committee  was  chosen, 
which  repaired  to  Sharon  and  laid  out  for  the  Indians  one 
hundred  and  seventy  acres.    The  same  land,  however,  had 
been  laid  out,  five  years  before,  to  one  Joseph  Skinner. 


•  Indian  Pnpere,  Vol,  I,  Doc.  246. 
$  Indian  Papen,  Vol.  I,  Doc.  246. 


t  The  Indian  nume  of  Snliibury, 
i  Colonial  Recordi,  Vol.  VIII. 


/, 


^»-msiSmimmJii, 


I 


op    CONNECTICUT. 


403 


who,  having  thus  a  legal  title  to  it,  refiised  to  g,vc  it  „„ 
or  even  to  exchange  it  for  another  tract.*    The  IndianJ 
were,  therefore,  still  without  a  certain  home,  and  of  oZ 
ontmued  their  complaint.     They  never  intended  o "" 
the,r  land,  they  said,  b„.  were  deceived  into  it  by  those 
who  were  more  cunning  than  themselves.     But  as  t,^ 
prospect  of  obtaining  their  rights  seemed  .„  become  m  re 
and  more  hopeless,  ,hey  continued  to  move  away  7Z 
Sharon  ,  and,  by  1702,  only  .wo  men,  Bartholomel  and 
Ne^ untemang,  remained.    These  two  were  willing  to  sell 
the  r  cla,ms,  and  one  Thomas  Barnes  of  Salisbury  ac 
cordmgly  struck  a  bargain  with  them  and  took  a  deed 
date     the  fourth  of  August,  1752.     Negantemaugtd 
a.r.holomew  then  moved  away;  and,  for  a  time,  the 

In  fh'e'nTT'.TJj  '""''"  '^  "'^  ""S'"^'  P-Prie.ors.t 
In  the  fall  of  1754,  one  of  the  tribe,  named  Timotheus, 

made  h,s  appearance,  and  began  to  hang  around  the  set- 
tlement.    He  often  came  into  the  farmers'  houses,  and 
expressed  h.s  indignation  that  the  land  which  the  com- 
mittee laid  out  to  the  Indians  had  never  been  put  in  their 
possession.     As  he  sat,  one  day,  in  the  kitchen  of  Jona- 
than Pe,,„,  he  talked  about  the  wrongs  ol  his  people 
until  he  became  excited  and  very  angry.     "  I  vow  it  is 
my  land,"  he  exclaimed,  "  and  you  know  it.     I  swear  it 
is  my  land,  and  I  will  have  it." 

Nightly  disturbances   now  commenced :  whoops  and 
whistlings  were  heard  near  the  houses  of  the  settlers  •  and 

doors.     One  Thomas  Jones  had  bough,  a  farm  and  a  log. 

•  InJf.n  P„,„„,  Vol.  II,  Docuino m.  S»_24 
t  Iiidun  Pi,,,^,,,  v„|.  II,  !)„„„„„„  ej 


u, 


r  1 


■  t 


404 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


house  near  the  spot  where  the  Indians  formerly  lived     Its 
previous  owner  was  a  Dutchman  who  had  been  the  chief 
confident  and  adviser  of  the  Indians.     Jones  obtained  it 
in  the  sprmg  preceding  Timotheus's  re-appearance,  and, 
as  both  Dutchman  and  Indians  had  moved  away,  he  an- 
ticipated no  disturbance.     Now,  however,  he  be^  n  to 
hear  men  talking,  by  night,  about  his  house  j  and  some- 
times,  too,  they  would  beat  upon  the  outside  with  what 
seemed  to  be  clubs  and  hatchets.      The  other  settlers, 
finding  how  he  was  persecuted,  came  by  turns  to  watch 
with  him,  and  for  two  or  three  weeks  a  regular  guard  of 
armed  men  was  kept  up  in  the  lonely  dwelling.     One 
Sabbath  evening,  as  the  guard,  consisting  of  three  or  four 
men  all  armed  with  guns,  were  sitting  together  in  the 
cabm,  an  Indian  pushed  aside  the  blanket  which  served 
for  a  door,  and  put  his  head  partly  in  at  the  opening. 
One  of  the  men  proposed,  in  a  low  tone,  to  shoot:  but 
another,  named  John  Palmer,  prevented  him,  hoping  for 
a  better  chance  in  a  moment.     The  Indian  drew  back 
and  they  then  watched  through  the  cracks  between  the 
logs  until  they  discerned  him  standing  at  a  little  distance. 
Palmer  fired  at  him  through  a  large  crack,  but  missed : 
seizing  another  gun  he  fired  a^ain  through  the  rude  win- 
dow ;  and  this  time  he  thought  the  Indian  stumbled  and 
fell.     They  rushed  out  to  the  spot,  but  found  nothing. 
Soon  after,  they  saw  a  man  further  on,  in  the  clear  moon- 
light, dressed  in  a  white  blanket,  and  Palmer  fired  again 
but  with  the  same  ill  success  as  before.     Joseph  Jackson 
ran  out  with  the  others,  but  was  told  by  one  of  them  to 
go  back  and  guard  the  house.     Ho  went  back,  but  soon 
returned,  and,  as  he  ran  on,  met  a  man  carrying  a  gun 


^^^^^»memi!£w'!sm^m^^;g;s^i^^-^:-,,^:,. 


ved.  Its 
he  chief 
tained  it 
ice,  and, 
r,he  an- 
)et,  n  to 
id  some- 
th  what 
settlers, 

0  watch 
^uard  of 
?.     One 

1  or  four 
:  in  the 
I  served 
'pening. 
ot;  but 
aing  for 
7  back, 
;en  the 
istance. 
nissed : 
le  win- 
ed and 
othing. 
moon- 
again, 
ickson 
lem  to 

t  soon 
a  gun 


OP    CONNECTICUT.  ^ij 

and  dressed  in  loose  blue  clothing.  He  took  him  .n  h 
one  of  the  company  na„.ed  John  Lay,  w  otor  a  oo  ! 
blue  overcoat;  but,  finding  that  John  Gray "Z  b  fl 
him,  he  turned  back  and  ran  after  the  stranger  whom  b! 
now  concluded  to  be  an  Indian.  He  could':',  til: 
however;  and,  after  a  while,  the  others  returned  to  he 
house  equally  unsuccessful.  ^® 

tJ'r""^J,'"""  """  ^"  "='=''""'  "'■  'h'^^ dis-urbauces  to 
the  Assen^hly,  with  -.he  affidavits  of  several  perso,rwho 
had  oeen  witnesses.  A  committee  was  appofnted  o t 
am,ne  ,„to  .he  grounds  of  the  discohtem  amo'ng  thj 
Ind,a„s,  and  to  devise  some  fair  and  equable  rTeZl  of 
pu...ng  an  end  ,o  it.  Affairs,  however^  we  rroul.  o 
-adjustment  without  any  official  iut'erven.i' "1 
part  of  the  colony.     Timotheus,  who  was  no  doubt  Z 

Th?  i^Txi .'""T'  "'"-'  '"  -«  »  Sla'im    . 

or  Barth^iTc:  ^^^12::::^^;:-^ 

pounds  ten  sh.llings  of  New  York  cur    „cv    and       Z 
pounds  of  the  old  tenor  of  Connect!  •  Vr  1 Z  ' 
so  ted;  .he  money  was  paid;  Timotheus  declatd  hTm 
self  sa,.,r.ed;  and  from  this  time  Thomas  Jone   and™ 
h,sfe,ow.„fferers  were  allowed  to  sleep  i„  peacl     '  "" 

SaLury  ;■  ""  """"  '""'''"'"  '"  «""-  «""  "'"«  » 

THE    NAUOATDC    I.VDUKS. 

The  Naugatuc  Indians,  or  .he  band  to  which  I  shall  giv, 
that  name,  res.ded  at  the  falls  of  the  Naugatuc,  about  fiv' 

t  Indian  Pnpere,  Vol.  II.  DoB'm  RQ—uc      ♦  m       w,. 

oi.  ii.uo«(sB3-85.     t  Mn8s.Hiit.Coll.,Vol.X,p.  118. 


1 1- 


m 


ill. 


1 1 


;■'  i 


406 


HISTORY    or    THE    INDIANS 


:  i  f 


miles  above  its  confluence  with  the  Housatonic.    Gideon 
Weh.,,  the  founder  of  a  tribe  which  will  present^  b 
noticed,  had  a  son,  named  Jo  or  Joseph,  who  lived  till  he 
was  twenty-one  with  one  of  the  settlers  of  Derby      A 
he  chose  then  to  remain  in  this  vicinity,  his  father  gave 
h,m  a  tract  of  land  near  the  above  mentioned  faUs,  JZ 
.he  hm,ts  of  w  at  is  now  the  village  of  Humphr  ysville 
Here  a  fe.  followers  gathered  round  him,  'and  during 
forty  or  fifty,  years  he  played  the  part  of  a  ;etty  sachem 

m.dTe  IZ"'  T"""'  "'  pronouncing  the  word  LL; 
o    OW  Ch^  ^'"='' -"'-bered  in  the  village  by  the  nam 
of  Old  Chuse.     Chuse  built  his  wigwam  among  a  few 
oak  trees  near  the  falls;  and  supported  himself,  after  the 
fashion  of  Ins  race,  by  fishing,  by  hunting,  a,  d  by  the 
produce  of  a  I.t.le  patch  of  ground.     When  he  took  up 
h,s  residence  here,  there  were  only  two  or  three  white 
families  in  the  vicinity ;  but  others  followed,  and  gradually 
ml   up  a  vinage  which,  for  many  years,  ;as  known    y 
the  name  of  Chusetown.     The  sachem  lived  on  the  most 
amicab  0  terms  wuh  his  cvili.ed  neighbors,  and  I  have 
heard  h,m  spoken  of  with  feelings  of  evident  kindness 
and  sympathy  by  those  .ho  remembered  him.    Anecdotes 
a  e  p  eserved  of  him,  which  show  that  he  was  somcvhat 
addic  ed  to  the  use  of  ardent  spirits,  and  considered  rum 
or  whisky  essentially  superior,  as  a  beverage,   to  cold 
water.     He  used  to  come,  when  he  was  thirsfy  to  a  fie 
.pring,  bursting  from  a  hollow  rock  at  the  foot  of  a  hil 
•nd  there  he  would  sit,  down  on  the  bank  by  the  side  of 
|hat  spring,  and  drink  the  sweet  water  as  it  gi'illd tm 
the  rock,  and  pratse  .t ;  and  say  that,  if  there  was  only 


•    Gideon 
Jsently  be 
i^ed  till  he 
!rbJ^     As 
ther  gave 
Is,  within 
reysville. 
d  during 
■  sachem, 
nly  spelt 
i  choose  ; 
the  name 
ig  a  few- 
after  the 
I  by  the 

took  up 
!e  white 
radually 
lown  by 
he  most 

I  have 
:indness 
lecdotes 
newhat 
ed  rum 
to  cold 
5  a  fine 
a  hill  ; 
side  of 
d  from 
IS  only 


or    CONNECTICUT. 


407 


another  spring,  just  such  a  spring,  of  rum,  flowing  by  the 
side  of  a,  he  would  ask  for  nothing  more,  but  should  be 
perfectly  happy.  Chuse  was  a  large,  athletic  man,  and 
a  skillful  hunter:  in  his  shooting  excursions  he  used  to 
kill  deer,  wild  turkeys,  and  occasionally  a  bear. 

In  1760,  he  sold  an  acre  and  a  half  of  land,  on  the  east 
side  of  the  falls,  to  Thomas  Perkins  of  Enfield,  and  Ebe- 
nezer  Keney,  Joseph  Hull  and  John  Wooster  of  Derby 
who  had  formed  a  company  for  the  purpose  of  putting  up 
sonie  iron  works.     After  living  at  Humphreysville  forty- 
eight  years,  Chuse   moved  to  Scatacook,  where,  a  fevr 
years  afte.,  he  died  at  the  age  of  eighty.     His  land  was 
not  disposed  of  till  1792,  when  it  still  amounted  to  thirty- 
three  acres.     At  the  petition  of  his  heirs  it  was  then  sold 
for  their  benefit.     It  lay  in  the   bend  of  the  Naugatuc, 
between  Bladen's  brook  on  the  north,  and  the  bridge  over 
the  river  on  the  south.* 

THE    SCATACOOKS. 

One  of  the  largest,  if  not  the  very  largest,  of  the  tribes 
formed  by  the  bands  of  wanderers  who  retreated  before 
the  advancing  colonists  was  the  tribe  of  Scatacooks  in 
Kent.  The  founder  of  this  community  was  a  Pequot 
called  Gideon  Mauwehu,  who  possessed  something  of  the 
energy  and  commanding  character  for  which  his  nation 
was  once  distinguished.  He  is  first  known  as  having 
boen  the  leader  of  a  small  band  which  li  ^d  about  the 
lower  portions  of  the  Housatonic.  He  is  said  to  have  re- 
wded,  at  one  time,  in  or  near  Derby ;  and  it  is  certain  that 

•  Barber,  pp.  199, 200.     Colonial  and  State  Rcoorda. 
37 


Ml, 5 


I\ 


40S 


HISTORY    OP    THE    INDIANS 


i     i: 


oi  ms  sons  on  a  small  territory  at  Humphrevsvillp      H. 

ana  in  17-29  ho  soems  to  have  been  one  of  thirteen  In 
.tlZpaS  -^^J/Hecners  oran  ni.soMTant 

^ou.tiess  that  no.  ^o:;::..::^:^:^;^ 

Milford  IndTa!  '"'°""'  '■"''""<=«  "^  '"e  New 

Ten  Mi,e  Kivert  r  3,1^;^ ^^  '^ r^d 

aovvn  from  this  eminence,  he  beheld  that  ^entle  rhJ 

with  fJ  '  '  ^^"'"^  ^"^'^»  ^v-as  deh-^hted 

with  the  scene,  and  instantly  perceived  th.  u  , 

of  the  re^inn  r^.  •  Perceived  the  capabilities 

hLt:r;:et"r;:;re;rr'^^ 

up  his  property,  and  jout'ed  with    lirC;"  ^fl 
'«wersto.h.„ev..fou„d,a„Lr<,,,ieta:dfe;:'';l,^: 


^^^f^^^ftii^Mi^^^i^^sa^ki^Mbi^ 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


409 


here  he  issued  invitations  to  his  old  friends  at  Potatuck 
and  New  Milford,  to  the  Mohegans  of  the  Hudson  River 
and  to  other  tribes  of  the  surrounding  country.     Immi- 
grants flocked  in  from  all  quarters;  large  numbers  espe- 
cially came  from  the  clans  south  of  him  on  the  Housa- 
tonic;  and,  in  ten  years  from  the 'time  of  the  settlement 
It  was  thought  that  a  hundred  warriors  had  collected 
under  the  sachemship  of  Mauvvehu.     A  considerable  ac- 
cession was  received  from  the  New  Milford  tribe  in  1736 
a  short  time  after  the  death  of  their  sachem,  Weraumaug! 
The  Indians  called  their  settlement  Scatacook,  and  it  is 
by  this  name  that  the  tribe  thus  formed  always  continued 
to  be  distinguished. 

The  Scatacooks  had  not  enjoyed  their  happy  valley 
many  years  before  they  were  disturbed  by  *he  arrival  of 
the  whites.  The  settlement  of  Kent,  commenced  in  1738 
was  prosecuted  rapidly;  but  no  difficulties  seem  to  have 
occurred  between  the  settlers  and  the  Indians,  and  nothing 
worthy  of  notice  took  place  until  1742.* 

In  that  vear,  the  Moravian  missionaries  began  to  preach 

to  the  Scatacooks,  and  soon  effected  a  remarkable  change 

in  the  character  of  the  tribe.     As  this  mission  had  so 

much  to  do  with  the  Indians  of  Connecticut,  it  will  be 

well  to  give  a  short  sketch  of  its  history.     In  1739  or 

1740,  a  Moravian,  named  Christian  Henry  Ranch,  arrived 

at  New  York,  with  the  design  of  commencing  a  mission 

among  the  Indians  of  this  part  of  America.    Shortly  after 

his  landing,  he  fell  in  with  two  New  York  Mohegans, 

and  accompanied  them  to  Shekomeko,  an  Indian  viUage 

between  Connecticut  and  the   Hudson.     His   labors  at 

•  The  preceding  account  is  chiefly  from  Barber,  pp.  471,  479. 


V 


410 


HISTORY    or    THE    INDIANS 


first  met  With  much  opposition  from  the  natives  and  the 
"eighbonng  whites;  but  success  finally  rewarded  his 
perseverance,  and,  in  1742  he  h-,n  thn  u  "^^j*,  '^'^ 
♦,•„•„„  '  '  ^^  "^"  "^6  happiness  of  bap- 

Uzms  several  converts,  among  whom  were  the  two  I„^ 
d.a  >s  who  brought  h.m  to  Shekomeko.  A  few  of  the 
bj.  hren  jo.„ed  him,  and,  living  and  dressing  in  the  n! 
dtan  syle,  supported   themselves  by   their  own  labor. 

vdlages  of  Connecticut  and  New  York,  affecting,°,o.  only 
.h    natives  bu,  the  white  population.     Many  of'the  Now 
Mtlford  Indians  were  converted,  and  a  missionarv    amed 

nn  iVT  T"""  '"  """O"'  -"»  -mained    her' 
until  h,s  death.    Among  the  Sca.acooks  the  efforts  of  the 

Moravians  were  eminently  successful.      Mauwehu  .Id 

from  one  hundred  and  twenty  ,o  one  hundred  Z  fiftj 

of  his  people  were  baptized.     A  church  was  buiU  and  . 

flourtshmg  congregation  collected.     An  almos     1', 

formation  seemed  to  be  effected  i ,  ,h      u  '  '^' 

Indians.     Nearly  their  whot!  ■  """"  "^  "'" 

.he  English  was'on  r   iS     a  ::r"""  "■"="  -""""^ 
oftheirtimein  the  „„h  ,  '     ""^  "'"J' ^P^"'  a  groat  part 

This  wide  spread  relivTu   1  T  """""'  """^  "'  ''^''^'■°»- 

hostility  J>^^:e':z^::r:^^  -''-" 

of  the  surrounding  district.     They  .stw    h  " 

once  cut  off,  and  the  Indians  v'^  Z  f         f""  " 

.heir  best  customers,  now  ^^  t  mp    at  Td  L'^" 
Reports  were  snrpnri   tu  *  .i  '^•"P^'aie  and  savnig. 

.he^ndianr;^a™t ,  ^::r°"^.''^^  ~^«™  p-''^-? 

injoaleagne  with  .hXl^TC^vrr  ''""' 

called  on  to  serve  in  the  militia,  and  hll^d    '1    ""* 

cuted  to  force  a  ,.nr«,.i-  •  .       "^'^ssecl  and  perse- 

lorce  a  comphance  with  the  call.     An  act  of 


^Sim'>^!Viiiimt.,sa«mm;^^ 


' '  ^t'Q^S-it'^^.^Bi^^'''" 


OF    CONNECTICCT. 


411 


Legislaturo  was  procured  in  the  same  colony,  commandin? 
Uie  missionaries  to  take  the       ',  of  allegiance,  and  for! 
bidding  them  to  teach  the  Indians  unless  they  obcyod     It 
was  contrary  to  the  religious  prejudices  of  the  Moravians 
either  to  take  oaths  or  to  act  any  part  in  military  afl-urs 
Rather  than  violate  their  consciences,  they  resolved  to 
leave  their  present  settlements,  and  retire  to  some  spot 
where  they  could  preach  the  gospel  in  peace.     Inviting 
their  flock  to  follow  them,  they  removed  to  Pennsylvania"^ 
where  they  commenced  a  village  which  they  called  Beth- 
lehem.    The  New  York  people  now  seized  the  lands  of 
the  Indians,  and  set  a  guard  to  prevent  the  latter  from 
being  visited  by  the  brethren.     A  large  number  of  the 
Mohegans*  followed  their  teachers  to  Bethlehem  ;  many 
also,  of  the  IVew  Milford  Indians,  and  some  of  the  Scata- 
cooks.     But  this  change  of  climate  proved  fatal  to  num- 
bers of  the  emigrants,  especially  among  the  old  people. 
The  Connecticut  Indians,  discouraged  by  sickness  and 
hardship,  returned  to  their  ancient  country,  and  settled  at 
Scatacook.    Here,  deprived  of  their  teachers,  they  seemed 
to  forget  their  religion,  sank  into  intemperance,  and  began 
to  waste  away.     In  this  mournful  manner  ended  the  most 
promising,  and,  for  a  time,  the  most  successful  religious 
effort  that  was  ever  commenced  among  the  aborigines  of 
Connecticut.f 

During  the  war  of  1744  with  France,  Governor  Clinton 
of  New  York,  and  a  body  of  commissioners  from  Mas- 
sachusetts and  Connecticut,  had  an  audience  with  the 
Scatacooks  and  River  Indians,|  and  made  them  an  address 

•  Not  the  Mohegans  of  Connecticut,  but  those  of  the  Hudson. 

♦  Tracy's  History  of  American  Miasiona,  pp.  13.  If).    Trtimbull.  Vol.  II,  p.  84. 
t  ProbHbly  the  Stockbriclges  of  Massachusetts 

37* 


Fi 


i     ! 


412 


HISTORY    OP    THE    INDIANS 


calculated  to  either  keep  them  at  peace  or  engage  them 

on  the  English  side,     Thvy  be^an   «.  '.  ,        . 

^„      •        T  ■*    "^S^^,  ds  iS  usual  on  such 

occas,„„s.  by  ..yl.ng  a.e  Indians  neighbors  .  .d  friends 

z::ii  f;  '""^":  ^''"^  "■« «--"-  -<»  -™'"t.' 

hencefc^h  ook       '     t™' '"'  ''"='""'^  "'^  "^^^  should 
henceforth  look  upon  them  ,s  .he,r  ,-„y  near  relaUons. 

that  n  was  a  very  proper  time  to  brighten  the  chain  „f 
peace ;  for  the  French,  without  any  cause,  had  jus,  be.^n 
a  war  oa  the  English,  that  the  latter  might  tie    fo" 
want  the  assistance  of  their  good  fr.ends  and\  othtr  he 
Scatacoote  and  River  Ind.ans:  and  that,  when  a  ifn 
rentent  t,me  arrived,  they  would  make   them  J^.^  a 
present  as  would  be  suitable  to  the  circumstancTs.    S  ch 
was  the  stibstance  of  a  speech  delivered  by  one  o,"  the 

We  are  inclined  to  live  m  peice  and  love  with  these  three 
gomiiments  and  all  the  rest  of  his  Majesty-f lU^ 

cove2,  i       ""  ""  '''"  """  ^^  '''  ="'  ■•""^''  "  o- 
covenant  chain  ;  we  are  resolved  that  it  shall  n„,  ,    . 

and  Will  therefore  wind  it  with  beaver  skins  '  '"'' 

Fathers :  we  are  ready  to  promote  good  things  •  and 

what  our  unc  es,  the  Six  Natm,,.,  «,  '""igs ,  ana 

re„j,i„ ■  "ations,  have  promised  we  will 

readily  concur  m  on  our  part. 

Fathers :  you  are  the  greatest,  and  you  desire  us  t„ 


sWBWSSBSHarf^ismettijft..-., 


gaaiE'^'ryj'.  "^wmf^'i^pi^m^f^H^^ 


OF    CONNECTTCUT. 


413 


Fathers :  we  are  united  with  the  Six  Nations  in  one 
common  covenant,  and  this  is  the  belt  which  is  the  token 
of  that  covenant. 

Fathers  of  Boston  and  Connecticut :  whatever  you  de- 
sired of  us  yesterday  we  engaged  to  perform ;  and  we  are 
very  willing  to  keep  and  cultivate  a  close  friendship  with 
you;  and  we  will  take  care  to  keep  the  covenant  chain 
bright. 

Fathers :  you  are  a  great  people  and  we  are  a  small 
one ;  we  will  do  what  you  desire,  and  we  hope  you  will 
take  care  that  no  harm  come  to  us." 

The  Indians  then  presented  a  belt  of  wampum  and 
three  martin  skins.* 

From  this  speech  it  seems  pretty  evident,  that  the  In- 
dians were  considerably  more  anxious  to  be  protected 
themselves  than  to  risk  their  lives  in  injuiing  others. 
The  warlike  spirit  had  greatly  decayed  among  them  ;  and 
what  was  it  to  them  whether  the  English  beat  the  Frencli, 
or  the  French  beat  the  English  ? 

The  township  of  Kent  was  sold  to  the  original  settlors 
by  the  colony;  and  no  records  or  papers  remain  to  show 
whether  the  land  was  usurped  from  tlie   Indians,  or  was 
obtained  from  them  by  purchase.    Reservations,  however, 
were  made  to  them:  one  on  the  west  bank  of  the  H(.iisa- 
tonic  Rive   ;  and  one,  of  two  thousand  acres,   in   the 
mountains .  and,  since  there  were  reservations,  we  may 
conclnde  that  there  must  have  been,  in  the  first  place, 
sales.     One  of  the  only  two  land  transactions,  beiweon' 
the  natives  and  the  colony,  to  be  found  hi  the  Kent 
records,  is  a  deed  dated  December  19th,  174G.     For  the 

•  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  I,  Document  263. 


IH 


f. 


414 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


Slim  of  two  hundred  pounds,  it  leases  to  Benjamin  Hol- 
lister,  Robert  Watson  and  Henry  Stephens,  a  large  tract, 
extending  from  the  Honsr.tonic  to  the  western  bounds  of 
the  colony,  for  a  term  of  nine  hundred  and  ninety-nine 
years.  This  form  of  passing  over  the  property  is  an  evi- 
dent attempt  to  evade  those  colonial  laws  which  pro- 
hibited the  purchasing  of  luuian  lands  by  individuals. 
The  record  is  subscribed  by  the  marks  of  "Capten  May- 
hew,  Lcftcnant  Samuel  Coksucr,  Jobc  Mayhow,  John 
Antency,  Thomas  Cuksuer  and  John  Sokenogc."* 

From  the  above  spelling  of  the  sachem's"  name,  we 
may  infer  the  English  origin  of  the  word  Mauwehu. 
Gideon  was  very  likely  one  of  those  ''Indian  youths" 
who  had  been  brought  up,  more  or  less,  in  the  families  ot 
"godly  English,"  or  other  English,  and  had  been  bap- 
tized, or  otherwise  furnislmd,  with  an  English  name. 
When  Gideon  Mayhew  became  a  chief,  he  was,  very 
naturally  in  that  military  age  of  New  England,  dubbed 
Capten ;  and  his  surname  was  easily  transformed  into 
Mauwehu  by  his  own  foreign  pronunciation,  or  by  the 
outlandish  spelling  of  the  scribes  of  those  early  days. 

The  other  Indian  deed  in  the  Kent  records  is  a  sale  by 
Chere  son  of  Weraumaug,  of  four  hundred  acres  in  Wc- 
raumaug's  Reserve,  that  is  in  New  Preston  in  Washington. 
The  price  is  not  mentioned :  Chere  only  declares  that  he 
has  received  a  valuable  consideration.! 

After  the  Connecticut  people  commenced  their  settle- 
ments ill  Kent,  the  Indians  took  up  their  residence  chiefly 
on  the  west  bank  of  the  Housatonic.  The  settlers  grad- 
ually encroached  on  them,  by  purchase  and  perhaps  other- 

•  Kent  Records,  Vol.  I,  p.  381.         t  Kent  Records,  Vol.  I,  p.  464. 


Mm.m^immmiiiM.,mtit' 


fH'^ftN*!i*wiiijiji)i!ii|,i^ii|fi 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


416 


wise,  until,  about  the  year  1752,  the  Indians  found  them, 
selves  deprived  of  nearly  all   their  la.ids  on  the  plain 
Mau^reh^  and  fourteen    others  now   subscribed  a  peti- 
tion to  the  Assembly,  saying  that  the  tribe  consisted  of 
eighteen  fam.l.es ;  that  they  had  been  deprived  of  all  their 
planting  grounds  except  a  small  quantity  which  was  in- 
sufficient  for  them  ;  and  praying  that  they  might  have  a 
tract  of  unoccupied  land  which  lay  below  them  along  the 
Housatonic.  ° 

The  Assembly  granted  them  about  t^vo  hundred  acres 
m  the  place  designated,  allowing  them  to  cultivate  it  at 
pleasure,  and  to  cut  what  timber  they  needed  for  their 
own  use,  from  the  greatest  part  of  it.  The  tract  was  not 
however,  given  in  fee  simple,  but  was  to  be  held  by  thJ 
Indians  at  the  pleasure  of  the  colony  * 

Other  difficulties  followed,  similar  in  their  nature  to 
those    which  took  place  between  other    tnbes  and  the 
surrounding   whites.     The   Indians  complained   of  en- 
croachments  and  trespasses,  sometimes  with,  and  some- 
times  apparently  without,  cause.     State  committees  re- 
ported,  and  town  committees  reported,  without  producina 
much  more  effect  than  the  reports  of  a  similar  number  of 
pop-guns.     At  this  distance  of  time  it  is  not  easy  to  un- 
derstand  the  precise  grounds  of  these  petty  differences 
nor  to  discover  which  party  was  in  the  wrong.  ' 

In  1757,  Jabez  Smith  was  chosen  overseer  of  the  tril.e- 
being  the  first  officer  of  the  kind  appointed  for  the  Scata^ 
cooks. 

Ten  years  after  this  event,  Mauwchu  and  many  other 
of  the  older  persons  in  the  community  being  dead  the 

•  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  II,  Docui.ieat  76. 


m 


B,?: 


i*(> 


ii 


»' 


yg^-^t^ 


m 

1 

in 

■■ 

i 

i 

Wt  ', 

m 

m 

1 

4 

416 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


remainder  became  anxious  to  remove  to  Stockbridge. 
The  Stockbridge  Indians  had  invited  them  to  come,  and 
they  therefore  petitioned  the  Assembly,  that  the  tract  of  one 
hundred  and  fifty  or  two  hundred  acres  which  had  been 
gi-anted  them  in  1752  might  be  sold  for  their  benefit.  As 
this  land,  however,  did  not  belong  to  the  Indians,  but  to 
the  colony,  the  Assembly  negatived  the  request. 

In  October,  1771,  the  following  singular  petition,  evi- 
dently the  composition  and  penmanship  of  the  Indians 
themselves,  was  presented  to  the  Legislature. 

"  We  are  poore  Intins  at  Scutcuk  in  the  town  of  Kent 
we  desire  to  the  most  honorable  Sembly  at  New  Haven 
we  are  very  much  a  pressed  by  the  Nepawaug  people 
praking  our  fences  and  our  gates  and  turnmg  their  cattle 
in  our  gardens  and  destroying  our  fruits,  the  loss  of  onr 
good  friend  4  years  ago  which  we  desire  fora  nother  over- 
seer in  his  sted  to  take  Care  of  us  and  see  that  we  are 
not  ronged  by  the  people  we  make  Choice  of  Elisha 
Swift  of  kent  to  be  our  trustee  if  it  [be]  pleseing  to  your 
minds,"* 

The  petition  was  signed  by  David  Sherman,  Job  Suck- 
nuck  and  eight  others.  Elisha  Swift  was  appointed 
overseer,  in  accordance  with  its  request.  He  was  shortly 
succeeded  by  Reuben  Swift,  and  he,  in  turn,  by  Abra- 
ham Fuller,  who  held  the  office  for  several  ye^.;s.  The 
Indians,  during  all  this  time,  were  in  extremely  poverty- 
stricken  circumstances  ;  several  of  them,  too,  were  sick, 
and  were  unable  to  pay  the  expense?  they  thus  incurred. 
David  Sherman,  a  signer,  and  perhaps  the  comj)oser,  of  the 
above  petition,  broke  his  brother's  head  so  badly  in  a 

•  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  II,  Document  201. 


1^ 


fa..,M.-i,'      ,■-1.11  ■iBiiiMitW..r.:b.i::ja,Ji;.~-^:-.-V.-<'.,":  .V"'/.- 


op    CONNECTICUT, 


ijiii 


41T 


quarrel  as  lo  render  a  trepan  necessary.     By  1774    ,„ 

"2n  :rrf  r '""  ■"  '^--'''">-  ">»  „ul 

remaining  in  Kent  was  only  skty-two.     Of  th    other 
bands  of  Luchfield  County,  there  were  seven  ind.vid  J 

In  mf  ;."'^'  '"  ''"''"'"''■  »""  ""'^  '"  Woodburv.. 
in  177  ,  the  Assembly  ordered  that  the  lands  of  ihe 

Scatacooks  should  be  leased  to  pay  their  debts  and  def^a^ 

their  expenses.    It  was  also  ordered,  with  regard  to  David 

Sherman,  tha,  he  should  be  bound  out  t:  service,  to 

Tl  Zl  w'''*"'''  "^'"^  '"'"'  "''  ''"">"'«  broken  head. 
Thomas  Warrups,  probably  a  sou  of  ;he  old  sagamore  of 

R  admg,  was  allowed  to  sell  thirty  acres  of  la'nd  to  pay 

his  debts  and  provide  for  his  family.     Three  years  after 

a  other  tract,  of  ten  acres,  was  sold  for  the  purpose  of 

m7:"  T^   :f ''"'   -cumstances  of  th!  A^ar.-up 

was  blind,  however,  and  had  lately  been  sick  + 

of  Humphreysville,  came  to  Scatacook,  and  took  up  his 
residence  in  his  father's  tribe.     His  name  appears  in  a 
petition  dated  April  13.h,  1786,  which  bears  marks  of 
having  been  written  by  some  of  the  Scatacooks.    It  com- 
plains concerning  their  darkness,  their  ignorance,  and  their 
consequent  inability  to  take  care  of  themselves ;  and  prays 
that  some  means  may  be  used  to  give  them  knowledge 
and  education.     Most  of  their  reserved  lands,  the  petition 
goes  on  to  say,  have  been  taken  from  them;  they  have 
^s   their  hunting  grounds  in  th.e  mountains,  and  the  New 
Milford  people  have  deprived  them  of  their  ancient  right 

•IWa».  Ilisl,  ColL.Vol.  X,p.  113. 

f  Indian  P.pi-,..  Vol.  II.    c,,lomal  R,„rJ.  Vol.  XFI. 


iiilK' 


1  I  M 


i 


M 


418 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


I  ■■■[-■ 


of  fishing  at  the  falls  of  the  Housatonic.  Some  of  their 
number  have  suffered  extremely  from  poverty,  and  the 
rest  are  themselves  so  poor  as  to  be  unable  to  help  them. 
As  for  the  rents  of  their  lands,  they  do  not  know  what 
becomes  of  them  ;  and  they  ask  the  privilege  of  chc  o  ing 
a  guardian  once  a  year,  and  exacting  from  him  an  annual 
settlement.  The  petition  states  the  number  of  males  in 
the  tribe  at  thirty-six ;  the  number  of  females  at  thirty- 
five  :  twenty  of  the  whole  being  children  of  a  suitable 
age  for  attending  school.* 

A  committee  was  appointed,  and  examined  into  the 
grounds  of  complaint  mentioned  in  this  memorial.  They 
reported  that  the  New  Milford  people  had  satisfied  the 
Indians  as  to  their  fishing  rights ;  and  that,  so  far  from 
the  Scatacooks  being  entitled  to  complain  of  their  guar- 
dian, they  were  actually  indebted  to  him  to  the  amount 
of  sixteen  pounds,  six  shillings  and  sixpence.  The  com- 
mittee further  stated,  that  the  lands  were  rented  for  only 
one  year,  and  thus  the  tenants  were  induced  to  exhaust 
them  without  any  regard  to  their  future  fertility.  They 
recommended  that  fifty  acres  should  he  allotted  to  each 
Indian  family,  and  that  the  rest  should  be  leased  to  white 
farmers  in  terms  of  fifty  years.  As  fora  school,  they  re- 
ported that  the  children  were  so  few  in  number,  and  "  kept 
in  such  a  wild  savage  way,'-  that  the  thing  would  be 
useless.  The  report  was  approved  by  the  Assembly ;  and 
we  may  suppose,  therefore,  that  the  measures  which  it 
recommended  were  carried  into  execution.f 

In  1801,  the  Scatacooks  were  reduced  to  thirty-fivo 
idle,  intemperate  beings,  who  cultivated  only  six  acres  of 

•  Indian  Vapn^,  Vol   II,  Doc  219.         +  Coloninl  Recorda.  VoL  XII. 


'i>nf 


yt^ 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


419 


I 


groand      Their  lands  still  amonnlcd  to  twelre  or  fiftp.„ 

V:  Tr  Th~"^  '°"  "■"  Housatoniei;!?,: 
V  o,  k  |,ne.    The  greatest  portion  of  this  tract  consisted  of 
.hetr  ancent  hunting  grounds,  was  situated  amo  g  , 
mountains,  and  was  rough  and  unsuitable  for  tillage       n 
consequenee  of  siclcness  among  the  Indians,  their  overseer 
Abraham  Fulh=r,  had  contracted  debts  on  their    ceo  m  7^ 

hat  part  of  the  reserrat.on  might  be  sold,  to  paV  him  for 
these  expenses.  The  Assembly  voted  thlt  the  no  "hern 
po  ..on  of  ,t  should  be  sold,  the  above  debts  liquidated  out 

applied  to  bu.ldmg  s,x  wigwam,  for  the  Indians.     The 
lands  were  accordingly  disposed  of  for  the  sum  of  thir^n 
hundred   pounds,  and  the  overplus,  after  paying  d  Ms 
and  deductmg  expenses,  was  put  out  at  «x  per  cent  in 
terest  on  mortgage  securities.*  ^  '"' 

An  honorable  exception  to  the  prevailing  intemperance 

Benjamm  CInckens,  a  descendant  of  the  old  sachem 
Ch  ekens.  Seven  or  eight  years  before  the  sale,  he  ,'0^.' 
o  to  the  north-western  par.  of  the  laud,  built  him  a  small 
but  convement  house  there,  and  fenced  and  cnltivatd 
several  acres  u,  such  a  manner  as  to  make  it  good  meadow 
and  ,»sture  land.    In  consequence  of  these  improvemen  I 

e  w  ole  tract  sold  for  more  than  it  could  otherwise  hav 
brought.     Benjamn.  very  reasonably  requested  that  he 
nngh.  be  rewarded  for  his  labor;  and  the  Assembly  as  „ 
remuneratton,  voted  him  one  h.u.dred  dollars.     At  first 
he  purchased  tuneteen  acres  in  Kent,  hut,  s,x  or  seven 

•  Plate  Rerorfln.  Vols  VI  VIF 
38 


-ii 


•iii 


='1' 


!1 


i 

fj 

;   t 

[;■ ' 

J 

r-  ' 

'i 

i' 

f 

i 

'■ 

i 

1 

1           , 

1 

1 

420 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS,    ETC. 


years  after,  he  sold  his  little  farm  and  moved  into  the 
State  of  New  York* 

Other  portions  of  the  Scatacook  lands  were  disposed  of  at 
various  dates  ,•  and  these  sales,  together  with  the  appoint- 
ments of  overseers,  constitute  the  annals  of  the  tribe  in 
later  times.  In  1836,  Eunice  Mauwehu,  a  grand-daughter 
of  the  old  sachem,  and  a  daughter  of  Chuse  or  Joseph, 
was  still  living  at  Scatacook,  aged  seventy-two  years.f 

The  Scatacooks  have  yet  a  considerable  tract  of  land  on 
the  mountain ;  too  rough  and  woody  indeed  to  be  culti- 
vated, but  well  adapted  for  supplying  them  with  firewood. 
At  the  foot  of  the  mountain,  also,  and  between  that  and 
the  Housatonic,  they  possess  a  narrow   strip  of  plain, 
sufficient  in  size  for  gardens,  watered  by  springs  from  the 
upper  ground,  and  containing  a  few  comfortable  houses. 
The  number  of  Indians  remaining  in  the  fall  of  1849  was 
eight  or  ten  of  the  full  blood,  and  twenty  or  thirty  half- 
breeds.     A  few  are  sober  and  industrious,  live  comfort- 
ably and  have  good  gardens  ;  but  the  great  majority  are 
lazy,  immoral  and  intemperate.     Many  of  them  lead  a 
vagabond  life,  wandering  about  the  State  in  summer,  and 
returning  to  Scatacook  to  spend  the  winter.     Three  or 
four  are  in  the  habit  of  attending  preaching,  and  a  few 
of  the  children  go  to  school.    Their  funded  property  now 
amounts  to  about  five  thousand  dollars,  and,  for  the  last 
forty  years,  has  more  than  paid  the  annual  expenses  of 
the  tribe.f 

•  State  Records,  Vols.  VIII,  IX.  t  Ba.ber,  p.  471. 

t  For  this  informntion  concerning  the  present  condition  of  the  Scatnrooks 
I  am  indebted  to  the  politeness  of  their  overseer,  Mr.  Abel  Beach,  of  Kent. 


'^ 


CHAPTER    XI. 

HISTORY    OF    THE    PEQUOTS    FROM    1683   TO    1849. 

We  now  resume  the  history  of  the  Pequots :  the  saddest 
page,  from  beginning  to  end,  thai  is  to  be  found  in  the 
story  of  the  aborigines  Oi"  Connecticut.  From  the  time 
when  Endicott,  with  little  or  no  provocation,  staved  their 
canoes  and  destroyed  their  wigwams ;  from  the  time  when 
Mason  burnt  their  village  and  its  population  of  four  hun- 
dred human  beings  with  fire  ;  fiom  the  time  that  the 
miserable  remnant  was  loaded  with  a  heavy  tax  and  de- 
prived of  its  national  existence  ;  from  these  events  down 
to  the  present  day,  the  Pequots  have  received  little  from 
us  except  injustice  and  the  most  pitiless  neglect. 

Their  gradual  diminution  in  the  period  included  by 
the  present  chapter  was  produced  by  the  same  causes 
which  produced  the  disappearance  of  their  brethren  in  the 
western  part  of  the  State.  They  were  living,  a  barbarous 
race,  iti  the  midst  of  a  civilized  community.  Conse- 
qiiently,  when  they  were  attacked  by  the  diseases  and 
vices  of  civi'i  oa,  they  had  nothing  to  oppose  to  them 
but  their  ai,<  icn«  ignorance  and  simplicity.  They  were 
as  lazy  as  ever,  and  they  were  besides  drunken:  they 
were  as  improvident  as  ever,  and  the  game  and  fish  which 
once  supplied  them  had  nearly  disappeared.     For  them 


422 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


I 


medical  science  did  nothing :  the  couches  of  their  sick 
were  tended  only  by  ignorance  and  indifference  :  intem- 
perance and  vice  sapped  their  strength  socially  and  indi- 
vidually: the  annual  deaths  were  more,  on  an  average, 
than  the  annual  births  :  some  wandered  to  other  parts  of 
the  country  and  joined  other  bands  of  unfortunates,  and 
thus  slowly  and  painfully  have  they  faded  away. 

We  left  the  Pequots,  at  the  decease  of  Uncas,  divided 
into  two  hands,  one  in  Stonington  under  Momoho,  the 
other  in  G  re  ion  under  old  Cassasinamon.    The  latter  was 
not  only  the  Irrgest,  but  possessed  a  disproportionately 
large  share,  of  land  having  two  thousand  acres  to  live  on 
while  the  other  had  only  two  hundred  and  eighty.    Cas- 
sasinamon died  in  1692,  and  his  assistant,  Daniel,  was 
chosen  by  the  Assembly  to      cceed  him.     At  tho  same 
time,  Cushamequin,  son  of  Momoho,  was  empowered  to 
become   his  father's  successor  over  the  Stonington  Pe- 
quots, if  he  showed  himself  capable  of  the  station.     To 
conciliate  Joseph  the  son  o^  Catapazet  and  grandson  of 
Hermon  Garret,  who  might,  on  grounds  of  descent,  have 
laid  claim  to  the  gubernatorial  dignity,  he  was  acknowl- 
edged as  the  rightful  possessor  of  all  his  father's  property. 
Some  of  Momoho's   Pequots   cultivated  little  tracts  in 
Groton,  although  they  were  not  proprietors  there,  and 
were  acting  only  as  squatters.     The  Assembly  gave  them 
permission  to  continut*  this  culture  ;  but  ordered  them  to 
make  their  residence  in  Stonington,  so  that  they  could  be 
under  the  eye  of  their  governor.     Daniel  died  in  1694, 
upon  which  Scattup,  or  Scadoab,  was  appointed  to  suc- 
ceed him  as  ruler  over  the  Groton  Pequots.* 

•  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  I.    Colonial  Records,  Vol.  III. 


^U^L«.4^4l4ggj^^^'VJ^^ 


i't!i..i!i'WMWIIIIPW»aM'Hj|H|lllli»l 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


423 


Three  or  four  years  subsequently  some  quarrels  took  place 
between  the  Indians  and  their  governors.     Whether  the 
former  were  imbibing  too  democratic  notions,  or  the  latter 
were  growing  too  regal  or  despotic  in  their  administration, 
it  is  now  difficult  to  say.     Some  of  the  old  men  who  felt 
themselves  aggrieved  by  the  conduct  of  the  governors 
sent  a  memorial  concerning  it  to  the  Assembly;  and, 
finding  that  no  notice  was  taken  of  this,  they  sent  another.' 
To  keep  these  peay  rulers  in  check,  therefore,  it  was 
enacted  that,  for  the  future,  they  should  be  under  the 
immediate  direction  of  the  governor  of  Connecticut,  who 
might  displace  them  and  appoint  others  at  his  discretion. 
The  governor,  however,  never  exercised  this  prerogative, 
and  the  civil  affairs  of  the  little  communities  were  suffered 
to  take  pretty  nearly  their  own  course.     Robin  Cassasi- 
namon,  son  of  the  former  chief,  soon  became  a  rival  of 
Scadoab ;  and,  for  several  years,  each  had  his  followers, 
who  allowed  their  different  leaders  the  title  and  something 
of  the  authority  of  sachem.* 

In  1712,  the  townsmen  of  Groton,  regarding  the  lands 
of  Nawayonk,  or  Nawyonk,  as  nj  Jonger  belonging  to  the 
Indians,  passed  a  vote  allotting  thciiA  to  some  of  their  own 
citizens.  In  consequence  a  petition  soon  appeared  before 
the  Assembly,  signed  by  young  Robin  Cassasinamon  and 
others,  setting  forth  the  rights  of  the  Pequots  to  Naw- 
yonk, and  complaining  of  the  injustice  of  the  Groton 
people  in  taking  possession  of  it.  The  commissioners  of 
the  missionary  society  in  England  interested  themselves 
in  the  affair.  By  Samuel  Sewall,  their  agent  in  Boston, 
they  sent  an  address  to  the  government  of  Connecticut, 

•  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  III. 
38* 


Li^l 


cm 


I    i 


HISTORY    or    THE    INDIANS  r 

requesting  it  to  notice  the  complaints  of  the  Peqiiots,  and 
not  suffer  wrong  to  be  done  to  a  people,  who,  for  more 
than  seventy  years,  had  been  submissive  to  the  English 
and  dependent  upon  their  protection.     They  had  lately 
directed,  they  said,  Mr.  Experience  Mayhew  to  visit  the 
Pequots  and  Mohegans,  and  offer  them  the  gospel ;  but 
they  feared  that  the  scandal  of  thrusting  them  out  of  their 
worldly  possessions  would  embitter  their  spirits  and  make 
them  averse  to  receiving  the  heavenly  tidings.     Samuel 
Sewall  also  wrote,  on  the  subject,  one  letter  to  Governor 
Saltonstall,  and  another  to  Jonathan  Law.     In  each- he 
expressed  his  opinion,  that  depriving  the  Pequots  of  Naw- 
yonk  was  contrary  to  former  enactments  of  both  the 
General  Court  of  Connecticut  and  the  Commissioners' 
Court  of  New  England ;  and,  in  his  letter  to  Law,  he 
closed  with  the  hope,  that  the  Assembly  would  not  only 
preserve  what  land  was  remaining  to  the  tribe,  but  would, 
if  necessary,  make  additions  to  it.     "  For  I  hope,"  he 
concluded,  "  though  the  natives  are  at  present  so  thinned 
as  to  become  like  two  or  three  berries  in  the  top  of  the 
uppermost  bough,  yet  God  will  hasten  their  reformation 
and  increase."* 

The  Assembly  issued  an  order  commanding  the  town 
of  Groton  to  return  the  land,  or  make  suitable  payment 
for  it,  or  appear  before  the  next  session  of  that  body  to 
answer  against  the  complaint  of  the  Pequots.  In  October, 
1714,  a  committee  was  appointed  to  examine  into  the 
claims  of  the  Indians  ;  and,  in  the  mean  time,  all  persons 
were  forbidden  to  disturb  them  in  fishing,  hunting  or 
planting,  on  the  disputed  lands.     On  investigation,  the 


•  Indian  Paperi,  Vol.  I,  Doc.  80.    EcclesiaBtical  Papen,  V0I..I. 


'  .'1,^.1.1''  ijg  .1  Hin 


I     i.llUI!MRIll|JJw...M!: 


^"BPFB 


OP   CONNECTICUT. 


42ff 


commutee  very  justly  came  to  the  conclusion,  thatNaw- 
yonfc  no  longer  belonged  to  the  Pequo.s.  They  hadlT. 
t  because  «  was  worn  out ;  they  had  not  lived  on  it  f " 
forty  years;  they  had  been  provided  with  another  trac 
four  t,mes  as  large  ,•  and  i,  seemed  unfair,  that  industr^ 
armers  should  be  kept  out  of  a  large  body  of  lands  J^^y 
to  accommodate  a  few  idle  Indians  in  hunting  and  fishing 

lands  at  Mushantuxet  sufficient  for  the  Pequots;  but 
granted  them  the  privilege  of  hunting  and  fishing  at  Naw- 
yonk  as  they  had  done  before* 

This  difliculty  was  followed,  a  few  years  subsequently 
by  another       n  1653,  John  Winthrop  of  New  london 

have  been  covered  afterwards  by  the  Peqnot  reservation 
at  Mushantuxet.  The  claim  was  now  revived  by  one  of 
h,s  descendams,  and  on  the  ground  of  it  he  pretended  a 
right  to  five  hundred  acres  of  the  Pequot  land.  The  In- 
dians were  alarmed,  and  offered  the  tract  to  the  town  of 
Groton,  probably  on  condition  of  receiving  something  i„ 
return.  The  town  accepted  the  offer,  granted  the  Indians 
sr*  hundred  acres  in  another  place,  and  took  upon  itself 
the  task  of  opposing  Winthrop's  claim.f 

Still,  the  land  of  the  tribe  was  evidently  decreasing, 
m  one  way  or  another,  and  Cassasinamon  and  his  party 
became  dissatisfied.  James  Avery,  their  overseer,  regarded 
them  as  suffering  injustice,  and  probably  encouraged  and 
assislea  them  in  carrying  their  complaints  before  the  As- 
sembly.    In  1721  a  memorial  was  presented,  complaining 

•  Wl.n  P.pe,.,  Vol.  I.  D«.  gj,       t  t«di.„  P.p.™,  y,,,.  J,  Doo.  96. 


!lfc 


■I 

1  j1  * 


426 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


that  encroachments  were  made  upon  their  territory;  that 
the  orchards  which  their  fathers  had  planted  were  taken 
away ;  and  praying  the  Assembly  to  grant  them  justice 
for  the  past  and  protection  for  the  future.  In  time  of  war, 
they  said,  the  English  treated  them  as  rational  creatures 
and  called  them  brethren;  but  now  they  drove  them, 
like  goats,  upon  rough  ground,  to  break  and  fertilize  it 
for  themselves.* 

The  report  of  a  committee  on  this  petition  stated  that 
the  Indians  had  seventeen  hundred  acres  of  land,  which 
was  secured  to  them  by  the  town  of  Groton  ;  that  almost 
all  of  them  were  satisfied,  and  that  Cassasinamon  com- 
plained, only  because  some  person  continually  incJ^^d  him 
to  do  so.  This  person  was  doubtless  James  A\  ery,  the 
overseer,  who  at  this  very  time  addressed  a  lette  >  the 
Assembly,  accusing  the  committee  of  not  having  done 
their  duty.  They  had  not  called  on  him,  he  stated,  nor 
had  they  seen  Cassasinamon  ;  and  he  could  himself  testify 
that  the  Pequots  were  driven  out  of  their  fields  and 
orchards :  for  he  had  visited  Mashantuxet,  and  seen  with 
his  own  eyes  a  considerable  portion  of  the  Indian  land 
inclosed  by  the  English  fences.  In  a  subsequent  com- 
munication he  mentioned  twenty-eight  lots,  averaging 
twenty  acres  each,  which  had  been  laid  out  in  the  reser- 
vation by  whites. 

But  the  followers  of  Scadoab,  who  comprised  the  ma- 
jority of  the  Pequots,  were  opposed  to  making  any  com- 
plaint, and  expressed  themselves  satisfied  with  the  lands 
now  confirmed  to  them.  To  the  memorials  of  Avery  and 
Cassasinamon  they  opposed  others  declaring  their  perfect 

Indian  Papers,  Vol.  I,  Document  95. 


Z^i.'^ii''  i>>';m^w '  -a^i^yjFr^^l^^B 


Or    CONNECTICUT. 

content  and  satisfaction      tu 
ha.  appended  .  i,  .He  .LTof  ^    .ttl .~; 

received  the  concurrence  of  .hTls  ejb '  '  'o  ,""'* 
encroachment  was  found,  and  one  tlZ^^ade t.  Z 
co.„uy  surveyor.    The  actual  amount  of  the  IndL  ,1 

:hittrrr::r-'-^----enhu„dredii 

over  .  X.  „,  ,^,  ^^^„„,^^.  ^  J;.r     r  ! 

17       .     '    ."  """"'■"  "'"''"  'h^  "»mber  of  such 
males  who  lived  on  the  lands,  sixty-two    of  ,1         t 

ived  in  English  families,  nine...  f  anToV t  e' w^^I^: 

were  cleared,  two  hundred  more  partially  cleared  •  but 
only  fourteen  were  planted,  although  the  Ind  ans  h  d 
bestdes  a  considerable  number  of  apple  trees.  The  re- 
curvation sfll  amounted  to  seventeen  hundred  and  thirty. 

•  Indian  P.pe„,  v„|.  j,  D„c„mam.  100, 101,  104  106  10-    .« 


V 


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428 


HISTORY    OF   THE    INDIANS 


seven  acres;  but  it  was  rocky,  hilly,  and,  for  the  most 
part,  fit  only  for  pasturage.  The  herbage  was  claimed  by 
the  neighboring  whites,  on  the  ground  that  the  Indians 
made  no  use  of  it,  and  that  the  land  was  not  theirs 
in  fee  simple,  but  only  held  as  a  life-grant  from  tl»e 

colony.*  , 

Captain  James  Avery  being  dead,  h.s  son  James  was, 
in  1731,  appointed  to  succeed  him  as  overseer,  m  con- 
junction  with  John  Morgan.    Some  of  the  settlers  bought, 
orivately,  from  individual  Pequots,  some  tracts  on  the  In- 
dian land,  and  then  proceeded  to  inclose  their  purchases 
and  exclude  the  tribe.     Others  not  only  allowed  their 
horses  and  cattle  to  range  over  the  entire  reservation  thus 
injuring  the  little  patches  of  corn  planted  by  the  Indians, 
but  took  the  liberty  to  fell  v-ood  and  carry  it  away  for 
their  own  use.     To  prevent  these  irregularities,  the  As- 
sembly enacted  that  Avery  and  Morgan  should  be  em- 
powered to  prosecute  all  trespassers  and  encroachers,  and 
should,  from  time  to  time,  report  the  situation  of  the  Pe- 
quots.    The  town  clerk  of  Oroton  was  also  forbidden, 
under  a  penalty  of  ten  pounds,  to  make  record  of  any 
transaction  by  which  the  possession  of  the  Indian  land 
was  transferred  from  the  Indians  themselves  to  any  other 
Irsol^    An  act  was  likewise  passed,  in  1732,  dividing 
?he  western  half  of  the  reservation  into  fifty  acre  lots,  and 
easing  them,  for  the  benefit  of  the  Indians,  to  English 
ftrmelt    Considering  the  indolence  of  the  Pequots,  this 

Panert,  Vol.  I,  Documents  143,  147. 

t  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  VI.  „  v„1  H 

X  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  VI.  VIII.     Indian  Paper.,  Vol.  H. 


mj^ 


le  most 
medby 
Indians 
t  theirs 
om  tlie 

les  was, 
in  con- 
bought, 
the  In- 
irchases 
»d  their 
on,  thus 
Indians, 
Lv;ay  for 
the  As- 
be  em- 
lers,  and 
'  ti:e  Pe- 
jrbidden, 
i  of  any 
lian  land 
my  other 
,  dividing 
!  lots,  and 
D  English 
luots,  this 

)\e  in  Indian 


OP    CONNECTICUT. 

looked  like  a  wise  and  profitable  disposal  of  the  lands- 
b«t,  ow,„g  ,0  the  eventual  dishonesty  of  the  tenants  il 

led   o  n.a„,  difflcnltie,  and  .suited  i.f  „„eh  in' :": 
In  irSS,  over  th.rty  of  the  Pequcs  sent  in  a  complaint 

that  trespasses  on  them  were  still  continued,  their  corn 

bcng  destroyed  and  their  trees  cut  down.     They  ken 
wme  .a  a  few  cattle,  they  said  ;  but  could  no.  main     n 

.hem  ^  ong  «,  ,he  English  monopolized  all  .he  herb^e 

^er    Jo"n  M  '"  ^'  '"'"'"'  '"'  "'^'  "'^  "-'"er  over- 
seer, John  Morgan,  was  the  sole  cause  of  these  com 

p  a.„.s      Twen.y  eigh.  Pe,„o.s   replied   by  pe"  o  Ig 

that  Avary  m.gh.  be  removed  and  Joseph  Rose  of  Presto^ 

appomted  ,n  his  place.     They  asserted  that  Avery  „    a" 

least,  h,s  sons,  were  personally  interested  in  their  la"  ds 

and  thus  had  a  selfish  inducen.ent  .o  sm„th3    t     i     '„t: 

plamts  and  s.and  idly  by  while  they  were  wron  Jd     Bu. 

10  ted  ont  to  farmers,  who,  having  inclosed  it,  would  no. 
allow  them  to  plant  within  the  inclosures.     it  was  true 
too    that  they  had  been  deprived  of  the  fruits  of  thei; 

^^rva.Lrr'  """  ""^"^"  ''"-'  ^^^  "-  ""■"  0"  'heir 
Such  were  the  complaints  of  the  Pequots;  but  what 
foundation  they  really  had  for  considering  'themselve 
agsr,eved  ,t  .s  difficult  to  ascertain.  The  reports  of  the 
wo  overseers  continually  contradicted  each  other,  and  the 
Ind,a,,s  knew  little  what  really  belonged  to  them  and 
what  d,d  not  The  Assembly  settled  the  quarrels  of  the 
overseers  bydtsmtseing  them  both:  it  ,he,i  appointed  in 

•  Indhn  P,pe„,  Vol.  I,  DocumenlB  S37,  388,  234. 


.)l' 


*• 


430 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


their  places  two  citizens  of  New  London,  John  Richards 
and  Daniel  Coit.* 

The  year  1740  was  rendered  worthy  of  note  to  the 
Mushantuxet  Pequots  by  the  death  of  Scadaub,  the  last 
of  the  band  who  held  the  office  of  governor,  or  maintained 
any  thing  like  the  dignity  of  sachem-f 

In  1742,  there  was  a  school  teacher  among  the  Groton 
Pequots,  and  probably,  also,  although  not  certainly,  among 
those  of  Stonirigton.;):  More  than  six  hundred  pounds 
had  lately  [1636]  been  contributed  by  the  people  of  Con- 
necticut fpr  the  spiritual  and  intellectual  benefit  of  the 
Indians  in  the  colony :  a  sum  by  no  means  remarkable 
indeed  compared  with  the  benevolent  collections  of  the 
present  day,  but  still  enough  to  do  some  good  among  the 
natives  had  it  been  wisely  expended.  How  it  was  ex- 
pended, or  who  had  the  care  of  expending  it,  would,  as  I 
have  observed  in  another  place,  be  now  extremely  difficult, 
or,  more  probably,  altogether  impossible,  to  determine. 

Some  good  results  were,  about  this  time,  effected 
among  the  Pequots  in  another  way.  In  1733,  the  society 
formed  in  Great  Britain  for  propagating  the  gospel  in  New 
England  established  a  missionary,  named  Parks,  among 
the  Narragansetts  of  Westerly  and  Charleston  in  Rhode 
Island.  During  the  great  revival  of  1743,  a  number  of 
converts  were  made  among  the  Stonington  Pequots,  and 
several  of  them  paid  a  visit  to  the  Narragansetts  under 
the  care  of  Mr.  Parks  Then  the  religious  interest  among 
the  latter,  which  before  had  been  slight,  became  deep  and 
general.     The  descendants  of  warriors  who  had  fought 

•  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  I,  Document  235.     t  President  Stilea't  Itinerary. 
i  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  II,  Document  239. 


»W*fe^^Si(jftJfci' 


OP    CONNECTICUT.  431 

fariously  among  those  hilk,  who  had  aimed  their  arrow, 
.each  other's  hearts  in  those  very  forests,  and  w  "hid 
gazed  w.th  savage  delight  and  triumph  ^n  the  „Lt  v 
flames  of  each  other's  villages,  knelt  together  around  „™ 
throne  of  grace,  mingled  their  tears  in  one  stream  L 
breathed  their  desires  m  one  prayer  I„  litl  ^  '  u 
.welve  months  si.ty  were  rec'eird'into"     1^  I'nd"   ' 

a  few  yea«  ,a,er,  the  nnmber  of  pi„„s  persons  among  the 

Pe<,uo„  was  believed  to  be  abont  twenty,  thoramon; 

the  Narragansetts  nearly  seventy.*  ^ 

Two  years  previous  to  this,  the  Groton  Pequots  had 

^so  become  .n  :..me  measure  interested  in  rehgion     UntU 
hen   hey  were  all  he..en,  licentious  and  in'tempe^a     ! 

but  at  th,s  penod  many  of  them  began  to  be  in  much 

heThM""  ^'"^  ""'^-     ^'  ^"^  '-  about  Tyf 
them  had  become  reformed,  sedate,  and  were  constant  in 
the.  attendance  upon  public  worship.    About  thirty  we  e 
much  mchned  to  learn  to  read;  they  had,  as  I'Ze 
already  mentioned,  a  schoolmaster  among  them ;  and  they 
sent  a  petition,  with  forty-one  marks,  to  the  Assembly 
praymg  that  he  might  be  supported.!     I  find  no  record 
of  any  special  grant  in  reply  to  this  request :  I  know  not 
indeed,  how  long  these  promising  appearances  continued ' 
but  It  IS  certain  that  they  disappeared  in  the  end,  and 
that,  at  the  present  day,  the  Pequots  are  very  much  as  if 
the  gospel  had  never  been  preached. 

The  Stonington  Pequots  have  hitherto  attracted  little 
of  our  attention.  They  were  a  smaller  band  at  first  'ban 
those  of  Groton :  some  of  them,  also,  were  Nehantics,  and 

•  Tracy'8  History  of  American  Missions  p.  17. 
t  Indian  Paper*,  Vol  I,  Documedta  238. 339 
39 


1-^' 


S[M 


im 


I  ( 


432 


niSTORT    OF   THE    INDIANS 


J 


I  ' 


I 


i      I 


li 


had  long  ago  separated  from  the  others ;  atid  those  who 
remained  amounted,  in  1719,  to  only  thirty-eight  persons, 
mostly  females.     During  this  time  they  had  been  suffer- 
ing encroachments  on  their  little  reservation  ;  and  were 
now,  in  1749,  on  the  point  of  losing  it  altogether.    It  had 
been  bought  for  them  of  Isaac  Wheeler  of  Stonington, 
with  the  promise  that  Wheeler  was  to  have  the  whole  of 
the  pasturage,  and  the  Indians  were  to  be  at  the  risk 
of  protecting  their  own  crops  from  the  incursions  of  his 
cattle.     Subsequently  two  men,  named  Samuel  Minor 
and  James  Grant,  purchased  several  ancient  grants  which 
covered  the   reservation.     In    1722,   James   Minor,   on 
behalf  of  Samuel,  obtained  liberty  from  the  Assembly  to 
survey  and  mark  out  a  suitable  tract  for  the  Indians. 
This  was,  in  some  sort,  an  acknowledgment  of  the  justice 
of  his  claim  to  their  land ;  yet  it  does  not  appear  that  he 
carried  it  out  by  transplanting  the  Pequots  to  any  other 
locality.     Minor's  claim   was   subsequently   bought   by 
William,  the  son  of  Isaac  Wheeler,  who  seems  to  have 
thought  that  thus  he  had  increased  the  extent  of  the  right 
which  he  derived  from  his  father  to  the  Indian  land.    He 
inclosed  the  whole  tract,  and,  at  his  death,  left  it  by  will 
to  two  sons-in-law.      They,  or,  at  least,  one  of  them, 
claimed  the  land  in  fee  simple ;  part  of  it  was  sold,  and 
the  Indians  were  no  longer  allowed  to  keep  stock,  although 
they  still  had  liberty  to  plant  their  little  patches  of  corn 
and  vegetables.     The  clan  was  at  this  time  under  the 
sunk-squaw,  as  she  was  called,  Mary  Momoho.     She  was 
the  widow  of  a  Momoho  who  had  lately  died,  and  who 
must  have  been  a  son  of  the  governor  of  that  name  ap- 
pointed in  1692.     Mary  Momoho,  with  Simon  Sokient, 


01     CONNECTICUT. 


433 


and  others  of  her  people,  induced  some  neighbor  to  draw- 
up  a  memorial  representing  their  grievances  and  asking 
for  redress.     This  petition  received  the  marks  of  the  In- 
dians, and  was  presented  to  the  Assembly  at  the  May 
session  of  1749.     A  committee  appointed  on  the  subject 
reported  that,  in  their  opinion,  the  Indians  were  wronged, 
and  that,  in  reality,  they  had  a  right  not  only  to  plant  on 
the  land,  but  to  keep  and  feed  cattle  on  it.     The  two    ' 
heirs  of  vV^heeler  were  required  to  give  up  their  claim,  but 
refused,  preferring  to  stand  the  chances  of  a  trial.     The 
case  was  decided  against  them,  and  they  were  obliged  to 
pay  the  costs  of  the  suit  and  give  the  Indians  a  quit-claim 
of  the  land.     The  Assembly,  however,  granted  them,  as 
a  compensation  for  their  loss,  two  hundred  and  eighty 
acres  in  another  place  out  of  the  public  lands  of  the 
colony.* 

Still   greater  troubles    now  commenced  an'ong   the 
Groton  Pequots,  arising  out  of  the  act  passed  in  1732 
which  leased  the   western  half  of  their  reservation  to 
English  farmers.     Some  of  the  tenants  began  to  act  on 
the  thievish  principle,  that,  by  hiring  and  cultivating  the 
lands  for  so  long  a  time,  they  had  acquired  a  right  to 
them  in  fee  simple.     In  January,  1747,  the  Indians  sent 
up  a  memorial,  appealing  for  the  protection  of  the  As- 
sembly  against   such    pretensions.      A  committee    was 
chosen  to  examine  into  the  complaint,  but  nothing  was 
done  to  satisfy  the  Indians,  and  in  1760  one  of  their 
number,  Joseph  Wyokes,  complained  again.     The  leases, 
he  said,   were  to  continue  no  longer  than  the  Assem- 
bly  chose,   and   the   Indians  now   asked  them   to  be 

•  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  II,  Documents  40 — 43. 


'It*' 


II 


.1*! 


lii 


if 


434 


HISTORY   OF   THE    l^NDIANS 


withdrawn,  because  they  were  greatly  disturbed  and 
restricted  by  the  claims  and  fencings  of  the  tenants 
Another  examination  was  made,  and  the  examining  com- 
mittee reported  that  the  tenants  had  wronged  the  Indians, 
had  cut  down  and  destroyed  their  wood,  had  obstructed 
their  labor,  and  had  thus.greatly  discouraged  them  in  their 
attempts  to  improve  their  own  condition.  The  Assembly 
concurred  in  the  report,  [October,  1752,]  declared  the  law 
of  1732  repealed,  and  empowered  the  overseers  to  prose- 
cute for  the  recovery  of  the  Indian  lands.* 

John  Richards  and  Daniel  Coit,  both  of  New  London, 
were  at  this  time  guardians  to  the  Pequots ;  but  neither 
of  them  was  faithful  to  his  trust.  Owing,  as  they  said, 
to  the  pressure  of  their  own  affairs,  the  task  of  righting  the 
the  Indians  was  suffered  to  lie  along  year  after  year;  and, 
of  necessity,  becaniie  continually  more  difficult.  Nothing 
of  consequence  was  done  until  1758,  when  the  overseers 
commenced  a  suit,  in  the  Superior  Court  of  New  London 
County,  against  one  Williams  who  held  in  his  possession 
eighty-three  acres  and  ninety  rods  of  the  reservation. 
Williams  proved  that  he  had  obtained  the  land,  by  fair  pur- 
chase, of  its  former  holder,  John  Wood  of  Groton  ;  but  it 
was  proved,  on  the  other  side,  that  John  Wood  had  no  legal 
claim  to  the  land,  and  only  held  it  through  having  entered 
on  it  at  his  own  risk.  As  the  plaintiffs  were  understood 
to  allege  their  right  to  the  land  in  fee  simple,  and  as  they 
could  not  make  proof  to  all  the  particulars  of  a  right  in  fee 
simple,  the  fact  being  indisputable  that  the  whole  reser- 
vation belonged  to  the  colony,  the  court  finally  decided 
in  favor  of  the  defendant.! 

•  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  II,  Documenta  12, 13  ;  51—58. 
t  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  II,  Document  114. 


OF    CONNECTICUT 


435 


A  memorial,  with   the  marks  of  thirty-one   Pequois 
appended  to  it,  was  now  forwarded  to  the  Assembly,  pe- 
titioning that  a  new  trial  might  be  allowed,  and  that  the 
grounds  on  which  the  first  decision  was  given  might  bo 
excluded.     The  petition  was  granted ;  the  case  was  tried 
again ;  and  William  Williams  was  defeated,  and  found 
himself  deprived  of  nearly  all  his  property.    It  was  indeed 
a  hard  case,  since  he  was  suffering,  not  so  much  through 
dishonesty  as  through  heedlessness,  and  the  dishouesty 
of  another;  as  well,  indeed,  as  through  that  laxity  of 
public  sentiment  which  would  allow  men  to  appropriate 
the  property  of  a  feeble  and  poverty-stricken  race,  whose 
Ignorance  of  English  customs  incapacitated  them    in  a 
great   measure,  from    perceiving   and   maintaining  their 
rights.     Williams  petitioned  for  a  third  trial,  but  the  case 
was  soon  decided  in  another  way.     The  decision  against 
him  had  alarmed  all  those  who  held  possession  of  Pequot 
land,  and  they  united  in  a  memorial  [May,  1760,]  to  the 
Assembly,  asking  that  a  committee  might  be  appointed  to 
settle  the  disputes  between  themselves  and  the  Pequots 
by  dividing  the  contested  lands  between  the  two  parties. 
"  They  had  laid  out  considerable  sums,"  they  said,  "  in 
improving  the  portion  they  held.     They  had  never  in- 
tended   to   injure   the    Pequots.     It    was  doubtful,  too, 
whether  the  latter  held  the  property  in  fee  simple  or  only 
had  a  right  to  cultivate  it.    The  case  had  been  repeatedly 
tried,  and  the  courts  had  decided  different  ways." 

In  short,  these  men  put  the  best  face  they  could  on  a 
mean  and  dishonest  action.  They  had  hired  the  land  of 
its  present  owners,  the  Pequots,  with  the  understanding 
that  they  were  to  pay  a  prescribed  rent  for  the  u«!e  af  -♦ 

39* 


r 


* 


'if 


r 


; 


m 


m 


I,  i 


436 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


They  had  had  the  use  and  had  paid  the  rent ;  and  with 
this  the  bargain  was  fulfilled,  and  the  transaction  should 
honestly  h*ave  closed.  They  had  no  right,  either  legal 
or  moral,  to  call  one  foot  of  the  land  their  own,  nor  to 
prolong  their  stay  upon  it  a  single  week  after  the  lease 
had  expued  and  the  owners  had  given  them  notice  to  quit. 
The  case  was  exactly  the  same  as  if  a  citizen  of  Hartford 
or  New  Haven  should  petition  the  Legislature  to  put  him 
in  possession  of  the  house  he  rented,  simply  because  he 
had  lived  in  it  several  years,  paid  the  rent  regularly  and 
kept  the  building  in  good  repair. 

The  Assembly  seems  to  have  regarded  itself  as  left,  by 
the  circumstances  of  the  case,  at  considerable  liberty  in 
making  a  decision.  The  land  on  which  the  Pequots 
lived  had  not  been  given  them  as  their  own,  but  only  to 
bj  used  for  their  support.  The  question  was,  whether 
this  gift  or  any  portion  of  it  could  be  revoked.  Honor 
and  justice  answered,  no.  Expediency  said,  yes;  and 
expediency  carried  the  day.  The  land  was  divided :  nine 
hundred  and  eighty-nine  acres  and  sixty-eight  rods  were 
confirmed  to  the  Indians :  the  remainder,  about  six  hun- 
dred and  fifty-six  acres  and  one  hundred  rods,  was  granted 
to  the  tenants.* 

While  the  affair  was  still  undecided  the  Pequots  took 
some  offense  at  John  Richards,  one  of  their  overseers. 
Fourteen  of  them,  headed  by  Charles  Scodobe,  sent  a 

«  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  II,  Document  123.  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  IX.  T'lis 
took  place  at  the  sessions  of  May,  I76I.  The  above  amount  of  land  '  about 
ninety  acres  less  than  remained  to  the  Pequots  iu  1728.  Williams's  claim 
of  eighty-three  acres  and  ninety  rods  will  nearly  account  for  ae  difference 
Williams  was  not  one  of  the  tenants,  but  had  bought  ou.  the  claim  of  a 
■quatter  on  the  reservation. 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 

> 


m 


declaration  to  the  Assembly  that  they  noted  out  John 
Richards  from  being  their  guardian  and  wished  Daniel 
Coit  appointed  in  his  place.  The  Assembly  humored 
hem,  excluded  Richards,  and  appointed  Coit  in  conjunc 
tion  with  Ehsha  Fitch  of  Norwich. 

In  1762  the  Groton  Pequots  numbered  from  twenty  to 
SaTs  r  '°"*"""^  ^'^^  ^""^-^  -<^  --ty-six 
In  1788,  the  eastern  band  presented  a  petition  to  the 
Assembly,  subscribed  by  the  marks  of  thirty  persons 
twenty-two  of  whom  were  women.     It  represented  that 
the  petitioners  had  been  for  several  years  without  an  over- 
seer,  and  their  affairs  had  consequently  gone  on  after  a 
very  confused  fashion.     Some  had  obtained  double  their 
proportion  of  the  profits  of  the  lands,  and  had  refused  to 
pay  their  share  of  what  ought  to  be  common  expenses, 
such  as  supporting  the  poor  and  keeping  up  the  inclosure 
of  the  reservation.    They  therefore  desired  overseers  •  but 
as  there  were  several  of  their  white  neighbors  who  only 
wanted  an  opportunity  to  strip  them  of  all  they  possessed, 
they  wished  to  select  those  for  the  office  in  whom  they 
could  place  confidence.     The  two  persons  upon  whom 

vv\    tu         ^"'"  ^^^'^''  ^''''  ^^  Stonington  and 
Eljsha  Williams  of  Groton.f 

The  Assembly  appointed  Huit;  but,  for  some  reason 
now  unknown,  selected  Stephen  Billings  of  Groton  in 
place  of  Elisha  Williams. 

Little  was  done  at  this  period  for  the  religious  or  educa- 
tional benefit  of  the  tribe.     In  1776,  the  situation  of  the 

•  Memoir  of  the  Pequots.  Mass.  Hist.  Coll..  Vol.  X.  p.  103. 
t  Indian  Papen,.  Vol.  II.  Document  252. 


1 

1 

^^H 

^^^^H 

438 


HISTORY   or   THE    INDIANA 


Groton  band  having  been  brought  before  the  Assembly, 
as  a  proper  subject  for  amelioration,  a  committee  was 
chosen  to  inquire  into  its  condition ;  and  was  empowered 
to  give  what  orders  it  thought  proper  for  their  religious 
and  intellectual  education,  and  to  draw  on  the  colonial 
treasury  for  this  purpose  to  the  amount  of  twenty  pounds. 
The  committee  found  one  hundred  and  fifty-one  Indians 
living  on  the  lands  at  Mashantuxet,  of  whom  aboirt  half 
were  under  sixteen  years  of  age.  All  were  in  poverty- 
stricken  circiimstances,  and  many  were  widows  whose 
husbands  had  perished  in  the  colonial  armies  during  the 
late  wars  with  Canada.  Their  houses  were  chiefly  within 
a  mile  square ;  their  land  was  by  no  means  the  best,  yet 
some  of  it  was  good  and  cultivated  after  the  English 
fashion.  There  was  a  small  school-house  in  which  one 
Hugh  Sweetingham  was  now  teaching,  having  been  hired 
for  that  purpose,  at  twelvre  pounds  a  year,  by  the  mis- 
sionary society  in  England.  From  the  same  source  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Johnson  received  six  shillings  and  eight  pence 
for  every  sermon  which  he  preached  to  the  Indians.  A 
considerable  number  of  the  Pequots  were  willing  to  hear 
the  gospel  and  send  their  children  to  school,  but  were 
generally  so  poor  that  they  could  not  provide  them  with 
decent  clothing  for  that  purpose.  The  committee  ex- 
pended the  twenty  pounds  in  buying  clothing  and  school 
books  for  these  children ;  and  they  stated,  in  their  report 
to  the  Assembly,  that  further  appropriations  would  be 
needed  in  the  winter.  The  compensation  of  Sweeting- 
ham was,  in  their  opinion,  insufficient ;  and  so  also  was 
that  of  Mr.  Johnson,  especially  as  he  attended  the  Indians 
in  sickness  and  at  funerals.     Twenty  pounds  additional 


.  OP    CONNECTICUT.  .„„ 

•        ^•"■f  "■erefore  appropriated  rOctober  1 7fi«if    .,    , 

of  the  Pequot  children  fivi  TI     !  '^  '^'  "■*  *""'««« 

tour  pounds  to  i„crer;,h     T        '"  **'•  ^^hnson,  and 

with  the  above  e"  u    I;!"'  "'  ^--sham.. 
«u»t  Pe„.ots  it  j;rwe,  to?"'"''"  f '""  ""»"- 
census  of  the  IndianI  h!  .1       ,    ^""^'^  ""*  '•"^'"'  "f  ••-» 

'his  census  the  tleVftdtnTUG  1  '"  '''''^    «^ 
one  hundred  and  ei»h.v  J!      u    u      ""'"  "mounted  to 

.Han  the  con-^itfeel^l?;  'C^ur^fTh^r 

reservation^orbV'Lr  ;''"''''''■''  ""'  "™'"  »"  'he 
Visiting  ™;de  of  mlZ  r""'""""  '"«  ™8™»'. 
aborigines  from  the  r  fi  I^d  '"'"'"''''  """"S  'h« 

B"t  ^hat  are  we  "  h.nk  w  enTh"^  '"  "*'  """■"  <'^^- 
us  .hat  the  number  of  ManrinT™'"""'"''"™' 
hundred  and  thirty-seven  "  He  J  ,  "'"^""'  ""'  '^"^ 
be  some  considerable  miLkeTh!  T'^  '°  '"^'  "-' 
Pequots  was  smaller  thl  that  r'^^roTft'The  T '  "' 
ning,  and  it  is  smaller  now     In  17n       !  ^^'"" 

before  this  census  was  takeri.l  .         '  '""''"°"*  >'^'"-» 

grown  men,  or  abolfo    tu^llVdX    'h'"';-"''''^ 
It  is  not  probable  th»r  i,      •""'*''  °"^  "f'/  'ndinduals.t 

numerous'  .mt„,r  "">-■""»»«-  or  even  a, 

to  suppose  that  Indlrc        '      '  """"  ^^  """h  t^ason 

in  thrston;:uirrw:c:rr^^^^^^^^^ 

servation  had  been  made  for  the  a^'cient  ^ro;;::^!     " 
V.1  t:t  JTet;;;"'  """  '•™°'°  — -  '»  ">3.    Indian  P.p^ 


•it 


440 


HISTOR-    OF    THE    INDIANS 


I 

"I 


i 


In  1786,  many  of  the  Pequots,  uniting  with  other  In- 
dians of  Connecticut,  moved  to  New  York,  where  they 
formed  the  nucleus  of  the  Brothertown  tribe. 

The  division  of  1761,  giving  two-fifths  of  the  Pequot 
lands  in  Groton  to  the  men  who  had  leased  them,  ought 
to  have  put  an  end  to  all  encroachmen:s  ;  but  it  did  not. 
The  portion  reserved  to  the  Indians  had  been  surveyed, 
but  never  marked  out :  the  survey  was  lost,  and  it  was  sus- 
pected that  some  of  the  late  tenants  had  destroyed  or  con- 
cealed it.     Encroachments  re-commenced ;  and,  in  1773, 
twenty-six  of  the  Pequots  presented  u  complaint  concern- 
ing them;  to  the  Assembly.     A  committee  was  appointed 
to  mark  out  the  bounds  of  the  land,  but  could  accom- 
plish nothing  because  of  the  loss  of  the  official  survey. 
The  committee,  Edward  Mott,  then  asked  that  he  might 
survey  the  tract  himself  at  the  expense  of  the  claimants, 
who  were  willing  to  defray  it,  so  that  they  might  be 
assured  of  their  property.     This  was  granted;  but  the 
adjacent  landholders  threw  various  obstacles  in  the  way ; 
the  openmg  of  the  revolutionary  war  drew  the  attention 
of  the  Assembly  to  weightier  matters ;  and  it  was  not  t''l 
1785  that  the  wrongs  and  the  precarious  situation  of  the 
Pequois  with  regard  to  their  lands  again  attracted  atten- 
tion.    Joseph  Scordaub,  in  the  name  of  t>.e  whole  tribe, 
then  presented  a  memorial  on  the  subject,  which  secured 
the  appointment  of  a  new  committee  empowered  to  survey 
and  mark  out  the  reservation.     The  survey  was  not  com- 
pleted and  brought  before  the  Assembly  till   1793 ;  and 
then  th;^  neighboring  farmers  (the  former  tenants)  pre- 
sented objections  to  it,  on  the  ground  that  it  left  them 
less  land  than  had  been  awarded  to  them  in  1761.     The 


«S*»B3!aut6«iJss;= 


or    CONNECTICUT. 


441 


settlonent  was  therefore  postponed;  and  in  1800  the 
overseers,  Samuel  Moit  and  Isaac  Avery,  presented  an 
account  of  the  affair  to  the  Assembly  and  asked  for  di- 
rections. In  reply,  they  were  empowered  to  make  over 
and  dted  away  those  tracts  which  were  in  dispute, 
wherever  the  white  claimants  would  pay  the  prices  at 
which  they  oliould  be  appraised.  This  was,  in  effect,  a 
confirmation  of  the  Pequot  claims ;  and  none  of  the  whites 
choosing  to  pay  for  the  land,  the  former  retained  it  in 
their  possession.* 

Within  a  few  years   of  the  commencement  of  this 
century  the  Stonington  Pequots  were  visited  by  President 
Dwight,  who  has  left  us  several  interesting  particulars  of 
their  condition  at  that  period.     He  found  some  residing 
in  wigwams,  others  in  framed  houses  the  best  of  which 
wer     small,  rude  and  almost  worthless  as  a  protection 
"gainst  the  weather.     In  these  wretched  tenements  lived 
about  two-thirds  of  the  tribe  ;  the  others  being  distributed 
as  servnnts  among  the  English  families  of  the  neighbor- 
hood,    they  were  in  poverty,  misery  and  degradation  ; 
excessively  idle,  licentious  and  intemperate :  in  a  single 
drunken  frolic  they  would  squander  the  earnings  of  a 
year.     A  small  numbe.'-,  both  of  men  and  women,  were 
reputed  to  be  honest  ;  but  the  rest  were  liars  and  thieves, 
although  with  too  little  enterprise  to  steal  any  thing  of 
importance.     There  was  no  such  thing  among  them  as 
marriage,  the  two  sexes  cohabiting  without  ceremony  or 
covenant,  and  deserting  each  other  at  pleasure.     Th6 
children  were  sometimes  placed  by  their  parents  with 

•  Indian  Fapf  rs.  Vol.  II.  Documents  243-249.    Colonial  Record.,  Volt 
A,  XI.     State  Records,  Vols.  Ill,  VI. 


1*1 


i'^m  ij0t^ 


I      L 


jfi 


442 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


English  farmers,  and  often  behaved  well  for  a  time,  but 
as  they  became  older,  grew  up  to  be  as  vicious  and  good 
for  nothing  as  their  fathers.  Some  of  those  who  hired 
out  as  servants  were  tolerably  industrious;  and  the 
women  among  them,  especially,  showed  a  great  fondness 
for  dress,  and  were  often  seen  at  church.  The  others 
dozed  away  life  in  slothful  inactivity ;  were  always  half- 
naked,  and  very  often  half-starved.  This  is  indeed  a  sad 
account.  One  hundred  aud  sixty  years  of  contact  with  a 
Christian  race  had  not  brightened  the  condition  of  the 
Pequots  morally  or  intellectually,  and  physically  had  dark- 
ened it. 

Among  this  miserable  band  of  human  beings  there  was, 
however,  one  aged  man,  who,  to  considerable  natural  in- 
telligence, seems  to  have  united  a  sense  of  religion.  For 
a  series  of  years  he  had  preached  to  the  others,  and  some- 
times, it  was  said,  gave  them  very  excellent  exhortations. 
His  degraded  countrymen  held  him  in  much  respect,  and 
occasionally  assembled  very  generally  to  listen  to  his  dis- 
courses. This  man,  probably,  was  the  sole  remaining 
fruit  of  the  religious  interest  which  took  place  among  the 
Pequots  about  1742.  The  respect  with  which  his  people 
regarded  him  is  a  striking  instance  of  the  influence  which 
consistent  purity  of  character  will  often  exert  even  in  the 
most  debased  and  abandoned  communities.* 

In  1820,  this  band  counted  fifty  individuals.  Their 
principal  men  were  Sami;el  and  Cyrus  Shelley,  Samuel 
Shantnp  and  James  Ned.  With  few  exceptions  they 
were  still  intemi)erate  and  improvident ;  of  course,  poor 
and  miserable.     They  made  brooms,  baskets  and  similar 

•  Dwitjhi's  TiBvelH,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  87— 89. 


or    CONNECTICUT. 


443 


articles,  and  generally  exchanged  them  for  a.dent  spirits 
They  enjoyed  the  same  opportunities  of  attending  ^t 
gious  worsh.p  and  sending  their  children  to  school  JZ 
wb..e  ^„p,e  f  .he  town,  but  seldom  availed  themLl  « 
of  these  privileges.  A  few,  however,  were  apparently 
P.OUS,  and  held  a  meeting  once  a  month  at  wWchT  ! 
all  spoke  m  turn.*  ' 

In  1832  the  Groton  Pequots  numbered  about  forty 
person,  of  both  sexes  and  all  ages.  They  were  consider^ 
ably  mixed  wuh  white  and  negro  blood;  but  still  poL 
sessed  a  feeling  of  clanship,  and  still  preserved  th  rl- 
e,e,u  national  hatred  for  the  Mohegans.  This  anti^th 
was  heartily  returned ;  and  it  was  very  seldom  that  inter! 

wUh'T  r.  "  "'  '""'""•  ""'  '"»  '"^'-  Compared 
.Tli^  '\\''f  "«^"^'  "-  P«1"<"'  were  more  vicious  in 
their  habits,  less  pure  in  point  of  race,  less  decent  and  less 
good  looking  in  their  persons.    Their  most  common  nan 

rsdttgiirr''^'''''^^-''"-^'''''-^'^^  •>«-«. 

The  following  facts  concerning  their  situation  at  the 
present  day  «-ere  ccllectcc'     ■  North  Stonington  during 

tJlfcT     '"'"'  '"""  =""°'-'  '°  aho^two'ir! 
dred  and  forty  acres,  originally  as  good  as  most  in  the 

vicinity,  but  long  used  chiefly  for  pasturage,  and  nlw 

much  worn  down.     Some  years  since,  several  lots  were 

cultivated  by  the  Indians  themselves;  at  present  notZ 

The  number  of  families  living  on  the  trJt  is  reduced  to 

.l..ee  of  which  one  consists  of  three  individuals,  another 

of  -he  parents  and  nine  children,  and  the  third  of  a  single 

•  Mone'n  Report  on  the  Indian  Tribes  * 
t  Mass.  Hist.  Coll..  Vol.  XXIII,  p.  134. 


it': 
i4^' 


<im 


I 


,[>. 


fr! 


^■% 


*>■ 


Biirii.  rtsa  .>^^.>»-t^.»»..:,t^.>,yfr^-)^ 


444 


HISTORi    or   THE    INDIANS 


man  who  lives  alone.  There  is  a  very  aged  woman, 
hkewise,  who  lives  a  little  off  from  the  reservation.  The 
others  of  the  tribe  have  scattered  because  the  heads  of  the 
families  are  dead.  Some  are  in  Ledyard,  some  in  Preston, 
others  in  Providence,  and  thus  throughout  various  parts 
of  the  country.  A  few  lately  came  from  some  part  of 
New  York,  to  see  if  there  was  any  thing  accruing  to  them 
from  the  property  of  the  tribe.  The  land  rents,  annually, 
for  about  one  hundred  dollars,  which  by  no  means  sup- 
ports even  those  few  who  remain  on  it.  Only  one,  Sam 
Shantup,  lives  in  a  house  ;  the  rest  occupy  huts.  Some 
of  the  children  have  been  taught  a  little  at  school  Others 
have  been  put  out  to  service,  but,  owing  to  their  idleness 
and  improvidence,  with  very  little  result.  None  of  them 
work  J  they  are  all  extravagant  and  intemperate  j  and  iu 
morals  they  are  as  miserable  as  miserable  can  be. 

To  the  overseer  of  tlie  Lodyard  Pequots,  William  Mor- 
gan, Esq.,  I  am  indebted  for  an  account  of  the  community 
under  his  care.    The  reservation  has  not  diminished  since 
the  division  of  1761,  and  still  consists  of  about  nine  hun- 
dred and  eighty-nine  acres,  of  which  the  greater  portion 
is  woodland.     The  cleared  land  is  rented  to  white  tenants, 
and  brings  in  a  revenue  of  from  one  hundred  and  fifty  to 
two  hundred  dollars  a  year.     One  acre  would  include  all 
that  is  cultivated  by  the  Pequots,  who  cannot  be  induced 
to  till  any  more  than  will  serve  for  their  garden  spots. 
The  houses  on  the  reservation  are  seven  in  number,  oi>e 
story  in  height,  and  varying  from  one  to  four  rooms. 
They  are  situated  where  the  quality  of  the  land  is  good  , 
and,  though  small,  are  comfortable  and  much  superior  in 
condition  to  their  occupants.     The  band  now  numbers 


i 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


145 


twenty-eight  persons,  of  whom  twenty  reside  in  Ledyard, 
while  one  is  in  New  Haven,  one  with  the  Mohegans,  two 
in  Windham,  and  three  are  gone  on  whaling  voyages. 
Some  twenty  years  since  five  or  six  of  them  joined  the 
Stockbridge  Indians  in  Oneida  County,  New  York,  and 
have  not  since  returned,  except  that  one  of  them  once 
made  a  visit  of  a  few  weeks  among  his  old  acquaintance. 
Those  who  remain  in  Ledyard  show  no  disposition  to 
attend  on  schooling  or  preaching  j  and  some  of  them  are 
particularly  given  in  their  conversation  to  violent  scolding 
and  vulgarity.     They  work  not  above  one  or  two  days 
at  a  time,  either  laboring  for  some  neighboring  farmer  or 
making  baskets,  for  sale,  at  home  ;  and,  having  thus  ob- 
tained a  little  money,  they  drink  and  idle  about  until  it  is 
ail  gone,  when  they  set  to  work  again  after  the  same 
fashion  as  before.     None  of  the  pure  Pequot  race  are  left  ; 
all  being  mixed  with  Indians  of  other  tribes,  or  with 
whites  and  negroes.     One  little  girl  among  them  has  blue 
eyes  and  light  hair,  and  her  skin  is  fairer  than  that  of  the 
majority  of  white  persons.     There  is  no  such  thing  as 
regular  marriage  among  them.     In  numbers  they  do  not 
increase,  and,  if  any  thing,  diminish.     The  community, 
like  all  of  the  same  kind  in  the  State,  is  noted  for  its 
wandering  propensities;  some  or  other  of  its  members 
being  almost  continually  on  the  stroll  around  Ledyard 
and  the  neighboring  townships.     From  a  fellow  feeling, 
therefore,  they  are  extremely  hospitable  to  all  vagabonds ; 
receiving   without   hesitation  all    that    come   to    them,' 
whether  white,  mulatto,  Indian  or  negro.* 
SucL  4    the  present  situation  and  character  of  the  Mu- 

•  Letter  of  Mr.  Morgan,  dated  August  SSd,  1849. 


^! 


m 


h 


\l 


Ik 


440 


HISTORY    OF   THE    INDIANS,    ETC. 


shantuxet  band  of  the  once  free,  warlike  and  high-spirited 
tribe  of  the  Pequots.  Thus,  too,  for  the  time,  does  the 
sad  history  of  this  unfortunate  people  come  to  a  close. 
Nothing  is  left  but  a  little  and  miserable  remnant,  hanging 
around  the  seats  where  their  ancestors  once  reigned 
supreme,  as  a  few  half-withered  leaves  may  sometimes 
be  seen  clinging  to  the  upper  branches  of  a  blighted  and 
dying  tree. 


irited 
s  the 
jlose. 

gned 
;imes 
I  anci 


I 


CHAPTER    XII. 

HISTORY    OF    THE     MOKEGANS     FROM   THE    CLOSE    OF   THE 
COURT  ON  THEIR  DISPUTED  LANDS  IN  1743  TO  1849. 

I  SHALL  now  take  up  the  history  of  the  Mohegans  where 
it  was  left  in  1743,  and  bring  it  down  to  the  present  time. 
Nothing  of  consequence  occurred  till  the  death  of  their 
sachem,  Ben  Uncas,  which  appears  to  have  taken  place 
in  1749.*  His  will,  dated  May  the  8th,  1745,  was,  of 
course,  drawn  up  by  some  white  person ;  but,  as  some 
of  the  ideas  may  have  been  original  with  the  sachem,  I 
shall  here  give  an  extract  from  its  opening  passage. 

"  In  the  name  of  God,  Amen.     I,  Benjamin  Uncas, 
sachem  of  the  Mohegan  tribe  of  Indians,  sensible  that  I 
am  born  to  die,  and  also  knowing  that  the  time  when  is 
uncertain,  do  now,  in  my  health  and  strength,  for  which 
I  desire  to  praise  God,  make  and  ordain  this  my  last  Will 
and  Testament.     I  give  and  recommend  my  soul  into  the 
hands  of  God  who  made  it,  trusting  in  Christ  for  the  free 
and  full  pardon  of  all  my  sins  and  for  obtaining  eternal  life. 
My  body  I  commit  to  the  earth,  to  be  buried  in  devout 
Christian  burial,  at  and  in  the  sepulcher  of  my  ancestors 
in  the  common  Indian  kings's  burying  ground  in  the 
town  of  Norwich.    And  I  believe,  that,  through  the  mighty 

•  Indian  Pnpers,  Vol.  II. 
40* 


J 


448 


HISTOKY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


power  of  God,  my  body  shall  be  raised  at  the  last  day, 
and  soul  and  body  be  re-united  and  live  together  never 
more  to  be  separated." 

The  sachem  appointed  Benjamin,  his  only  son,  as  his 
successor,  on  condition  that  he  proved  himself  a  man  of 
prudence  and  discretion,  that  he  governed  the  Mohegans 
with  justice  and  equity,  that  by  his  conversation  and  be- 
havior he  induced  them  to  love  and  follow  the  Christian 
religion,  that  he  submitted  himself  to  the  direction  of  the 
Assembly,  and  that  his  general  conduct  and  policy  were 
such  as  that  body  could  approve.    Very  severe  conditions 
were  these,  it  must  be  confessed,  and  such  as  many  a 
monarch  would  not  have  found  it  easy  to  fulfill.     His 
personal  property  Ben  divided  into  seven  parts,  and  left 
one  each  to  his  wife,  his  son  and  his  five  daughters.     If 
any  one  of  them  should  die  childless,  or  rebel  against  the 
colony,  his  portion  was  to  be  shared  among  the  others. 
In  conclusion,  he  expressed  his  desire  that  all  his  children 
might  be  brought  up  and  educated  in  the  Christian  reli- 
gion, which  he  affirmed  to  be  his  own  choice,  and  in 
which  he  declared  that  he  hoped  to  live  and  die.* 

On  the  death  of  the  sachem  a  large  part  of  the  tribe 
united  on  his  son ;  giving  expression  to  their  choice,  how- 
ever, in  the  following  highly  democratic  style. 

"  We,  the  Indians  commonly  called  Moyanhegunnewog, 
having  had  several  meetings  to  consult  about  a  sachem, 
and  finding  that  we  cannot  be  a  distinct  people  without 
a  head,  have  nominated  Benjamin  Uncas,  if  he  will  con- 
sent to  all  the  articles  which  his  father  left  in  his  last  will 
concerning  the  matter.     And,  having  examined  the  said 

•  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  II,  Document  38. 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


449 


Ben  Uncas  and  heard  his  consent  to  all  tlie  above  men: 

t^ned  articles,  and  that  he  purposes,  by  divine  help  and 

assistance,  to  conform  himself  to  them  all ;  so  now  upon 

hose  very  terms  and  no  others,  we  do  choose  BeruTas 

to  be  our  sachem  ;  and  we  do  also,  as  one,  promise  hm 

o  be  lovmg  fauhful  and  obedient  subjects,  so  long  as  h^ 

shall  mamtam  and  walk  agreeably  to  his  father's  last  Will 

and  Testament  concerning  the  sachemship  "* 

This  paper  was  undersigned  with  the  marks  of  thirty, 
mne  Indians,  and  with  the  signatures,  in  a  good  clear 
Occum     ''"'  °''''''  •"''"  Dantiquidgeonf  and  Samson 

A  memorial  was  likewise  forwarded  to  the  Assembly 
by  Ben,  saying  that  he  had  been  elected  sachem  of  the 

(whom  he  named)  to  assist  him  in  the  government.     No 

objection  was  made,  and  both  Ben  and  his  councilors 

were  confirmed  in  their  dignities.^ 

lu  1755  commenced  the  last,  the  most  exhausting,  but 

finally  the  most  triumphant,  of  the  wars  which  the  colo- 
nies had  to  sustain  against  the  French  of  Canada      Con- 
necticut, then  containing  a  population  of  about  one  hun- 
dred and  sixty  thousand   persons,    repeatedly  had  five 
thousand  men  in  the  field;  and,  in  the  disastrous  cam- 
paign  of  1757,  when  Fort  William  Henry  was  taken,  she 
mised  her  complement  to  six  thousand  and  four  hundred. 
1  he  Indians  of  Canada  assisted  the  French,  and  the  Eng- 
lish  called  on  the  tiibes  south  of  the  St.  Lawrence  to  take 
up  the  hatchet  for  them.     The  Mohawks  pledged  their 

•  Indian  Papers  Vol.  II,  Document  34.       t  Usually  spelt  Tantaquigeon. 
I  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  II,  Doc.  35.     Colonial  Records,  Vol.  VIII. 


if- 


tJ 


li 


I 


!    I 


ll    '  i' 


i 

J'! 


450 


HISTORY   OF    THE    INDIANS 


friendship  to  Sir  William  Johnson;  their  example  was 
followed  by  their  nephews,  the  Stockbridges ;  and  the 
Stockbridges  sent  a  messenger  to  Connecticut,  to  wake 
up  their  brothers,  the  Mohegans.     The  Mohegans  unani- 
mously expressed  their   willingness   to  fight  against  a 
people  who,  as  they  were  told,  were  perfidious,  implacable 
and  cruel.     Many  of  the  tribe  joined  the  colonial  ranks, 
and  many  others  would  have  followed,  had  not  the  As- 
sembly discouraged  it  in  consequence  of  the  overburthen- 
ing  expense  which  already  pressed  upon  the  colony  in 
supporting  its  own  conscriptions.     The  wages  of  Indian 
soldiers  who  fell  in  the  contest  were,  by  enactment  of  the 
Assembly  of  Connecticut,  paid  over  to  the  heirs  of  the 
deceased,  or  laid  out  for  their  benefit.     The  close  of  this 
war  left  orphans  and  widows  among  the  Mohegans,  as 
well  as  among  those  who  had  been  directly  interested  in 
the  success  of  the  struggle,  the  English  and  the  English 
colonists.* 

The  old  controversy  in  the  tribe  was  not  yet  asleep  ; 
for  the  Masons  were  still  in  hopes  of  obtaining  a  new  trial 
and  an  ultimate  triumph.  These  hopes,  probably,  were 
not  completely  dashed  until  the  revolution:  u«til  that 
event,  at  least,  the  subject  seems  to  have  continued  to  pro- 
duce more  or  less  of  uneasiness  among  the  Mohegans. 
In  1760,  Ben  Uncas  complained  to  the  Assembly  that 
a  party  among  his  people  had  set  up  one  Henry  Qua- 
quaquid  as  sachem,  in  opposition  to  himself,  and  that 
Quaquaquid  had  received  some  messages  of  approbation 
from  Sir  William  Johnson.  These  Indians  who  supported 
Quaquaquid  were  not,  he  said,  true  Mohegans,  but  only 

•  Indiaa  Papers,  Vol.  II,  Documents  94,  102. 


or    CONNECTICUT. 


Hi 


Strangers  who  had  married  into  the  tribe,  and  were  incited 
^  their  present  rebellious  behavior  by  a  set  called  the 
Mason  family.     They  refused  to  obey  him ;  they  would 
not  attend  the  religious  meetings ;  they  sold  the  firewood 
of  the  tr.be  to  some  of  the  whites,  and  gave  others  liberty 
to  carry  it  away ;  nor  was  it  possible  for  himself  or  his 
guardians  to  control  them.     He  therefore  hoped  that  the 
Assembly  would  either  compel  these  Indians  to  submit  to 
him,  their  lawful  sachem,  or  would  deprive  them  of  the 
privileges  which  they  enjoyed  under  pretense  of  being 
members  of  the  tribe.* 

The  committee  appointed  on  this  petition  did  not  enter 
into  all  the  views  of  the  sachem ;  but  reported  that  some 
mischief  had,  without  doubt,  been  done  to  the  Mohegans 
by  cutting  away  their  wood.  It  was  therefore  enacted 
that  no  person  should  cut  or  carry  off  wood  from  the  re- 
servation without  forfeiting  three  times  the  value  of  what 
he  thus  cut  or  carried  away,  the  fine  being  devoted  to  the 
benefit  of  the'tribe.f 

The  Rer.  Eliphalet  Adams,  of  Montville,  then  a  part 
of  New  London,  with  David  Jewit,  another  clergyman  of 
the  same  town,  had  now  for  many  years  labored  among 
the  Mohegans,  though  with  no  very  eminent  success. 
Both  were  excellent  men ;  and  Adams  is  styled  in  one  of 
the  petitions  of  Ben  Uncas  and  his  people  « their  faithful 
and  venerable  pastor."     He  died  in  1753,  aged  seventy- 
seven;  but  he  continued  his  care  over  the  Mohegans  to 
the  last  year  of  his  life ;  as  we  find  him  in  1752  petition- 
mg  the  Assembly,  in  conjunction  with  Jewit,  to  make  an 

•  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  II,  Document  103. 

I  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  II,  Documents  104,  105. 


1- 


im 


ii: 


n 


i 


462 


HISTORY   OF    THE    INDIANS 


appropriation  for  repairs  of  the  Indian  school-house.  The 
petition  was  successful  j  a  sum  being  voted  for  repairing 
the  building  and  erecting  a  "  lean-to"  on  one  side  of  it  for 
the  better  accommodation  of  the  teacher  and  his  family. 
This  teacher  was  Robert  Clelland,  a  man  who  had  just 
been  stationed  there  by  the  missionary  society  in  Eng- 
land, and  who  exercised  his  office,  partly  at  the  charge  cf 
the  society,  partly  at  that  of  the  colony,  at  least  as  late 
as  1763.* 

Two  years  after  this  appropriation,  [1754,]  a  law  book 
was  presented  to  the  Mohegans  by  the  Assembly ;  and 
Clelland  was.  directed  to  read  and  explain  to  them,  at  least 
twice  a  year,  the  capital  laws  of  the  colony  and  those 
statutes  which  related  particularly  to  the  Indians.f  In 
1760,  Clelland  complained  that  his  salary  was  not  large 
enough,  and  petitioned  the  Legislature  for  an  increase. 
Forty  pounds  were  granted  him :  a  considerable  sum  if 
the  bills  of  the  colony  were  then  at  their  par  value  j  but 
this  is  hardly  probable.  It  was,  however,  soon,  if  not 
now,  his  whole  annual  salary;  the  society  in  England 
withdrawing  its  support :  and  the  rest  of  his  living  Clel- 
land was  obliged  to  obtain  by  his  ov/n  labor,  probably  by 
cultivating  some  portion  of  the  Mohegan  land. 

Owing  to  the  late  war  there  were  many  orphans  at  this 
time  in  the  tribe ;  and  there  wt;re,  likewise,  many  other 
children  whose  parents  were  tc  r-^*- :  n-  too  intemperate, 
to  provide  them  with  even  sutticient  food.  In  winter 
they  were  in  general  tolerably  supplied ;  but  in  summer, 
before  the  crops  were  gathered  in,  they  were  too  often 
pinched  with  hunger.     On  account  of  this  their  poverty 

•  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  VIII,         t  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  VIII. 


OP    CONNECTICUT. 


453 


as  v/ell  as  their  natural  dislike  of  confinement,  Clelland 
found  no  small  difficulty  in  getting  the  members  of  his 
little  charge  together.     Sometimes  he  went  out  into  the 
fields  to  search  for  them ;  and  sometimes  he  went  to  the 
cabms  of  the  parents  to  persuade  them  to  do  what  they 
could  in  getting  the  children  regularly  to  school.    Finally 
he  commenced  giving  each  of  the  poorer  scholars  a  piece 
of  bread  every  day  for  dinner.     This  plan  had  a  good 
effect ;  the  himger  of  the  young  Mohegans  conquering 
their  antipathy  to  confinement   and   study.     Clelland's 
means,  however,  would  not  allow  him  to  continue  the 
practice,  and  he  petitioned  the  Assembly  for  assistance. 
Six  pounds  were  appropriated  for  this  purpose  in  1761, 
and  six  pounds  and  ten  shillings  more  in  1762.     At  the 
same  time  with  this  last  grant  fifteen  pounds  were  voted 
to  Clelland  himself,  as  a  further  remuneration  for  his  ser- 
vices during  the  preceding  three  years.    The  last  notice  of 
Clelland  which  I  have  met  with  is  dated  May,  1763,  at 
which  time  he  obtained  seven  pounds  more  from  the  As- 
sembly, also  for  the  purpose  of  procuring  his  scholars  food.* 
It  now  becomes  proper  to  notice  an  institution  which 
was  long  a  ground  of  hope  to  those  who  looked  with 
anxiety  for  the  conversion  and  civilization  of  the  abo- 
rigines of  this  part  of  North  America.    Eleazer  Wheelock 
a  clergyman  of  fine  talents,  of  earnest  character  and  of  de- 
voted piety,  was  settled  in  1735  over  the  second  congre- 
gational church  in  the  town  of  Lebanon.     It  was  his 
custom,  like  many  other  ministers  of  that  day  and  long 
afterwards,  to  keep  several  youths  in  his  family,  whom 
he  taught  in  the    higher  branches  of  English  and  in 

•  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  IX.    Indian  Papers,  Vol.  II,  Doc'ta.  106, 107. 


Illiii 


ttui 


451 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


I  !!^i ' 


I!    if 


l.V 


ri  i 


the  classics.     In   December,   1743,  a  young  Mohegan 
applied  for  admission  amcng  his  scholars,  whose  name 
has  since  become  more  famous  than  that  of  any  other 
of  his   tribe,   unless  we  except   the  first  Uncas.     Sam- 
son Occom  was   born  in  17*23,  at  Mohegan,  and  grew 
up  in  the  pagan  faith,  and  in  the  rude  customs  which 
were  then  common  to  nearly  the  whole  of  his  country- 
men.    During  the  great  religious  excitement  of  1739  and 
1740,  he  became  convinced  of  the  truth  of  Christianity 
and  deeply  alarmed  for  his  own  lost  situation.     For  six 
months  he  was  in  the  gloom  of  night ;  but  then  light 
broke  upon  his  soul,  and  he  commenced  that  Christian 
pilgrimage  which,  it  is  believed,  terminated  not  on  this 
side  of  the  grave.     From  this  time  the  desire  seems  to 
have  pressed  upon  his  heart,  to  become  a  teacher  to  his 
brethren,  and  unfold  to  them  the  truths  of  that  religion 
which  he  had  embraced.     He  now  stood  before  VVi.eclock 
asking  to  be  instructed  for  this  purpose. 

It  was  not  in  the  heart  of  this  excellent  man  to  neglect 
so  good  an  opportunity  for  the  benefit  of  an  individual, 
and  perhaps  of  an  entire  race.  Occom  could  already  read 
by  spelling,  and,  since  his  couv'crsion,  he  had  spelled  out 
a  considerable  portion  of  the  bible.  His  education  recom- 
menced in  VVhcelock's  family,  ap.J  here  he  remained  three 
years,  when  he  removed,  for  one  year,  to  the  home  of  Mr. 
Pomroy,  clergyman  of  Hebron.  During  the  four  years 
that  Occom  remained  with  Wheelock  and  Po'^  oy  he 
learned  to  speak  and  write  English  with  facility,  he 
studied  both  the  Latin  and  Greek,  and  he  even  paid  some 
attention  to  the  acquisition  of  Hebrew.  A  part  of  the 
expense  of  his  education  was  contributed  by  the  mis- 


OP    CONNECTICUT. 


455 


sionary  society  in  the  mother  country  so  often  alluded  to 
in  the  preceding  chapteis. 

It  was  intended  that  Occom  should  complete  his  educa- 
tion  at  college  ;  but  his  health  failed  him  under  confine- 
ment,  his  eyes  became  affected,  and  he  was  obliged  for 
a  while,  to  give  up  his  studies.     In  1748,  he  is  known  to 
have  taught  school  for  a  time  in  New  London.     During 
the  same  year,  he  went  ov.r  to  Long  Island,  and  became 
the  religious  teacher  of  the  Montauk  Indians;  preachin- 
also,  at  times,  to  the  Skenecock  or  Yenecock  tribe    sitt 
uated  thirty  miles  distant.     During  this  period,  he  lived 
in  a  wigwam  covt  ed  with  mats,  and  moved  twice  a  year 
with  tlie  Indians    going  to   the  planting  grounds  with 
them  m  summer,  and  to  the  woodlands  for  better  con- 
veniences of  fuel  in  winter.     He  s.^pported  himself  by 
fishing  and  hunting,  by  binding  old  books  for  the   East 
Ham^:ton  people,  by  stocking  broken  guns,  and  by  making 
woodea  spoons,  pails,  piggins  and  churns.     For  ten  or 
eleven  years  he  lived  in  this  manner,  during  which  time 
a  revival   took  place  among  the   Indians  to   whom   he 
preached,  and  many  of  them    were  converted.     Occom 
was  thought  also  to  have  done  considerable  good,  by  di- 
verting the  converted  Montauks  from  a  fanatical  wild- 
ness  into  which  they  had  been  led  by  some  enthusiastic 
preachers  from  New  England.     During  all  this  time,  he 
was   carrying   on    his  studies ;  and,   having  acquired  a 
tolerable  knowledge  of  theology,  lie   was  examined  by 
the  clergymen  of  the  Association  of  Windham  County, 
Connecticut,  imd  regularly  licensed  to  preach.     On  the 
twenty-ninth    of  August,    1759,    he  was    ordained    by 
the  Suffolk  Piesbyterv  on  Long  Island,  and  was  ever 

41 


fir 


.mrnm 


a'lU 


I  !:■ 


^11 


456 


HlSTORr    OF    THE    INDIANS 


afterwards  regarded  as  a  regular  member  of  that  eccle- 
siastical body. 

The  case  of  Occom  encouraged  Mr.  Wheelock  to  un- 
dertake the  enterprise  of  an  Indian  school,  for  the  forming 
of  teachers  and  ministers  who  might  be  employed  i<i  the 
conversion   of  their   countrymen.     He   commenced,   in 
1754,  with  two    Delaware  boys;  other  additions  were 
soon  made,  and,  by  1762,  his  scholars  amounted  to  above 
twenty.     Only  one  among  this  number  was  a  Mohegan  ; 
Wheelock  doubtless  considering  that  two  good  teachers 
would  be  sufficient  for  so  small  a  community.     This  one 
was  Isaiah  Uncas,  son  of  the  then  sachem,  a  youth  of 
feeble  health  and  of  dull  intellect.     Six  of  the  others 
were  Mohawks,  the  remainder  chiefly  Delawares.     Four 
of  the  scholars  were  girls,  for  whom  Wheelock  obtained 
instruction  in  sewing  and  housewifery  from  the  women 
of  the  neighborhood.     A  number  of  gentlemen  in  Boston 
contributed  liberally  for  the  support  of  the  school ;  and 
many  presents,  usually  ranging  from  ten  to  fifty  pounds 
were   received,  some   from   societies,    but   chiefly  from 
nobles  and  gentlemen,  in  England.* 

In  1763,  Wheelock  petitioned  the  Assembly  of  Con- 
necticut for  assistance,  and  obtained  a  brief,  n.'commend- 
ing  the  people  of  all  the  parishes  throughout  the  colony 
to  contribute  to  the  support  of  the  school.  Six  men  in 
diflferent  parts  of  Connecticut  were  appointed  to  receive 
the  money,  and  Wheelock  was  authorized  to  draw  for  it 

•  For  the  abovp  particulars  concerning  Occom,  and  Wheelock's  school  see 
Wheelock'8  letter  («;  December  Glh,  1762,)  to  the  Marquis  of  Lothian- 
Wheclock's  Memoirs  by  Rev.  David  M'CIure ;  and  Allen's  Diogrnnhical 
D.et.onnry.  The  letter  was  printed  in  the  form  of  a  tract,  and  one  copy  e,i,u 
among  the  pamphlets  of  the  Yale  College  Library. 


\ 


!i!^ 


f4-J-. 


OP    CONNECTICUT. 


467 


directly  upon  them.     But  it  was  an  unfortunate  time  for 
the  people  of  Connecticut,  or  of  any  other  English  colony, 
to  be  called  on  to  contribute  for  the  benefit  of  the  abo- 
rigines.    The   war  of  1756  still  continued ;  the  Indian 
tribes  had  mostly  declared  for  the  French ;  and  a  line  of 
blood  and  fire  was  marked  all  along  the  frontier  of  the 
colonies  from  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  to  the  St.  Lawrence. 
The   Connecticut  settlers  in  Wyoming  had  lately  been 
attacked  and  driven  away,  and  the  garrisons  of  a  long 
chain   of  forts  on  the  northwestern   frontier  had  been 
treacherously  surprised  and  massacred.     Among  the  nu- 
merous clans   who   committed    these   ravages  were  the 
Delawares  and  the  Mohawks,  and  there  were  Mohawks 
and  Delawares  among  the  Indian  boys  whom  Wheelock 
was  teaching  to  read  and  write  in  the  school  for  whicli 
he  was  now  soliciting  contributions.     Collections  were 
taken  up  in  a  few  churches,  but  were  very  small :  the 
greater  part  of  the  ministers  delayed  the  matter,  in  con- 
sideration of  the  public  feeling,  and  sent  to  the  Assembly 
for  directions.     A  proclamation  was  therefore  issued  by 
the  governor,  that  those  ministers  who  had  not  read  the 
brief  to  their  people  should  suspend  the  publishment  of  it 
till  further  orders.     Three  years  after,  [1766,]  Wheelock 
forwarded  a  new  petition,  stating  that  the  number  of  his 
scholars  had  increased,  and  asking  that  the  brief  might 
now  again  be  published.     It  was  done,  but  with  what 
results  I  am  unable  to  say.* 

Another  enterprise  for  supporting  the  school  was  now 
undertaken,  which  resulted  in  the  most  gratifying  success. 
It  was  resolved  that  Rev.  Nathaniel  Whitaker  of  Norwich 

•  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  X. 


\i  II 


n 

H'l^^B   ' ! 

1      : 

; 

1   It 

1 

1 

i 

!  i 

h 

r 

1  i 

* 

1  i 

1   1 
■   1 

|| 

J 

ll 

468 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


shoukl  go  to  England,  to  solicit  contributions,  and  take 
with  him  Samson  Occom,  as  an  exhibition  to  the  people 
of  England  of  what  Christianity  had  done,  and  what  it 
could  do,  for  the  natives  of  North  America.     Occom  was 
at  this  time,  forty-three  years  old ;  well  educated,  well ' 
acquainted  with  the  English  language,  and  of  respectable 
though  not  distinguished  talents.     His  features  and  com- 
plexion bore  every  mark  of  his  race;  yet  his  manners  in 
society  were  easy  though  unassuming ;  he  expressed  him- 
self in  conversation  with  brevity  and  propriety;  and  his 
deportment  in  the  pulpit  was  such  as  to  draw  attention 
and  command  respect.    He  could  extemporize  with  readi- 
ness  If  necessary;  but  usrally  wrote  his  sermons,  in  a 
style,  not  always  correct  indeed,  and  somewhat  diffuse 
but  on  the  whole  forcible  and  solemn.     He  was  said' 
however,  to  be  far  more  easy,  more  natural  and  more' 
eloquent,  in  his  diction  and  delivery,  when  preaching  to 
his  own  poor  countrymen,  than   when   addressing   the 
wealthy  and  intelligent  audiences  which  gathered  to  hear 
him  m  Boston  and  New  York,  or  in  the  cities  of  the 
mother  country. 

His  appearance  in  England  proauced  an  extraordinary 
ensafon ;   and   he    preached    with   grea,   applan.e,    in 
London  and  other  principal  cities  of  Great  Britain      " 
crowded  audiences.     Prom   the  s.teenth  of  Feulry, 
1766,  to  the  twenty-second  of  July,  1767,  he  delivered 
between  three  and  four  hundred  sermons      Large  con- 
nbufons  were  taken  „p  after  his  discourses  ,    h    kh  ' 
h,mse  f  a.  the  sohcitation  of  the  pious  and  benovo t  t 
Ear    of  Dartntouth,  gave   two   hundred   pounds;   and, 
m  the  whole  enterprise,  seven  thousand  poutrds  were 


and  take 
»e  people 
what  it 
om  was, 
ted,  well 
ipectablo 
nd  com- 
nners  in 
sed  h inl- 
and his 
ttention 
h  readi- 
is,  in  a 
diffuse, 
JS  said, 
d  more 
hing  to 
ng    the 
to  hear 
of  the 


•dinary 
ise,    in 
iin,   to 
)niary, 
livered 
3  con- 
3  king 
volent 
and, 
were 


'J! 


iUHmm^MimMjUL 


SAMSON   OCCOM. 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


^v 


459 


collected  in   England,   and   two   or  three  thousand   in 
Scotland.* 

The  success  of  this  attempt  resulted  in  transferrins 
Wheelock's  school  to  New  Hampshire,  which,  it  was 
thought,  would  be  a  better  place  for  an  Indian  seminary 
than  the  more  thickly  settled  colony  of  Connecticut.     It 
was  there  incorporated  as  Dartmouth  College,  by  which 
name  it  still  exists;  although  the  object  for  which  the  in- 
stitution was  founded  has  long  been,  in  a  great  measure, 
abandoned.     Its  connection  with  the  Indians  of  Connec- 
ticut, eren  while  it  still  remained  at  Lebanon,  was  always 
slight.     Occom   was  educated  by  Wheelock  before  the 
school  for  Indians  was  opened  ;  and,  besides  Occom,  the 
only.  Mohegans  ever  placed  under  his  care  seem  to  have 
been  Joseph   Johnson,   another  eminent   preacher,  and 
Isaiah  Uncas. 

During  this  time,  the  Mason  law  suit  was  still  i-  sus- 
pense  in    England,    and   the    Mason    party   among  the 
Mohegans    still    manifested  a  factious  and  troublesome 
spirit.      Ben  Uncas,  the  sachem,  a  man  of  dull  and  even 
stupid  intellect,  possessed  but  little  influence  among  his 
people,  and  his  usual  resource  was  to  complain  to  the 
Assembly.     In  1765,  he  presented  a  memorial  by  one 
Zachary  Johnson,  who  seems  to  have  been  his  principal 
councilor,  and  who  was  for  long  afterwards  one  of  the 
leading  men  in  the  tribe.     He  said  that  Zachary  had  had 
a  mare  shot  in  the  fields  by  some  of  the  factious  Indians  • 
that  his  own  life  had  been  threatened  by  one  of  them 
named  Jo  Wyacks ;  and  that  he  greatly  feared  bloodshed 
would  ensue,  unless  the  Assembly  should  interpose  its 

•  M'Clure'8  Life  of  Wheelock,  pp.  16,  17. 

41*  ' 


m 


;  i! 


'tm  I 


460 


BISTORT    or    THE    INDIANS 


authority  to  quiet  the  disturbances.     Zachary's  life,  also 
had  been  threatened  by  one  Jacob  Hoscoit ;  and  Hoscoit 
had  said  that  he  cared  nothing  for  the  governor,  but  de- 
pended on  Sir  William  Johnson  for  obtaining  himself  and 
the  other  Mohegans  their  rights.     Ben  also  complained 
of  Occom;  or  Samson,  as  he  called  him,  as  being  a  restless 
man,  and  as  having  gone  to  Boston,  to  induce  the  com- 
missioners of  the  missionary  society*  to  dismiss  the  present 
schoolmaster.     With  this  design  he  urged  the  Assembly 
to  mterfere ;  because  he  was  sure  that,  if  this  teacher  was 
sent  away,  no  other  could  be  found  who  would  be  of  so 
much  service.     Ben  mentioned  other  causes  of  complaint 
against  the  Mason  Indians,  and  closed  by  expressing  his 
high  displeasure  at  their  pertinacious  disobedience.f 

A  committee  was  chosen  to  convene  the  Mohegans, 
listen  to  their  differences,  and,  if  possible,  put  an  end  to 
them.  No  more  complaints  were  made  for  some  years  j 
and  it  is  probable  that  the  exertions  of  the  committee,' 
Jonathan  Trumbull  and  Jabez  Huntington,  produced  a 
good  effect. 

In  May,  1769,  died  Ben  Uncas,  the  last  sachem  of  the 
Mohegans.  The  news  being  transmitted  to  the  Assembly, 
then  in  session,  a  committee  was  immediately  appointed,' 
to  go  to  Mohegan,  and  consult  with  the  Indians  about  the' 
best  method  of  choosing  a  successor,  and  of  preventing 
any  new  quarrels  as  to  the  lands.  Three  of  the  committee- 
men, William  HiUbouse,  Gurdon  Saltonstall  and  Pygan 
Adams,  arrived  in  time  to  attend  the  funeral  of  the  de- 
ceased sachem.     A  mixed  audience  of  English,  of  Mohe- 

•  The  Society  for  propagating  the  gospel  in  New  England  » 
t  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  II,  Document  259. 


f 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


461 


J 


g«ns,  and  of  Indians  from  other  trib..,  had  assembled: 
and  a  sermon  was  preached  by  a  si„cere  friend  of  the 
nation,  the  Rev.  David  Jewit  of  New  London.     BefoL 
the  serr,ces   were  over,  Samson  Occom  rose  and  left 
though  for  what  cause  is  not  stated ;  and  his  example  was 
followed  by  many  others,  all  like  him  of  the  disaffected 
party      The   body   was  heavy,  and  had  been  kept  for 
several  days:  so  many  Indians  had  gone  that  the  rest 
hardly  thought  they  could  carry  it  to  Norwich;  and,  with 
the  consent  of  his  family,  Ben  Uncas  was  interred  on  the 
Jndian  lands  at  Mohegan.* 

The  committee  found  all  the  former  quarrels  of  the 
Mohegans  revived  and  broken  out  with  double  violence 
upon  the  question  of  the  successorship.     Occom    who 
since  h,s  return  from  England,  had  been  preaching  part 
of  the  time  at  Mohegan,  was  in  favor  of  John  Uncas  :  and 
so  also  were  John  Cooper,  Jo  Wyacks  and  most  of  the 
leadmg  men  of  the  tribe.     It  was  said  that  John's  title 
was  publicly  recognized  by  his  party  the  same  day  that 
Ben  died ;  and  the  committee  were  obliged  to  confess 
that,  besides  the  family  of  Ben,  not  more  than  four  or  five 
Mohegans  could  be  induced  to  acknowledge  any  person 
as  sachem  whom    the  Assembly  would  approve.     Tho 
great  body  of  the  nation  regarded  all  the  past  acts  of  the 
colony  towards  them  as  having  been  actuated  by  one 
motive  :  the  desire  of  robbing  them  of  their  lands.    Mason 
and  his  party  were  continually  plying  them  with  intrigues 
and  coimcils;  and  it  was  whispered  about,  that  repre- 

•  He  was  subsequently,  however,  exhumed,  and  re-interred  at  Norwich 
Indian  Papers.  Vol.  II,  Doc.  286.  See  Appendix,  Art.  VI.  for  an  account  oi 
the  Mohegan  cemetery  at  Norwich. 


1 

n 


I  \ 

i  k 


iM»B«e«-«irts«a*tB*is«iaKiafa. 


462 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


sentations  referring  to  the  present  occasion  were  under 
preparation  to  be  sent  to  England.* 

Another  committee  had  been  appointed  soon  after  the 
first,  and  had  been  furnished  with  the  following  explicit 
directions.     They  were  to  acquaint  Isaiah  Uncas  with  all 
that  the  colony  had  done  for  the  first  Uncas  and  his  suc- 
cessors ;  with  the  state  of  the  suit  now  prosecuting  in 
England  by  John  Mason ;  and  with  the  releases  in  favor 
of  the  colony  which  had  been  executed  by  the  first  Ben 
Uncas  and  his  people.     Secondly,  they  were  to  recom- 
mend   the  appointment  of  Isaiah   as   sachem;    to   stay 
among  the  Mohegans  until  he  was  installed  in  that  dig- 
nity ;  to  endeavor  to  soothe  the  differences  which  agitated 
the  tribe  ;  to  procure  a  division  of  the  lands,  and  to  obtain 
papers,  if  possible,  to  assist  in  opposing  the  suit  of  Mason.f 
The  committee  went  ;  but  could  effect  nothing,  either 
as  to  the  sachemship  or  the  division  of  the  lands ;  and,  if 
they  had  undertaken  to  remain  at  Mohegan  until  the  in- 
stallation of  Isaiah  as  sachem,  they  would  have  remained 
there  forerer.     Several  of  the  Indians  met  them  at  the 
house  of  a  Mr.  James,  and  were  persuaded,  with  some 
difficulty,  to  attend  a  meeting,  the  next  day,  at  Samson 
OccoKi's.     Only  a  few  came.     Those  who  favored  John 
Uncas  refused  to  say  any  thing,  except  that  they  wanted 
no  help  or  advice  from  the  colony,  and  that  they  did  not 
choose  to  appoint  a  sachem  or  divide  their  lands  until 
they  heard  how  the  case  had  gone  in  England.     The 
others  wished  to  have  Isaiah  installed,  and  were  desirous 
that  the  colony  should  interfere  to  bring  it  about ;  but 
even  they  seemed  unwilling  to  proceed  to  a  division  of 

»  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  II,  Doc.  286.        t  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  X. 


* 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


463 


mU.r  w  ! ''  "'^""^  ""^  propositions  of  the  com- 

mutee  were  useless ;  and  ihey  were  finally  obliged  To 
gjve  „p  ,he,r  errand,  and  return  to  Hartford  to  reportYhe^ 
111  success.*  ^        "^'^^ 


I 

ii 


Samson  Occam's  house  in  Mojjgan,  Blontville. 

Occom,  it  has  been  seen,  was  inclined  to  the  Mason 
party;  yet  it  is  not  probable  that  he  was  one  of  those  in- 
temperate spirits  who  were  so  confident  of  final  victory 
and  who  made  so  much  trouble  in  the  tribe.  A  letter  of 
his  written  after  the  result  of  the  case  became  known, 
IS  still  in  preservation,  and  a  passage  from  it  is  worthy  of 
being  quoted.  .    ^ 

''The  grand  controversy,"  he  observes,  « which  has 
siibsisted  between  the  colony  of  Connecticut  and  the 
Mohegan  Indians  above  seventy  years,  is  finally  decided 
in  favor  of  the  colony.  I  am  afraid  the  poor  Indians  will 
never  stand  a  good  chance  with  the  English  in  their  land 
controversies;  because  they  are  very  poor,  they  have  no 
money.     Money  is  almighty  now-a-days;  and  the  In- 

•  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  II,  Document  287. 


I.' 


-  !!l 


464 


HISTORY   OF    THE    INDIANS 


dians  have  no  learning,  no*  wit,  no  cunning :  the  English 
have  all."* 

After  the  report  of  the  committee  last  mentioned,  a 
bill  was  passed  by  the  Assembly,  appropriating  thirty 
pounds  for  presents  to  Isaiah  and  his  attendants.  This 
was  on  pretense  of  the  "  ancient  friendship  between  the 
Mohegans  and  the  colony ;"  but  its  real  object,  of  course, 
was  to  retain  Isaiah  and  his  followers  in  their  present 
friendly  disposition,  and,  if  possible,  induce  others  to  join 
them.  The  money  was  expended,  partly  in  presents  to 
Isaiah  and  some  of  his  adherents,  partly  in  paying  their 
expenses  while  on  a  visit  to  Hartford,  and  partly  in  pur- 
chasing various  articles  for  the  widow  and  family  of  the 
late  sachem.f 

Isaiah  Uncas  diedj  sometime  during  1770,  and  with 
him  expired  the  male  line  of  the  Ben  Uncas  family. 
Neither  John,  the  rival  pretender,  nor  any  other  person, 
dared  assume  the  office  against  the  will  of  the  colony. 
Isaiah  himself  was  not  sachem,  and  no  one  has  ever  been 
sachem  after  him. 

At  this  time  Willard  Hubbard  had  succeeded  Robert 
Clelland  as  school  teacher  among  the  Mohegans,  with  a 
salary,  from  the  "  Society,"  of  twenty-four  pounds  a  year. 
In  October,  1769,  he  petitioned  the  Assembly  to  add 
something  to  this  small  sum ;  saying  that  he  could  not 
support  his  family  oa  it,  even  with  the  addition  of  his 
own  labor  out  of  school  hours ;  and  that  he  had  sunk 
thirty  pounds  during  his  stay.  No  favorable  notice  seems 
to  have  been  taken  of  the  request,  and  in  1772  he  peti- 

*  History  of  Norwich,  p.  163.     t  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  II,  Doc'ts  287, 291. 

t  Barber,  p.  337. 


n  r.r ,  tM  ■  ■«•  fnwt  ■!  tm 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


465 


tioned  again ;  asking  that,  at  least,  he  might  be  allowed 
to  use  a  portion  of  the  Indian  land.  His  petition  was 
accompanied  by  a  letter  from  three  of  the  neighboring 
whites,  recommending  Hubbard  to  the  favor  of  the  Legis- 
lature as  being  a  useful  man  who  was  well  fitted  for  his 
situation.  Whatever  may  have  been  the  reasons,  the 
Assembly  remained  obdurate,  and  refused  to  grant  any 
thing.  Two  years  after,  Hubbard  made  another  effort, 
and  found  the  legislators  in  a  more  liberal  humor.  The 
Mohegan  school-house  and  the  dwelling-house  attached 
to  it  both  being  in  a  ruinous  condition,  he  had  laid  out 
nearly  five  pounds  in  repairing  them.  This  sum  the 
Assembly  not  only  repaid  him,  but  granted  him  six 
pounds  in  addition  to  his  previous  salary.  It  is  not  known 
how  long  this  man  employed  himself  in  teaching  the 
Mohegan  children,  but  it  is  certain  that  he  was  thus  en- 
gaged as  early  as  1765,  and  that  he  continued  in  his  posi- 
tion at  least  as  late  as  1774.* 

In  the  latter  part  of  1771,  a  Mohegan  named  Moses 
Paul  was  tried,  condemned  and  sentenced  to  death,  for 
the  murder  of  Moses  Clark.  A  large  assembly  of  English 
and  Indians  collected  to  witness  his  execution ;  and,  by 
request  of  the  prisoner,  Occom  preached  a  funeral  sermon, 
before  the  poor  wretch  was  launched  into  eternity.  He 
took  for  his  text  the  follovving  passage  from  the  epistle  to 
the  Romans  :  "  For  the  wages  of  sin  is  death,  but  the 
gift  of  God  is  eternal  life  through  Jesus  Christ  our  Lord." 
He  described  the  death  which  is  here  alluded  to,  in  a 
forcible  and  solemn  style ;  and  then  enlarged  upon  the 
greater  awfulness  which  attended  it  on  account  of  its 

•  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  II.  Doc'ts.  293.  297,  298,  306. 


if* 


f  if./. 


466 


HISTORF   OF    THE    INDIANS 


I  1! 


Jm 

KM?!   I 


never-ending  nature.     Then,  seizing  upon  the  idea  of 
eternity,  he  exclaimed,  -  And  O  eternity !  eternity  r    Who 
can  measure  it?     Who  can    count  the    years   thereof? 
Arithmetic  must  fail ;  the  thoughts  of  men  and  angels  are 
drowned  in  it;  how  shall  we  describe  eternity!  to  what 
shall  we  compare  it !     Were  it  possible  to  employ  a  fly  to 
carry  off  this  globe  by  the  small  particles  thereof,  and  to 
carry  them  to  such  a  distance  that  it  should  return  once 
m  ten  thousand  years  for  another  particle,  and  so  continue 
till  It  has  carried  off  all  this  globe,  and  framed  them  to- 
gether  in  some  unknown  space  till  it  has  made  just  such 
another  world  as  this  is  :  after  all,  eternity  would  remain 
the  same  unexhausted  duration.     And  this  eternal  death 
must  be  the  unavoidable  portion  of  all  impenitent  sinners 
let  them  be  who  they  will,  great  or  small,  honorable  or 
ignoble,  rich   or  poor,  bond  or  free.     Negroes,  Indians, 
i^nghsh  or  what  nation  soever,  all  that  die  in  their  sins 
miist  go  to  hell  together:  for  the  wages  of  sin  is  death."' 
The  preacher  then  made  a  long  and  earnest  address  to 
the  doomed  prisoner,  pointing  out  the  frightful  nature  of 
h.s  crime,  explaining  the  divine  mode  of  salvation,  and 
urging  him  with  pathos  and  energy  to  accept  of  it     And 
as  the  murder  had  been  committed  under  the  influence' 
of  strong  drink,  he  failed  not  to  urge  his  brethren,  the 
Mohegans,  to  open  their  eyes  to  the  evils  of  i.itemperance. 
and  fly  from  them  utterly  and  forever.     -  My  poor  kin' 
dred,     he  exclaimed,  ''  you  see  the  woful  consequences 
of  sm  by  seeing  this,  our  poor  miserable  countryman,  now 
beArre  us,  who  is  to  die  for  his  sins  and  great  wickedness. 
And   It   was  the  sin  of  drunkenness  that   has  brought 
this  destruction  and  untimely  death  upon  him.     There 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


467 


e  idea  of 

tyl    Who 
!   thereof? 
angels  are 
!  to  what 
3y  a  fly  to 
of,  and  to 
turn  once 
'  continue 
them  to- 
just  such 
d  remain 
iial  death 
t  sinners, 
orable  or 
Indians, 
leir  sins, 
1  death." 
Idress  to 
ature  of 
ion,  and 
And, 
ifluence 
ren,  the 
)erance, 
)or  kin- 
luences 
n,  now 
edness. 
rought 
There 


is  a  dreadful  woe  denoanced  from  the  Almighty  against 
drunkards  ;  and  it  is  this  sin,  this  abominable,  this  beastly 
sin,  of  drunkenness,  that  has  stript  us  of  every  desirable 
comfort  in  this  life  :  by  this  si»\  we  have  no  name  or 
credit  in  the  world  among  polite  nations ;  for  this  sin  we 
are  despised  in  the  world ;  and  it  is  all  right  and  just,  for 
we  despise  ourselves  more  ;  and,  if  we  don't  regard  our- 
selves, who  will  regard  us  ?     By  this  sin  we  can't  have 
comfortable  houses;  nor  any  thing  comfortable  in  our 
houses ;  neither  food,  nor  raiment,  nor  decent  utensils. 
We  are  obliged  to  put  up  any  sort  of  shelter,  just  to  screen 
us  from  the  severity  of  the  weather;  and  we  go  about 
with  very  mean,  ragged  and  dirly  clothes,  almost  naked. 
And  we  are  half-starved,  and,  most  of  the  time,  obliged 
to  pick  up  any  thing  to  eat.     And  our  poor  children  are 
suffering  every  day  for  want  of  the  necessaries  of  life  ; 
they  are  very  often  crying  for  want  of  food,  and  we  have 
nothing  to  give  them ;  and  in  the  cold  weather  they  are 
shivering  and  crying,  being  pinched  with  cold.     All  this 
is  for  the  love  of  strong  drink.     And  this  is  not  all  the 
misery  and  evil  we  bring  on  ourselves  in  this  world  ;  but 
when  we  are  intoxicated  with  strong  drink  we  drown  our 
rational  powers  by  which  we  are  distinguished  from  the 
brutal  creation  ;  we  unman  ourselves  and  bring  ourselves 
not  only  level   with  the  beasts  of  the  field  but  seven 
degrees   beneath    them  ;  yea,    we  bring  ourselves   level 
with  the  devils;  I  don't  know  but  we  make  ourselves 
worse  than  the  devils,  for  I  never  heard  of  a  drunken 
devil." 

They  have  been  cheated,  he  proceeds  to  say,  by  means 

of  drunkenness ;  they  have  been   drowned  and  frozen 

42 


n 


I- 


^ 


468 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


I 


w  ? 


1.1.- 


through  drunkenness  ;  yet,  for  all  this,  drunkenness  is  not 
a  matter  of  shame  among  them  :  the  young  men  will  get 
drunk,  as  soon  as  they  will  eat  when  they  are  hungry  ; 
and,  while  no  sight  is  more  shocking,  none  is  more  com- 
mon than  that  of  a  drunken  woman. 

He  closed  his  discourse  with  the  following  general  ex- 
hortation.    "  And  now  let  me  exhort  you  all,  to  break 
off  your  drunkenness  by  a  gospel  repentance ;  and  believe 
on  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  you  shall  be  saved.     Take 
warning  by  this  doleful  sight  before  us,  and  by  all  the 
dreadful  judgments  that  have  befallen  poor  drunkards. 
O  let  us  all  reform  our  lives  and  live  as  becomes  dying 
creatures  in  time  to  come.     Let  us  be  persuaded  that  we 
are  accountable  creatures  to  God,  and  must  be  called  to 
an  account  in  a  few  days.     You  that  have  been  careless 
all  your  days,  now  awake  to  righteousness  and  be  con- 
cerned  for   your   poor   and  never-dying   souls.      F'ight 
against  all  sins  and  especially  ago inst  the  sin  that  easily 
besets  you,  and  behave  in  time  to  coine  as  becomes  ra- 
tional creatures ;  and  above  all  things  believe  on  the  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  and  you  shall  have  eternal  life,  and,  when 
you  come  to  die,  your  souls  will  be  received  into  heaven, 
there  to  bs  with  the  Lord  Jesus  in  eternal  happiness  with 
all  the  saints  in  glory ;   which  God  of  his  infinite  mercy 
grant  through  Christ  Jesus  our  Lord.     Amen."* 

Such  is  a  brief  sketch  of  the  sermon  of  Occom  on  this 
occasion.  It  certainly  is  not  eloquence,  nor  does  it  evince 
any  great  degree  of  talent  or  originality  j  but  it  is  truthful, 
earnest  speaking,  and  argues  well  for  what  the  preacher 

•  Pnmphlets  in  the  Iil)inry  of  the  Connecticut  Historicol  Society  at  Hart 
ford,  number  225. 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


469 


could  accomplish  in  his  own  native  tongue.  It  is  prob- 
able that  few  of  his  Indian  hearers  understood  English 
well  enough  to  comprehend  all  this  discourse;  and  many 
doubtless  hardly  comprehended  any  portion  of  it. 

Efforts  were  being  made,  about  this  time,  by  one  or 
two  of  the  Mohegans,  for  inducing  their  countrymen  to 
leave  their  present  home  and  move  into  the  unoccupied 
lands  of  the   Six  Nations.     Occom  sympathized  in  the 
movement ;  but  the  principal  agent  in  the  enterprise  was 
Joseph  Johnson,   another   Mohegan  minister.     Johnson 
was  educated  in  Wheelock's  school ;  and  was  afterwards, 
at  the  age  of  fifteen,  sent  as  a  schoolmaster  to  the  Six 
Nations.     In  their  country  he  remained  about  two  years, 
when  he  forsook  his  employment,  and  led  a  roving  and 
somewhat  vicious  life  till  1771.    At  that  time  he  reached 
home  from  a  whaling  voyage,  sick  with  a  disease  con- 
tracted through  his  excesses.     He  began  to  read  the  New 
Testament  and   Baxter's  Saint's  Rest ;  was  deeply  dis- 
tressed for  a  time  by  his  convictions,  but  finally  obtained 
a  consciousness  of  pardon.     He  was  well  acquainted  with 
theology,  and  was,  perhaps,  not  inferior  in  talents  to 
Occom  ;  but  he  had  been  less  thoroughly  educated,  and 
was  less  capable,    therefore,  of  distinguishing   himself 
before  an  English  audience.* 

His  present  object  was  to  induce,  not  only  the  Mohe- 
gans, but  all  the  other  tribes  of  this  part  of  New  England, 
to  accept  the  hospitality  of  the  Mohawks,  who  had  offered 
them  a  settlement  on  their  territory.  He  made  several 
journeys  for  this  purpose ;  and  in  June,  1774,  having  ex- 
hausted all  his  means,  he  applied  for  assistance  to  the 

•  Allen's  Biogrnphical  Dictionary, 


470 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


W 


governor  and  Assembly  of  Connecticut.    The  style  of  his 
communication,  though  ungrammat=.  il  and  full  of  repeti- 
tions, is  earnest  and  even  affecting.     He  declared  that  he 
had  received  only  eighteen  shillings  from  the  Indians,  and 
that  he  expected  nothing  from  them  ;  as  even  those  who 
were  considered  wealthy  among  their  own  people  were  in 
reality  very  poor.     "  Gentlemen,"  he   continued,   ''  the 
Indians  is  poor,  very  poor,  even  those  v^ho  is  thought  to 
be  forehanded  men ;  and  their  poverty  is  the  occasion  of 
my  applying  to  you.     I  have  desired  help  from  the  In- 
dians in  time  past,  but  all  in  vain ;  poverty  hindered ;  and 
now-  gentlemen  to  whom  shall  I  go  but  to  your  honors  ? 
I  know  not.     If  I  find  no  favor  from  you,  I  must  bow 
down  my  dejected  head,  and  must  return  home  ashamed 
and  wait  patiently  for  relief  until  Providence  opens  a  door 
fur  relief  in  some  other  way.     Gentlemen,  I  am  poor  as 
poor  can  be  ;  and  it  is  not  my  extravagancy  that  hath 
brought  me  to  this  unhappy  condition.     If  I  had  been 
only  contriving  for  my  own  good,  by  this  time  I  might 
live  very  comfortably,  for  I  have  been  very  industrious,  as 
I  could  with  little  pains  sufficiently  prove."* 

Johnson's  appeal  obtained  him  six  pounds  from  the  As- 
sembly ;  and  Governor  Trumbull  gave  him  a  certificate 
of  his  good  character  and  the  meritorious  nature  of  his 
enterprise,  to  exhibit  in  other  places.  In  the  following 
December  he  preached,  in  the  evening,  at  the  old  Pres- 
byterian Church  in  New  York,  where  a  collection  was 
taken  up  to  assist  him.  A  few  days  after,  ho  issued  a 
letter  in  one  of  the  public  papers,  thanking  the  citizens 
for  their  kindness  and  liberality  on  the  occasion.     He 

•  In.Iinn  Pniier,  Vol.  II,  Dooumpnt  308. 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


471 


expressed  his  determination,  if  God  should  make  him  a 
man  of  influence  in  the  western  tribes,  to  use  that  influ- 
ence in  establishing  peace  between  them  and  his  majesty's 
subjects.     "  And  it  is  the  purpose  of  my  heart,"  he  con- 
tinues, "  to  instruct  them  in  the  things  of  your  holy  reli- 
gion, according  to  the  knowledge  that  is  graciously  granted 
me."     It  is  interesting  and  even  affecting,  to  see  this  man 
struggling  on  against  deep  poverty,  and  against  the  indo- 
lence and  stupidity  of  the  Indians,  to  accomplish  a  design 
which  he  believed  would  be  beneficial  to  his  scattered 
and  unfortunate  race.*     What  degree  of  success  attended 
his  efforts  is  uncertain  ;  but  he  himself  soon  removed  to 
New  York,  and  resided  there  for  several  years  as  mis- 
sionary among  the  Indians.     He  was  living  with  the  Six 
Nations  •'t  the  opening  of  the  revolutionary  war.     Wash- 
ington, while  at  Cambridge,  directing  the  siege  of  Boston, 
wrote  him  a  letter  dated  the  twentieth  of  February,  1776. 
"  Tell  the  Indians,"  said  he,  "  that  we  do  not  want  them 
to  take  up  the  hatchet  for  us  unless  they  choose  it ;  we 
only  desire  that  they  will  not  fight  against  us.    We  want 
that  the  chain  of  friendship  should  always  remain  bright 
between  our  friends,  the  Six  Nations,  and  us.     We  re- 
commend you  to  them,  and  hope  by  spreading  the  truths 
of  the  gospel  among  them  it  will  always  keep  the  chain 
bright."t 

Troubles  were  still  rife  among  the  Mohegans,  partly 
concerning  their  government,  partly  about  their  lands. 
Zachary  .Johnson,  Simon  Choychoy  and  a  few  other  old 
councilors  were  bent  upon  taking  iho  administration  into 

■  American  Archives,  A.  D.  1774. 

t  Allen's  Biographicnl  Dielionnrv       Anlr-Io    T«-»„l.   T^u^.^j, 

42*  '""'" ' '"" 


Hi 

3' 


I 


■If 


M 


I 


472 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


their  own  hands,  since  they  could  not  secure  such  a  sa- 
chem as  they  and  the  Assembly  would  approve.     On  the 
other  side,  the  Mason  'adians  stubbornly  refused  to  obey 
them,  and  would    •    '  ^+hmg  but  what  was  right  in  their 
own  eyes,  or,  whitr       ^sed  them  equally  well,  whai  was 
wrong  in  the  eyes  of  the  councilors.     There  was  also 
another   cause    of  difference.     A  number  of  Mohegans 
began,  about  this  time,  to  pay  some  attention  to  tillage, 
and  to  keep  smalUstocks  of  sheep  and  cattle.     These  in- 
dividuals soon  usurped  a  great  part  of  the  cleared  lands  ; 
and,  as  a  matter  of  course,  their  more  idle  and  improvident 
neighbors  became  dissatisfied  and  began    to  complain. 
Several  tracts,  too,  had  been  leased  to  white  farmers,  and 
the  overseers  were  puzzled  as  to  how  they  should  dispose 
of  the  rents.     Hitherto  the  sachem  had  received  all  these 
by  right  of  his  dignity ;  but  now  there  was  no  sachem, 
and  the  greater  part  of  the  tribe  were  unwilling  to  appoint 
one.    In  fact,  this  little  community  was  in  a  state  of  com- 
plete anarchy  and  confusion.* 

Zachary  Johnson  and  several  of  his  party  forwarded  a 
memorial  to  the  Assembly,  asking  for  a  committee  to 
regulate  their  affairs,  and  denouncing  a  large  part  of  their 
opponents  as  interlopers  from  other  tribes  who  had  no 
business  among  the  Mohegans.  A  list  of  these  foreigners 
was  included,  numbering  six  widows  and  twenty-one 
men,  some  of  whom  were  with,  and  some  without,  fami- 
lies. Among  the  proscribed  persons  was  Samson  Occom. 
Zachary  and  his  fellows  presented  another  list  of  the  true 
Mohegans,  as  they  called  them,  numbering  fourteen  men 
with  their  families,  and  twenty-six  other  individuals,  some 


Indian  Papers,  Vol.  11,  Documents  310,  311,  312. 


It 


Of    CONNECTICUT. 


473 


I 


k 


Of  whom  were  widows.  In  this  catalogue  were  included 
the  Uncases,  the  Johnsons,  the  Tantaquigeons,  one  Moses 
Mazeen,  and  a  man  named  Johan,  with  his  son,  who  had 
been  adopted  into  the  tribe  on  condition  that,  durin-  his 
life,  he  should  bury  the  Mohegan  dead.*  ° 

In  reply  to  the  petition,  a  committee  was  sent  to  Mo- 
hegan, where  it  held  a  meeting  with  the  overseers  and 
a  large  number  of  the  Indians.     They  found  that   the 
persons  complained  of  as  interlopers  all  seemed  to  be  fairly 
connected  with  the  tribe,  either  by  blood  or  marriage  ; 
that  the  whole  number  of  Mohegans,  as  near  as  they  could 
find  out,  was  forty  families ;  that  the  children  were  nu- 
merous,   and  the   population  apparently   increasing.     A 
schoolmaster,  supported  by  the  Society  for  propagating 
the.  gospel  in  New  England,   was  living  among  them. 
His  salary  was   only   twenty   pounds ;  and,  as  it   was 
evidently  insufficient,  the  committee  tried  to  persuade  the 
Indians  to  grant  him  ten  pounds  additional  out  of  the 
rents  of  the  lands,  but  without  success.     They  made  a 
report  to  the  Assembly  of  all  these  circumstances  ;  and 
gave  it  as  their  opinion  that  new  instructions  and  more 
authority  should  be  granted  to  the  overseers.     A  code  of 
directions  was  accordingly  formed,  of  which  the  follow- 
ing  items  were  the  most  important.     The  overseers  were 
instructed  and  empowered  to  prosecute  trespassers  upon 
the  Mohegan  lands.     If  the  Indians  trespassed  upon  each 
other,  the  overseers  were  to  summon  the  parties,  give 
judgment,  award  damages,  and  subtract  the  sum  from  the 
aggressor's  share  of  the  rents.    If  any  Indian  wanted  land 
by  himself,  he  was  to  apply  to  an  overseer,  who  might  set 

*  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  II,  Document  315, 


i 


474 


BISTORT    OF   THE    INDIANS 


off  for  him  a  suitable  tract.  The  money  obtained  by- 
renting  the  land,  after  deducting  the  support  of  the  poor 
and  other  public  charges,  was  to  be  divided  among  the 
families  of  the  tribe.  No  Indian  might  cut  or  carry  away 
wood  or  stone,  except  for  his  own  use,  under  penalty  of 
such  a  fino  as  the  overseer  should  choose  to  impose  ;  never 
exceeding,  however,  three  times  the  value  of  the  articles 
carried  away.* 

Zachary  Johnson  and  his  brother  councilors,  still  un- 
satisfied, sent  a  letter  [October,  1774,]  to  their  overseer, 
Mr.  Coit  of  New  London.  Their  principal  motive  seems 
to  have  been  to  complain  of  Occom,  and  prevent  him 
from  gaining  the  same  influence  with  the  overseers  which 
he  had  obtained  with  the  majority  of  the  Mohegaiis. 
Their  troubles,  they  said,  had  been  growing  worse  ever 
since  Occom  came  back  to  Mohegan.  He  was  resolved 
to  have  the  ordering  of  the  Indian  affairs,  and  especially 
of  the  rents.  His  followers  threw  down  the  fences,  let 
the  cattle  into  the  corn,  paid  no  regard  to  the  councilor?, 
and  never  would  pay  any  regard  to  them  until  the  au- 
thority of  the  latter  was  re-established  by  the  Assembly. 
They  wished  Mr.  Coit  would  see,  they  said,  that  the  rent 
was  paid  only  to  those  who  had  a  right  to  it.f 

Of  the  thirteen  hundred  and  sixty-three  Indians  living 
in  Connecticut  in  1774  there  were  two  hundred  and  six 
in  New  London,  which  then  included  Montville,  sixty- 
one  in  Norwich,  twenty-one  in  Lebanon,  twenty-eight  in 
Colchester  and  thirty  in  Preston  ;  forming  a  total  of  three 
hundred  and  forty-six.J     We  have  seen  that  the  number 

*  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  XL     Indian  Papers,  Vol.  II,  Doc'ls  312,  313. 
t  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  II,  Doc.  314.     t  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  X,  p.  118. 


OP    CONNECTICUT. 


475 


in  Groton  and  Stonington,  the  seats  of  the  Pequots,  was 
stated  at  four  hundred  and  twenty-three  ;  and  I  have 
aheady  mentioned  my  suspicion  that  the  estimate  for 
Stonington  (two  hundred  and  thirty-seven)  was  greatly 
exaggerated.  This  seems  all  but  certain  now,  on  com- 
paring it  with  the  numbers  of  the  Mohegans,  who  are 
known  to  have  been  a  far  more  numerous  tribe. 

During  the  revolution,  many  of  the  Mohegans  enlisted 
in  the  army  of  the  colonies ;  and  seventeen  or  eighteen 
of  them  died  in  the  service,  or  were  killed  in  battle. 
Perhaps  no  community  in  the  land  suffered  so  great  a  loss 
in  proportion  to  its  numbers  ;  and  yet,  by  an  unjust  and 
illiberal  law,  a  shame  and  disgrace  to  the  State  of  Con- 
necticut, the  descendants  of  these  men  are  excluded  by 
their  color  from  the  privileges  and  honors  of  American 
citizenship. 

As  the  result  of  the  revolution  put  an  end  to  the  hopes 
of  the  Masons,  the  Mohegans  of  their  party  had  no  longer 
any  thing  to  gain  by  exhibiting  dissatisfaction.  Old 
quarrels,  however,  could  not  be  healed  at  once;  and,  for 
many  years,  things  continued  on  very  much  in  the  ancient 
style.  The  members  of  the  disappointed  faction  usually 
did  what  they  pleased  ;  Zachary  Johnson  sent  frequent 
complaints  about  them  to  the  Assembly ;  and  committees 
were  repeatedly  appointed  to  soothe  the  commotions  of 
this  stormy  puddle.  The  land  was,  part  of  it,  let  out  to 
English  tenants,  who  were  too  apt  to  take  unfair  advan- 
tages of  their  position,  by  wasting  the  \.  ood  of  the  reser- 
vation, and  pasturing  their  cattle  over  it  without  regard 
to  the  little  planting  spots  of  the  Indians.* 


1 


4 


•  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  II,  Documents  318—324. 


476 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


f 


In  1783,  the  overseers  were  empowered  to  divide  all 
the  unrerited  lands  among  the  different  families,  and  to 
forbid  any  stranger  from  settling  upon  the  reservation 
without  their  consent.     An  order  was  also  given  that  the 
old  councilor,  Zachary  Johnson,  and  his  wife,  should  be 
supplied,  as  long  as  they  lived,  with  necessaries  and  com- 
forts out  of  the  avails  of  the  lantls.*    The  Mohegan  patri- 
mony was  divided  according  to  the  Assembly's  direction ; 
but  the  Indians  were  too  vicious  and  indolent  to  make 
much  use  of  their  farms  ;  and  very  little  ground  has  ever 
been  cultivated  in  Mohegan  except  by  the  white  tenantry. 
In  the  year  1786,  a  few  Moiiegans,  accompanied  by  In- 
dians from  other  parts  of  Connec  ;icut,  from  Rhode  Island 
and  from  Long  Island,  removed  to  the  Oneida  country, 
and  formed  the  nucleus  of  a  clan  which  has  since  been 
known  by  the  name  of  the  Brothertown  tribe.     Samson 
Occom  went  with  them,  and  was  their  minister  for  several 
years.    At  his  death,  which  happened  in  July,  1792,  more 
than  three   hundred  Indians  followed  him  to  the  gmv^e. 
The  funeral  sermon  was  preached  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Kirk- 
landj  missio.iary  among  the  Six  Nations.     The  Mohegan 
preacher  died,  as  he  had  lived,  in  the  faith  and  practice  of 
the  Christian  religion.    In  a  few  instances  he  w?s  known 
to  hfive  given  way  to  the  prevailing  vice  of  his  country- 
m  ri,   intemperance  J    but   repentance    and    reformation 
seemed  to  testify  that  his  soul  had  indeed  been  enlight- 
ened, although  for  a  time  it  might  be  darkened  by  the 
power  of  temptation.f 

There  is  a  beautiful  story  told  in  the  autobiography  of 

•  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  If,  Documents  326,  327. 
t  M'Clure's  Life  of  Wiieelock. 


■•"■"  ""■  -rn 


ijtittmm^ 


OP    CONNECTICUT. 


477 


Trumbuh,   the   Connecticut  painter,  about  a  Mohe^an 
sachem  named  Zachary,  who  effected  in  himself  a  re- 
markable reformation  from  long  and  deepiy  fixed  habits 
of  intemperance.    I  am  sorry  to  question  the  exactness  or 
weaken  the  interest  of  so  pleasing  an  anecdote,  but  it  cer- 
tainly  contains  some  great  mistakes.      The  only  indi- 
viduals who  ever  held  the  Mohegan  sachemship  were 
Uncas,  Oweneco,  Cesar,  Major  Ben  Uncas,  Ben  Uncas  the 
second  and  Ben  Uncas  the    third.      After  this  last,  the 
strongest  claimant  to  the  dignity  was  his  son,  Isaiah  ;  and 
there  was  besides  a  rival  named  John  Uncas :  but  neither 
these  persons  nor  any  others  ever  became  sachems.     At 
the  very  time,   too,   when   Trumbull's  interview  with 
Zachary  must  have  taken  place,  the  last  sachem  Ben  was 
still  living,   and  in  fall  possession  of  his  dignity.     My 
authorities  for  these  statements  are  public  documents 
many  of  them  reports  of  committees  drawn  up  at  the  very 
time;  and  they  are,  of  course,  far  more  worthy  of  confi- 
dence  than  the  recollections  of  any  man  concerning  events 
which  happened  when  he  was  ten  years  old.     The  indi- 
vidual to  whom  Trumbull's  reminiscence  refers,  was  un- 
questionably  our  old   friend,  Zachary  Johnson,  the  prin- 
cipal councilor  of  the  last  Ben  Uncas,  and  after  his  death 
the  leading  man  among  the  Mohegans.     He  was  some- 
times, I  believe,  styled  the  regent  of  the  tribe,  and,  as 
already  mentioned,  received  in  his  latter  days  a  support 
from  the  rents  of  the  lands ;  but  he  did  not  belong  to  the 
royal  family,   and  never  became  sachem.     With  these 
corrections  I  will  relate  the  anecdote. 

When  John  Trumbull  was  a  little  boy,   his  father 
Jonathan,  for  many  ye&rs  governor  of  the  colony,  ©m.- 


1 


i:'!l 


478 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


i    I' 


ployed  a  number  of  Mohegans  in  hunting  animals  for  their 
furs.     Among  these  hunters,  and  one  of  the  most  skillful 
of  them,  but  at  the  same  time  an  intemperate,  thriftless 
fellow,  was  Zachary.    Till  he  was  fifty  years  old  Zachary 
continued  to  be  a  drunkard ;  but  then  a  wiser  spell  came 
over  him,  and  from  that  time  till  his  death,  at  the  age  of 
eighty,  not  one  drop  of  the  accursed  spirit  of  alcohol  ever 
passed  his  lips.     In  those  days  the  annual  ceremony  of 
election  was  a  matter  of  more  consequence  than  it  is  now  ; 
and  the  Indians,  especially,  used  to  come  in  considerable 
numbers  to  Hartford  or  New  Haven,  to  stare  at  the  gov- 
ernor and  the  soldiers  and  the  crowds  of  citizens  as  they 
entered  those  little  cities.     Jonathan  Trumbull's  house 
was  about  half-way  between  Mohegan  and  Hartford  ;  and 
Zachary  was  in  the  habit  of  stopping,  on  his  way  to 
election,  to  dine  with  his  old  employer.    John  Trumbull, 
then  about  ten  years  old,  had  heard  of  the  reformation  of 
Zachary,  and,  partaking  of  the  common  contempt  for  the 
intemperate  and  worthless  character  of  the  Indians,  did 
not  entirely  credit  it.     As  the  family  were  sitting  around 
the  dinner  table,  he  resolved  to  test  the  sincerity  of  the 
'visitor's  temperance.     Sipping  some  home-brewed   beer 
which  stood  on  the  table,  he  said  to  the  old  man  :  "  Zach- 
ary,  this  beer  is  excellent :  wont  yoii  taste  it  ?"     The 
knife  and  fork  dropped  from  the  Indian's  hand :  he  leaned 
forward  with  a  stern  intensity  of  expression:  his  dark 
eyes,  sparkling  with  indignation,  wei'e  fixed  on  the  young 
tempter.     "  John,"  said  he,  "  you  don't  know  what  you 
are  doing.     You  are  serving  the  devil,  boy.     Don't  you 
know  that  I  am  an  Indian  ?     I  tell  you  that  I  am ;  and 
if  I  should  taste  your  beer  I  could  never  stop  until  I  got 


mmmmmmimm 


OP    CONNECTICUT. 


479 


for  their 
t  skillful 
thriftless 
Zachary 
tell  came 
6  age  of 
)hol  ever 
noriy  of 

is  now ; 
siderable 
the  gov- 
I  as  they 
's  house 
3rd ;  and 

way  to 
[•umbulj, 
lation  of 
t  for  the 
ians,  did 
;  around 
y  of  the 
ed  beer 
"  Zach- 
"  The 
e  leaned 
lis  dark 
s  young 
hat  you 
)n't  you 
m ;  and 
til  I  got 


to  rum,  and  became  again   the  drunken  contemptible 
wretch  your  father  once  knew  me.     John,  while  you  live 
never  again  tempt  any  man  to  break  a  good  resolution.'' 
"Socrates,"  continues   Trumbull,    ''never   uttered   a 
more  valuable  precept.      Demosthenes  could  not  have 
given  it  in  more  solemn  tones  of  eloquence.    I  was  thun- 
derstruck :  my  parents  were  deeply  affected  :  they  looked 
at  each  other,  at  me,  and  then  with  feelings  of  deep  awe 
and  respect  at  the  venerable  Indian.     They  afterwards 
frequently  reminded  me  of  the  scene,  and  charged  me 
never  to  forget  it."* 

It  is  to  this  same  individual  that  the  following  passage 
copied  by  Barber  from  an  old  Norwich  newspaper,  doubt- 
less refers. 

"  Norwich,  September  12th,  1787. 
"  Lately  died  at  his  wigwam  in  Powachaug.  (Norwich,) 
old  Zachariah,  Regent  of  the  Mohegan  tribe  of  Indians 
in  the  100th  year  of  his  age.  It  is  said,  that  in  his 
younger  years  he  was  greatly  addicted  to  drunkenness, 
but  that  for  near  40  years  past  he  has  entirely  abstained 
from  the  use  of  all  spirituous  liquors. "f 

Zachary,  it  seems,  was  one  hundred  years  old  when 
he  died,  according  to  one  authority,  and  eighty  years  old 
according  to  another.  Probably  he  did  not  himself  know 
his  age.  The  smallest  number  is,  of  course,  the  most 
probable. 

In  May,  1789,  some  of  the  Mohegans  presented  to  the 
Assembly  a  memorial ;  which,  being  drawn  up  by  some 
of  themselves,  is  sufficiently  remarkable  in  manner  and 

•  Autobiography  of  John  Trumbull,  p.  6. 
t  Barber's  Hist.  Coll.  of  Connecticut,  p.  300. 

4a 


! 

1      .: 

i    ■ 
■  ( 
i 

f  1 

t 

480 


BISTORT    OF    THE    INDIANS 


i       I 


M 


matter  to  deserve  an  insertion.  It  is  styled,  "  A  memorial 
of  the  Mohegans  by  the  hands  of  their  brothers,  Henry 
Q,uaquaquid  and  Robert  Ashpo. 

"  We  beg  leave  to  lay  our  concerns  and  burdens  at  your 
excellencies'  feet.     The  times  are  exceedingly  altered, 
yea  the  times  are  turned  upside  down  ;  or  rather  we  have 
changed  the  good  times,  chiefly  by  the  help  of  the  white 
people.     For  in  times  past  our  forefathers  lived  in  peace, 
love  and  great  harmony,  and  had  every  thing  in  great 
plenty.     When  they  wanted  meat,,  they  would  just  run 
into  the  bush  a  little  way,  with  their  weapons,  and  would 
soon  return,  bringing  home  good  venison,  raccoon,  bear 
and  fowl.     If  they  chose  to  have  fish,  they  would  only 
go  to  the  river,  or  along  the  seashore ;  and  they  would 
presently  fill  their  canoes  with  variety  of  fish,  both  scaled 
and  shell-fish.     And  they  had  abundance  of  nuts,  wild 
fruits,  ground  nuts  and  ground  beans ;  and  they  planted 
but  little  corn  and  beans.    They  had  no  contention  about 
their  lands,  for  they  lay  in  common ;  and  they  had  but 
one  large  dish,  and  could  all  eat  together  in  peace  and 
love.     But  alas !  it  is  not  so  now ;  all  our  huntino-  and 
fowling  and  fishing  is  entirely  gone.    And  we  have  begun 
to  work  our  land,  keep  horses  and  cattle  and  hogs ;  and 
we  build  houses  and  fence  in  lots.     And  now  we  plainly 
see  that  one  dish  and  one  fire  will  not  do  any  longer  for 
us.     Some  few  there  are  that  are  stronger  than  others- 
and  they  will  keep  off  the  poor,  weak,  the  halt  and  blind] 
and  will  take  the  dish  to  themselves.     Yea,  they  will 
rather  call  the  white  people  and  the  mulattoes  to  eat  out 
of  our  dish ;  and  poor  widows  and  orphans  must  be  pushed 
aside,  and  there  they  must  sit,  crying  and  starving,  and 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


481 


die.  And  so  we  are  now  come  to  our  good  brethren  of  tho 
Assemb  jr,  wit'a  hearts  full  of  sorrow  and  grief,  for  imme- 
diate help.  And  therefore  our  most  humble  and  earnest 
request  is,  that  our  dish  of  suckutash  may  be  equally  di- 
vided amongst  us,  so  that  every  one  may  have  his  own 
httle  dish  by  himself,  that  he  may  eat  quietly  and  do 
with  his  dish  as  he  pleases,  that  every  one  may  have  his 
own  fire."* 

A  committee,  appointed  in  reply  to  this  curious  and 
original  petition,  reported  that  the  affairs  of  the  Mohegans 
were  in  such  order  as  to  render  further  interference  at°hat 
time  unnecessary. 

In  1790,  the  land  of  the  tribe  still  amounted  to  about 
two  thousand  seven  hundred  acres.  The  religious  teacher 
of  the  community  was  one  of  its  own  members,  named 
John  Cooper.  He  was  also  the  richest  man  in  the  tribe  j 
being  in  possession  of  two  cows  and  a  yoke  of  oxen. 

Two  of  the  name  of  Uncas,  John  and  Noah,  were  still 
living,  about  the  year  1800.  After  their  death,  the  little 
remains  of  spirit  and  national  pride  which  the  Mohegans 
retained  rapidly  disappeared.  The  practice  of  the  bow 
and  arrow  was  thrown  aside,  and  not  a  single  Indian 
custom  remained,  except  that  of  occasionally  discussing 
their  affairs  in  council. f 

After  this  period,  various  little  difficulties  occurred  at 
times  with  the  whites,  and  various  small  sales  of  land 
were  authorized  by  the  Assembly ;  but  nothing  worthy 
of  record  took  place  for  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century, 
when  the  slender  liands  of  woman  were  put  forth  to  raise 

•  Indian  Papers,  Vol.  II,  Document  230. 

t  Kondall's  Travels  in  tha  United  Staiei,  Vol.  I,  p.  308. 


if 

'4 


48'^ 


HISTORY    OF    THE    INDIANS 


the  Mohegans  from  their  depth  of  ignorance  and  degra 
dation.     The  individual  to  whom  I  allude  was  Miss  Sarah 
L.  Huntington  of  Norwich,  afterwards  wife  of  the  Rev. 
Eli  Smith  of  the  American  Syrian  mission.     The  inter- 
esting memoirs  of  this  lady  have  made  her  name  widely 
known  throughout  the  community,  and  given  an  admi- 
rable picture  of  her  deep  piety,  her  strength  of  character 
and  her  self-sacrificing  efforts  for  the  good  of  her  race. 
Living  within  a  few  miles  of  the  Mohegans,  she  became,' 
about  the  year  1827,  strongly  interested  in  the  condition 
of  this  forlorn  remnant  of  the  aborigines  of  Connecticut. 
This  interest  was  shared  by  another  female  of  similar 
spirit,  Miss  Sarah  Breed  of  Norwich,  afterwards  wife  of 
President  Allen  of  Bowdoin  College,  and  now,  like  Mrs. 
Smith,  gone  to  her  eternal  rest.    By  the  summer  of  1830, 
these  two  ladies  had  established  a  Sabbath  school  at  Mo- 
hegan,  for  the  Indian  children,   which  they  taught  by 
turns;  walking,  for  that  purpose,  from  their  homes  in 
Norwich,  a  distance  of  five  or  six  miles.     The  school  was, 
at  first,  opened  in  a  house  occupied  by  the  relatives  of 
Samson  Occom.     His  sister,  Lucy  Tantaquigeon,  wife 
of  John  Tantaquigeon,  died  there  the  previous  winter, 
in  the  midst  of  her  descendants,  at  the  age  of  ninety-eigh*' 
As  could  have  been  wished  for  the  sister  of  Samson 
Occom,  she  expressed  on  her  death-bed  the  desire,  "  that 
she  might  go  where  she  .should  sin  no  more." 

In  a  few  months  Miss  Breed  resigned  her  post  as 
teacher,  and  was  succeeded  by  Miss  Raymond  of  Mont- 
ville.  A  daily  school  was  established  in  a  house  situated 
on  what  is  called  the  Fort  Hill  farn.,  not  far  from  where 
now  stands  the  Mohegan  chapel.    This  school  Miss  Hun- 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


483 


wife 


tmgtonand  M,s.  Raymond  .aught  by  alternate  weeks ; 
both  of  them  remammg  at  Mohegan  on  the  Sabbath,  so 
as  to  assist  each  other  in  conducting  the  religious  eLr- 
cses  of  he  day  Eighteen  or  twenty  scholars,  three  or 
four  of  them  adults,  usually  attended  the  day  school  • 
and  the  females,  besides  instruction  in  reading,  writins 
and  anthmalic,  were  taught  millinery,  dress-making  and 
tailoring.  ° 

Miss  Huntington  was  not  contented  with  these  personal 
efforts  at  teaching  the  Mohegans,  but  exerted  herself  to 
obtain  such  assistance  as  should  secure  to  them  steady 
and  public  religious  instruction.    In  this  she  was  assisted 
by  Miss  Breed,  who  soon,  however,  removed  to  a  distant 
part  of  the  country;   by  Joseph  Williams,  Esq.,  of  Nor- 
wich,  and  by  other  benevolent  individuals  of  that  city 
A  plan  was  set  on  foot,  to  build  a  chapel  for  the  Indians' 
and  hire  a  missionary  who  should  settle  permanently 
among  them.     Subscription  lists  were  circulated  by  Miss 
Breed  and  Miss  Huntington,  and,  in  this  manner,  several 
hundred  dollars  were  collected.     Efforts  were  also  made 
to  interest  the  American  Board  for  Foreign  Missions,  the 
government  of  the  State  of  Connecticut  and  the  general 
government  at  Washington,  in  the  design.     Miss  Hun- 
tington drew  up  a  petition  to  the  Legislature  of  Connec- 
ticut,  and  wrote  a  letter  to  .Teremiah  Evarts,  Correspond- 
ing Secretary  of  the  American  Board.    The  petition,  with 
numerous  signatures  attached,  was  presented  to  the  As- 
sembly; but  seems  to  have  met  with  no  very  favorable 
reception,  and  was,  at  all  events,  unsuccessful  in  its  pritx- 
cipal  object,  of  obtuinmg  an  appropriation      Nor  did  the 
Board  of  Missions  feel  justified  in  offcrinj?  assistance- 

43*  ^  ' 


I 


484 


HISTDRT    or    THE    INDIANS 


f      i! 


considering  the  small  number  of  the  Mohegans,  and  the 
feeble  influence  which  they  were  likely  to  exercise,  either 
upon  the  white  population,  or  upon  any  considerable  por- 
tions of  their  own  race.  Two  applications  by  Mr.  Wil- 
liams, and  one  by  Miss  Huntington,  were  made  to  the 
Secretary  of  War,  to  whose  department  the  superin- 
tendence of  Indian  affairs  belonged.  These  appeals  were 
successful  J  and,  from  the  "  fund  for  promoting  the  civili- 
zation of  the  Indians,"  five  hundred  dollars  were  appro- 
priated [1831]  for  the  erection  of  buildings  at  Mohegan, 
and  an  equal  amount  annually  for  the  support  of  a  teacher! 


South  View  of  the  Mohegan  Chapel,  Montville. 


The  first  named  sum  was  expended  in  building  a  honse 
for  the  teacher ;  the  cost  of  the  chapel  being  defrayed  by 
the  private  subscriptions  obtained  in  Norwich.  The  land 
on  which  the  chapel  was  built  was  given  by  two  Mohe- 
gan females,  Cynthia  Hoscoat  and  Lucy  Tee-Comme- 


OF    CONNECTICUT. 


485 


m 


waws.  One  hundred  dollars  were  contributed  by  the 
Home  Missionary  Society ;  and  this  sum,  with  the  appro- 
priation from  the  general  government,  was  sufficient  to 
hire  a  capable  teacher.  In  one  year  from  the  commence- 
ment of  the  effort,  Miss  Huntington  could  write  to  her 
old  friend.  Miss  Breed,  that  the  Mohegans  were  provided 
with  "a  chapel,  a  stated  ministry,  and  the  means  for  its 
support." 

Among  the  feelings   which   Miss  Huntington  found 
among  the  Mohegans  were  surprise  that  the  whites  should 
pay  any  attention  to  their  wants  after  having  so  long 
neglected  them,  and  suspicion  that  their  present  conduct 
was   prompted   entirely  by  some   selfish  and  dishonest 
motive.     At  one  time,  indeed,  a  number  of  evil  disposed 
persons   succeeded  in   somewhat  diminishing  the  little 
congregation  at  the  chapel,  by  circulating  a  report  that 
the  expenses  of  these  religious  efforts  were  defrayed  out 
of  the  rents  of  the  Mohegan  lands.     This,  however,  did 
not  last  long,  and,  on  proper  explanations,  the  confidence 
of  t.ie  Indians  soon  returned.     They  would  sometimes 
talk  of  "  the  good  meetings  and  beautiful  singing"  which 
they  had  many  years  before;  referring,  probably,  to  the 
time  when,  fifty  years  previous,  Samson  Occom  and  Jo- 
seph Johnson  had  preached  here  among  their  own  people. 
Many  of  the  children  showed  acute  and  eager  minds;  a 
religious  interest,  too,  began  to  appear  in  the  community ; 
and,  during  the  course  of  the  year,  Miss  Huntington  and 
her  fellow  laborers  were  giatifieu  by  se  .ral  conversions. 

In  the  spring  or  summer  of  1831,  the  cSapel  was  fin- 
ished ;  and,  not  long  after,  the  Rev.  Anson  Gleason  was 
secured  as  chaplain  of  the  Mohegans,  and  pastor  over  the 


486 


HISTORY   or    THE    INDIANS 


httle  church  of  mingled  Indians  and  whites.  A  tem- 
perance society  was  formed;  several  drunkards  were  re- 
claimed ;  and  many  other  members  of  the  community 
were  induced  to  put  their  names  to  the  pledge.  Miss 
Huntington  and  Miss  Raymond  were,  before  this,  relieved 
from  their  labors  as  teachers ;  and  the  school  was  de- 
livered into  the  charge  of  a  man  hired  for  the  purpose.* 

In  a  letter  of  Mr.  Gleason's,  written  September  the 
thirtieth,   1842,  and  directed  to  the   Secretary  of  War 
some  particulars  are  given  of  the  condition  of  the  Mohe- 
gans  at  that  period.     The  school  had  been  kept  up,  as 
usual,  during  the  previous  year,  and  then  numbered  two 
girls  and  nine  boys.    An  excellent  teacher  was  employed 
who  taught   reading,   writing,  arithmetic,  composition,' 
grammar,  history  and  needle  work.     Some  of  the  former 
scholars,  now  grown  up  and  settled  in  life,  had,  during 
the  last  winter,  become  hopefully  pious,  and  were  useful 
members  of  society.     Sereral  of  the  older  natives,  also, 
hitherto  more  or  less  intemperate,  had  become  affected  by 
the  Washingtonian movement,  had  forsaken  their  cups,  and 
some  of  them  had  even  become  members  of  the  church.f 
In  1845,  the  school  contained  eight  boys  and  ten  girls 
whose  proficiency  Mr.  Gleason  thought  fully  equal  to  that 
of  the  white  children  in  the  schools  of  the  neighborhood 
One  httle  girl  was  studying  the  Latin  Reader  and  making 
very  commendable  progress.     Sunday  school  and  the  or- 
dinary services  on  the  Sabbath  were  regularly  kept  up. 
Some  of  the  native  professors  of  religion  sustained  a  high 

•  For  the  above  particulars  concerning  the  effort  for  the  Mohegans.  Me  th. 
Memoirs  of  Sarah  L.  Smith,  Chap.  VI.  .  ""c  ww 

f  Executive  Documents  for  1842-d. 


f 


or    CONNECTICUT. 


48f 


pleasing  study  ■  and  onTlf  ,f  ^"'"'  "^'^  '^''  "'^' 

very  geL.1  L'.i  .t I  I   tZZ' T"  :'"''"'''  " 
The  „„™,er  Of  me^^e^Lr:::  H^:  ri -t; 

Down  to  1845,  sums  of  four  hundred  or  five  hundred 

to  support  nself,  or  that  four  hundred  dollars  was  too  ZZl 
.nfluentia.  as  the  Mohegans.  It  L  th  r^  1  reducedTo' 
that  Mr  Gleason,  unable  to  support  his  family  on  his  di- 

;« ^.or  of  the  ehi  td\!:htr:2:rnhi 

eacher  of  the  Indian  school.     The  school  "e"    a 

o'r  rsett:.""^'' """  --^^  ^ '««j — »"- - 

The  present  amount  of  the  Mohegan  reservation  is 
about  two  thousand  three  hundred  acres;  of  whTchfou 
hundred  and  s.xty  acres  are  used  by  the'  IndianT  si^T 


488 


HISTORY    or    THE    INDIANS 


I   ' 


i; 


seven  hundred  still  remain  woodland,  and  the  rest  is  cul- 
tivated by  white  tenants.  The  annual  rent  of  the  land 
amounts  to  eleven  hundred  dollars,  or  nearly  one  dollar 
an  acre ;  and  the  Indians  possess,  in  addition,  some  two 
thousand  five  hundred  dollars  at  interest. 

The  whole  number  of  Mohegans  is  about  one  hundred 
and  twenty.five,  of  whom  only  twenty-five  or  thirty  are 
01  pure  blood.     About  sixty  remain  on  or  near  the  reser- 
vation;  the  others  are  scattered  to  all  points  of  the  com- 
pass :  some  m  the  towns  of  Norwich  and  Griswold  :  some 
in  the  western  part  of  the  State ;  some  in  Massachusetts  • 
some  m  Oneida  County,  New  York  ;  some  at  Green  Bay 
in  Wisconsm;  some  on  the  ocean,  chiefly  in  whale  ships 
and  some  in  parts  unknown.     The  mixed  bloods  have  a 
claim  on  the  revenues  of  the  lands  as  well  as  the  otheir  • 
being  allowed  to  share  on  their  mothers'  rights.     There' 
are  Tantiquigeons  and  Shantups  and  Occoms  left ;  but 
the  Uncases  are  all  dead,  unless  it  be  two  boys,  who  are 
gone  no  one  knows  where.     Samson  Occom's  house  is 
still  standing,  and  was  occupied  not  long  since,  if  not 
now,  by  one  of  his  descendants  named  Sally  Bohemy 
There  is  one  woman,  Esther  Cooper,  who  is  a  descendant, 
in  the  fourth  or  fifth  generation,  from  the  first  Uncas. 
She  IS  extremely  proud  of  her  ancestry,  considers  herself 
as  belonging  to  a  high  and  aristocratic  family,  and  keeps 
aloof  from  most  of  her  people  as  being  too  much  beneath 
her.     English  is  the  language  of  most  of  the  community  • 
but  a  few  old  people  still  cling  to  their  ancient  Mohegan,' 
and  have  only  a  broken  knowledge  of  the  tongue  of  the 
white  men. 

The  rents  of  the  land  are  paid;  partly  in  money,  pai>?y 


rest  is  ciil- 

)f  the  land 

one  dollar 

some  two 

e  hundred 
thirty  are 
the  reser- 
the  corn- 
Did  ;  some 
Lchusetts  ; 
rreen  Bay 
ale  ships, 
is  have  a 
e  otheir  ; 
There 
left;  but 
who  are 
house  is 
B,  if  not 
Bohemy. 
cendant, 
Uncas. 
s  herself 
id  keeps 
beneath 
nunity  ; 
3hegan, 
of  the. 

,  par'fy 


OF    CONNECTICUT.  moq 

houses  stand  on  the  reservation,  eleven  of  wh'  if  ^ 
cupied  byMohegans.     These  a,:  arflldKuM"  "" 
most  o,    ,,,  „,  'a-hed  and  p,aste'iJZ^,  "itfaV" 

Nine  adults  are  members  nf  tha  ,u      u 
temperate  in  their  habits-  biif  «.V  «      •  u        perlectly 

.;.eo.e«..s.„  ,.„:c,:L7a:s:er:^ 

c-Jc^h^rtrjL:;^^--^ 

fr.ends  commenced  their  philan.hropie  exertions  •  ' 

18M      '^  Ik'    T^  "^  ""  '""'■^Sans  down  to  the  year 
of  the  I„d,ans  of  Connecticut  come  to  a  close. 

The  causes  of  the  diminution  and  destruction  of  these 

E^.,  of  M,,„,vill,,  f„„  whom    r«  "d"  ,1*""  '""■'"'■  '■"'•'  °-  '■"•='■• 
•illh  of  Novmber,  1849.  '  conoemine  ihem.  d.ttd  ih. 


490 


HISTORY    OP    THE    INDIANS,    ETC. 


feeble  and  barbarous  tribes  have  been  so  fully  dwelt  upon 
during  the  course  of  the  narrative  that  little  further  con- 
cerning them  remains  to  be  said.     A  question  which  still 
continues  open  is,  how  far  our  own  race  is  responsible  for 
this  diminution,  and  whether  it  can  he  convicted  of  treat- 
ing the  Indians  with  any  peculiar  cruelty  or  injustice. 
My  own  belief  is,  that  had  the  latter  never  been  deprived 
of  a  foot  of  land  otherwise  than  by  fair  and  liberal  pur- 
chase, and  had  not  a  single  act  of  violence  ever  been  com- 
mitted upon  them,  they  would  still  have  consumed  away 
with  nearly  the  same  rapidity,  and  v/ould  still  ultimately 
have  perished.    Their  own  barbarism  has  destroyed  them  ; 
they  are  in  a  great  measure  guilty  of  their  own  destruc- 
tion ;  yet  is  this  guiltiness  also  their  deep  and  pitiable 
misfortune.     And,  while  we  must  admit  that  the  white 
population  of  Connecticut  has  not  fulfilled  its  responsi- 
bilities as   a   civilized  and   Christian  race,  we  are  also 
bound  to  admit  that,  judged  by  the  rule  of  the  ordinary 
course  of  human  conduct,  it  has  not,  on  the  whole,  in  its 
behavior  toward  the  Indians,  been  guilty  o:  any  peculiar 
degre"  of  heedlessness,  or  inhumanity,  or  injustice. 


iwelt  upon 
iirther  con- 
which  still 
)onsible  for 
3d  of  treat- 
•  injustice, 
n  deprived 
iberal  pur- 
been  com- 
med  away 
ultimately 
y^ed  them  ; 
1  destruc- 
d  pitiable 
the  white 
responsi- 
are  also 
I  ordinary 
ole,  in  its 
J  peculiar 
ice. 


Man 

Woman 

Ear 

Eye 

Nose 

Mouth 

Teeth 

House 

Shoes 

San 

Moon 

Day 

Night 

Fire 

Water 

Rain 

Snow 

Tree 

Dog 

Bear 

River 

One 

Two 

Three 

Four 

Five 

Six 

Seven 

Eight 

Nine 


wosketomp 

mittamwosses 

wehtauog 

wu8ke8uk,(pl,)j 

wutch 

nuttoon    (my) 

meepit 

wetu 

mokfssonah 
nepauz 

nepaushdt 

kesukod 

nukon 

nutau 
jnippe 
jsokanunk 
koon 
mehtug 
janum 
mosq 
sepu 
nequt 
oeeae 
ni.h 


APPENDII. 


ARTICLE  I,  p.  40. 


Narragarutt. 
[nnin 
I  squaws 
wuttouwog 
wuskesuk,  (pi.) 


Mohican.     I     Peguot. 


yaw 

napanna 

nequttatash 

Inesausuk 
[shawosuk 
paskoogun 
puik 


wuttone 
weepit,  (his) 

wetu 

mocussinass 

nippawus 

manepaushat 

wompau 

tuppaco* 

squtts 
jnip 

jsokenum 
sockepo 
'mintuck 
anum 


neemanaoo 
p'ghainoom 
towahgue 
ukeesquan 
okeewon 
otoun 
wpeeton 
wekuwuhm 
mkissin 
Ikeesogh 
neepauhauck 
waiikaumauw 
t'pochk 
staauw 
nbey 

thocknaun 
jmsauneeh 
machtok 
n'dijau  (?) 
mquch 
sepoo 
ngwittoh 
neesoh 
noghkoh 
nauwoh 
nunon 
ngwittus 
tupouwus 
ghusooh 
nauneeweh 
jmtannit 


cuttuwaneagef 

skeezuoks,  (pi.) 

kuchijage 

cuttoneege 

neebut,  (sing.) 

wigwam 

muckasons 

meun 

weyhan 


tNaugahiOt  InUm 

rinh 

wenih 


yewt 

nupp 

sokghean 

souck'poun 
jmattuck,  (pi.) 
jnahteah 
awausseus 


keeioop 
toof-ku 
ru'uh-tah 
nuppeh 


tookh 


*  toward  nlgbt 


Inuquut 

neeze 

shweh 

yauh 

nuppan 

nucquuddosk 

nezzaugnsk 

shwausk 

panzsacougen 

Piugg 


I 


t  wkat  y«u  h«ar  bj. 


44 


492 


APPENDIX. 


ARTICLE  II,  p.  140. 

It  is  quite  superfluous  to  attempt  to  prove  that  Mason  and 
his  companions  were  actuated,  on  this  occasion,  by  some  emo- 
tions of  vengeance,  since  such  must  infallibly  have  been  the 
case  as  long  as  human  nature  retains  her  present  imperfections. 
T  give,  however,  some  extracts  in  point  from  Underbill  and 
Vincent,  two  of  the  historians  of  the  expedition.     "  It  may 
be  demanded,"  observes  Underbill,  "  why  should  you  be  so 
furious?  (as  some  have  said.)     Should  not   Christians  have 
more  mercy  and  compassion  ?      But  I  would  refer  you  to 
David's  war.     When  a  people  is  grown  to  such  a  height  of 
blood,  and  sin  against  God  and  man,  and  all  confederates  in  the 
action,  there  he  hath  no  respect  to  persons,  but  harrows  them 
and  saws  them,  and  puts  them  to  the  sword,  and  the  most  ter- 
riblest  death  that  may  be." 

Underbill's  principal  justification  of  the  massacre,  indeed,  is 
a  comparison  of  it  with  the  tremendous  executions  inflicted  by 
the  Hebrews  upon  the  idolatrous  Canaanites ;  but  Vincent's 
observations  are  directly  to  the  point.     "  At  break  of  day  the 
seventy  English  gave  the  .fort  a  volley  of  shot,  whereat  the 
salvages  within   made  a  hideous  and   pitiful  cry;  the  shot, 
without  all  question,  flying  through  the  palisadoes  (which  stood 
not  very  close)  and  killing  or  wounding  some  of  them.     Pity 
had  hindered  further  hostile  proceedings,  had  not  the  remem- 
brance of  the  bloodshed,  the  captive  maids,  and  cruel  insolency 
of  those  Pequots,  hardened  the  hearts  of  the  English,  and 
stopped  their  ears  unto  their  cries.     Mercy  mars  all  some- 
times ;  severe  justice  must  now  and  then  take  place." 


ARTICLE  III,  p.  132. 

The  account  which  Hubbard  has  given  us  of  the  contest 
with  the   Pequots  is   one   of  the   most  ferocious  things  in 


APPENDIX. 


493 


Mason  and 
some  emo- 
!  been  the 
erfections. 
lerhill  and 

"It  may 
|rou  be  so 
ians  have 
Jr  you  to 
height  of 
ates  in  the 
ows  them 

most  ter- 

indeed,  is 
flicted  by 
Vincent's 
r  day  the 
ereat  the 
the  shot, 
lich  stood 
m.  Pity 
J  remem- 
Insolency 
lish,  and 
ill  some- 


)  contest 
aings  in 


American  literature.  He  describes  the  helpless  overthrows 
and  frightful  massacres  of  that  unhappy  people,  with  a  com- 
placency and  satisfaction  which  might  have  excited  the  envy 
of  father  Valverde.  He  lived  in  a  stern  and  iron  age;  he 
wrote  at  the  close  of  the  bloody  and  exasperating  war  with 
Philip ;  and  the  asperities  of  his  character  were  sharpened 
by  an  enthusiasm  which  in  these  days  would  be  called  fanatical. 
He  regarded  the  New  "England  Puritans  as,  in  an  especial 
manner,  the  Lord's  people ;  and  he  looked  upon  their  enemies 
as  the  Lord's  enemies,  and  as  worthy  of  no  greater  mercy  than 
extermination.  Very  different  was  his  character  from  that  of 
the  mild  tempered  Gookin,  and  his  elder  brothers  in  the  mis- 
sionary work,  Mayhew  and  Eliot.  I  have  made  but  little  use 
of  the  narrative  of  Hubbard  with  regard  to  the  Pequot  war, 
because  he  was  not  a  coteraporary  author,  and  because  I  be- 
lieve the  story  to  be  exaggerated  and  over-colored  by  the  vindic- 
tive feelings  of  the  wri|er.  For  the  sake  of  fairness,  however, 
as  well  as  to  exhibit  a  passage  of  unmeant  pathos,  I  here  give 
his  account  of  the  victory  at  the  Fairfield  swamp.  I  do  not 
vouch  for  its  correctness ;  and  neither  will  I  vouch  for  its 
incorrectness. 

"  A  little  before  daybreak,  (by  reason  of  the  fog  which  useth 
to  arise  about  that  time,  observed  to  be  the  darkest  time  of  the 
night,)  twenty  or  thirty  of  the  lustiest  of  the  enemy  broke 
through  the  besiegers  and  escaped  away  into  the  woods,  some 
by  violence,  and  some  by  stealth  cropping  away,  some  of  whom 
notv/ithstanding  were  killed  in  the  pursuit ;  the  rest  were  left 
to  the  mercy  of  the  conquerors,  of  which  many  were  killed  in 
the  swamp  like  sullen  dogs  that  would  rather  in  their  self- 
willedness  and  madness  sit  still  and  be  shot  to  pieces  than  re- 
ceive their  lives  for  asking  at  the  hand  of  those  into  whose 
power  they  were  now  fallen.  Some  that  are  yet  living  and 
worthy  Of  credit  do  affirm,  that  in  the  morning,  entering  into 
the  swamp  they  saw  several  heaps  of  them  sitting  close  to- 


494 


U  i 


APPENDIX. 


gether,  upon  whom  they  discharged  their  pieces  laden  with 
ten  or  twelve  pistol  bullets  at  a  time,  putting  the  muzzles  under 
the  boughs  within  a  few  yards  of  them  ;  so  as  besides  those 
that  were  found  dead  (near  twenty  as  was  judged)  many  more 
were  killed  and  sunk  in  the  mire,  and  never  were  minded 
more  by  friend  or  foe."— Narrative  of  Indian  Wars,  pp.  47,  48. 


{fl 


ARTICLE  IV.  p.  164. 


3 


A      ''^    ,rvs^ 


Indian  Autographa. 

1,  Uncas.    2,Oweneco.    3,  Attawanhood.    4,  Major  Bem 
Uncas.     6,  Mamohet,  (son  of  Oweneco.)     6,  Mahachemo. 

7,  MOMAUGUIN.    8,  AnSANTAWAE.     9,  TONTONIMO,  (of  Milfoid.) 

10,  SiiAUMnsHuii.  11,  Montowese.  12,  Ackenacii.  13, 
Pethus.  14,  Ahamo.  15,  Nassaiieoon.  16,  Cassasinamon.' 
17,  HERMON<jAnnET.     18,  Weraumauq.     19,  Catoonam. 


i  with 
under 
those 
more 
linded 
17,  48. 


Bem 

!M0. 
.id.) 

13. 
low. 


APPENDIX. 


ARTICLE  V,  p.  183. 


495 


"September  28th,  1640.     This  writing  witnesseth  that  I, 
Uncas,  alias  Poquaiom,  sachem  of  the  Mohegans,  have  given 
and  freely  granted  unto  the  governor  and  magistrates  of  the 
English  upon  Connecticut  River,  all  the  land  that  doth  belong, 
or  ought  of  right  to  belong,  to  me,  by  what  name  soever  it  be 
called,  whether  Moheegan,  Yomtake,  Aquapanksuks,  Pork- 
stannocks,    Wippawocks,   Massapeake   or  any  other;  which 
they  may  forever  hereafter  dispose  of  as  their  own,  either  by 
settling  plantations  o.  the  English  there,  or  otherwise,  as  shall 
seem   good   to   them;    reserving  only  for  my  own  use  that 
ground   which   at   present   is  planted  and   in  that  kind  im- 
proved by  us ;  and  I  do  hereby  promise  and  engage  myself 
not  to  suffer,  so  far  as  I  have  power,  any  English  or  any  other 
to  set  down  or  plant  within  any  of  those  limits  which  before 
this  grant  did  belong  to  me,  without  the  consent  or  approba- 
tion of  he  said  magistrates  or  Governor  at  Connecticut  afore- 
said— and  this  I  do  upon  mature  consideration  and  good  advice 
freely  and  without  any  constraint,  in  witness  whereof  I  here- 
unto put  my  hand. 

The  mark  of  Poquaiom  alias  Uncas. 
"  In  presence  of  Thomas  Stanton. 
The  mark  of  Poxen  alias  Foxon. 

"  The  said  English  did  also  freely  give  to  the  said  Uncas 
five  and  a  half  yards  Trucking  Cloth,  with  Stockings  and  other 
things,  as  a  gratuity. 

"  A  true  copy  of  Record. 
Examined  by  George  Wyllys,  Secretary. 
"  This  is  a  true  copy  of  a  copy  examined  by  Daniel  Hun- 
tington, Jun.,  Clerk  of  the  court  of  Commissioners." 


44* 


1 


496  APPENDIX* 


ARTICLE  VI,  p.  460. 

When  the  Mohegans  shall  have  totally  disappeared  from  the 
earth,  if  such  a  time  ever  comes,  there  will  probably  still  re- 
main one  monument  of  their  national  existence.    A  little  ways 
from  the  city  of  Norwich,  towards  the  no.,  'i,  stands  the  royal 
cemetery  of  the  tribe,  containing  the  graves  of  several  of  the 
family  of  Uncas.     The  cemetery  is  a  small  parallelogram,  and 
is  surrounded  by  an  inclosure  of  granite  posts  connected  by 
chains.     Within  this,  s>tand  or  lie  the  rude  grave  stones  of  the 
dead;  and,  towering   above   the   others,   rise's   a   monument 
erected  a  few  years  since  by  the  ladies  of  Norwich  to  the 
memory  of  Uncas.     The  cost  of  the  monument,  with  that  of 
the  fencing,  was,  I  have  been  informed,  about   four  hundred 
dollars.     Its  material  is  granite ;  its  shape  is  a  plain  obelisk 
standing  on  a  pedestal ;  and  on  one  side  of  it  is  cut  in  large 
raised  letters  the  simple  inscription  of  uncas.     The  monument 
itself,  and  the  condition  in  which  the  cemetery  is  now  placed, 
are  both  highly  creditable  to  the  citizens,  and  more  especially 
to  the  ladies,  of  this  charming  little  city.     Uncas  was  not  in- 
deed a  good  man,  or  a  beneficent  ruler ;  but  he  was  as  de- 
serving a  monument  as   the  greater  part  of  the  kings   and 
princes  who  have  appeared  in  the  world ;  and  ho  was  a  steady 
and  unflinching  friend  to  the  fathers  of  the  city  of  Norwich,  as 
well  as  to  all  of  the  colonists  of  New  England.     The  monu- 
ment is  creditable,  I  said  ;  but  Norwich  has  erected  still  nobler 
monuments  than  this :  in  the  labors  of  Fitch  for  the  conver- 
sion of  the  Mohegans,  and  in  the  more  modern  efforts  of  Miss 
Huntington  and  her  friends.     These  are  monuments  which 
will  not  perish,  like  granite,  but  will  endure  even  when  lime 
shall  be  no  longer. 

Of  the  other  graves  in  the  inclosure,  some  are,  and  some  are 
not,  marked  by  stones ;  and  two  or  three  of  the  stones  haro 


1 


t 


f 


5^ 


APPENDIX.  49f 

been  so  broken  that  the  inscriptions  are  now  difficult  to  deci- 
pher. By  the  aid,  however,  of  a  transcription  of  them  which 
was  made  some  time  ago,  and  which  was  kindly  lent  me  by 
Mrs.  Goddard,  who  resides  next  to  the  cemetery,  I  am  enabled 
to  offer  the  following  copy  of  these  epitaphs  to  the  reader. 


SAMUEL   UNCAS. 

For  Beauty  wit  for  sterling  Sense 

For  temper  mild  for  Eliquence 

For  Couradg  Bold  For  things  Wauregeon^ 

He  was  the  Glory  of  Mohedgon 

Whose  Death  has  Caused  great  lamantation 

Both  in  ye  English  &  ye  Indian  Nation. 


Heiie  lies  the  Bodyes  op  two  infant  Children  op  Ben- 
jamin Uncas  jun  and  op  Ann  Uncas  op  ye  Royal  Blood- 
One  died  Nov.  ye  8th  1738  ye  other  Deo.  ye  10th. 


Here  lies  ye  body  op  pompi  uncas  son  op  benjamin  and 

ANN  UNCAS  AND  OP  YE  ROYAL  BLOOD  WHO  DYED  MAY  YB  1  Uf 
1740  IN  YE  21  YEAR  OP  HIS  AGE. 


I 


HERE  LIES  SAM  UNCAS  THE  SECOND  AND  BELOVED  SON  OP  HIS 
FATHER  JOHN  UNCAS  WHO  WAS  ^HE  GRANDSON  OP  UNCAS,  GRAND 
SACHEM  OP  MOHEOAN.  THE  DARLING  OP  HIS  MOTHER  B^INO 
DAUGHTER  OP  SAID  UNCAS  GRAND  SACHEM.  HE  DIED  JULY  3l8t 
1741   IN  THE  28th  OP  HIS  AGE. 

•  Fine  things— good  clothes,  omamerta,  furniture,  tto. 


I 


498 


APPENDIX. 


IN  MEMOKY    OF    TONO  SEA8AR  lONUS*  WHO  DTED   APRH.    30th 
1749  IN  THE  28th  YEAR  OF  HIS  AGE  AND  WAS  COUSIN  TO  UNCA8. 


In  Memory  of  Elizabeth  Joquiib  the  Daughter  of  Mohomet 
great  grand  Child  to  ye  first  Vucaus  Sachem  of  mohagen 
Who  Died  July  ye  5th  .1756  Aged  33  years. 


In  Memory  of  Elizebeth  Begneott  Great  grand  child  of 
Uncas  Sachem  of  mohegan  Who  Died  on  ye  20th  A.  D.  17G1 
Aged  14  years. 

*  Probably  a  c  has  slipped  from  this  word,  so  that  it  should  be  read  ioitctti. 


*T^ 


th 

LS. 


let 
an 


INDEI. 


of 
31 


AcKENACH,  sachem  of  the  Pau 

gussetts,  269,  270. 
Aiisantawae,   sachem    of   the 

269^2w'^''  '^"'  '^"'^'  ^^^' 
Arramament,    a   Podnnk    sa- 
chem, his  quarrel  with  Un- 
cas,  257.     His  will,  258. 
Ashquash,  a  Fairfield  or  Stam- 
lord  Indian,  murders  a  white 
man,  209. 
Attawanhood,  third  son  of  Un- 
cas,  his  death  and  will,  288 
?"?  ^^^''^^^ERs,      murder 
John  Oldham,  87.    Are  pun- 
ished by  the  English,  88.  91. 
Busheag,  a  Stamford  Indian, 
nis  crime  and  execution,  210 
Canonchet,    sachem    of    the 
^larragan^etts,  heroism  and 
death  of,  282,  283. 
Canonicus,  old  sachem  of  the 
Narragansetls,  23,  89,  125, 

•1>  V  *j  t 

Captain  Sannup,  an  Indian, 
sells  a  tract  previously  sold 
f>y  Chapeto,  266. 

Cassasinatnon,  a  Pequot,  «ol. 
Iccts  a  band  of  Pequots  at 
Numeag,  226.  Is  abused  by 
Uncas,  227.  Ls  accused  of 
a  plot  against  Uncas,  229. 
Petitions     against     Uncaa's 


government,  231.  Pays  trib- 
ute to  the  English,  242, 243, 
244,246,260.  Is  appointed 
governor  of  the  western  band 
of  Pequots,  246.  Leads  a 
war  party  against  the  Nar- 
ragansetts  in  Philip's  war 
283.     Dies  in  1692,  422. 

Chapeto,  sells  a  large  tract  on 
the  Connecticut,  266. 

Chickens,  a  sagamore, "history 

Ot,  uOS. 

Chuse,  or  Jo  Mauwehu,  forms 
a  tribe  at  Humphreysville, 
400.    Traditions  concerning, 
406.    Removes  to  Scatacook 
and  dies,  407. 
Clothing.ofthe  Indians,  9. 
Commissioners  of  New  Eng- 
land, try  Miantinomo,  194. 
Send   an  overbearing  mes- 
sage to  the   Narragansetts. 
199.      Try  the  quarrel  be- 
tween Uncas  and  the  Nar- 
ragansetts, 212.    Investigate 
the  conduct  of  Uncas,  228, 
231,   254.      Mwke    war   on 
Nmigret,  24.'.      Grant   the 
Pequots  a  governme r!^  246 
Impose  fines  on  the  Picom- 
tocks,    Tunxis   and    Narra- 
gansetts,  256.  Appoint  over- 
seers for  the  Peaunf«  OR\ 
-J ,  — jj. 


800 


INDEX. 


Connecticut,  appearance  and 
condition  of,  when  first  visi- 
ted by  Europeans,  2.  The 
colony  of,  its  suiTerings  by 
the  Pequot  hostilities,  117. 
Declares  war  against  the 
Pequots,  119.  Breaks  up  a 
coalition  against  Uncas,  235. 
Grants  eighteen  square 
miles  of  Mohegan  territory 
to  Lyme,  307.  Is  summoned 
to  appear  before  Dudley's 
court,  310.  Appeals  from 
the  decision  of  Dudley's 
court,  312.  Prepares  against 
a  second  trial,  325.  Wins 
in  cause,  331.  Prepares  for 
a  third  trial,  334.  Is  again 
successful,  339. 
Cushawashet,     see     Hermon 

Garret. 
Diseases,  of  the  Indians,  20. 
Dutch,  their  early  discoveries 
in  Connecticut,  69.  Their 
trade  with  the  natives,  70. 
Buy  land  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Connecticut,  71.  Buy  land 
on  the  site  of  Hartford,  71. 
Make  war  with  the  Pe- 
quots, 73.  Ransom  two 
English  girls  from  the  Pe- 
quots, 121.  Make  war  on  the 
Indians  of  Hudson  River 
and  Long  Island,  204.  De- 
stroy an  Indian  village,  207. 
Make  peace  with  the  In- 
dians, 209. 
Endicott,  John,  commands  an 
expedition  against  the  Block 
Islanders  and  Pequots,  90. 
English,  settlements  of  on  Mas- 
B'i  ::'au8etts  Bay,  73.  Explore 
Citjsr.ecticut,   74.     Build    a 


trading-house  at  Windsor, 
75.  Give  cause  of  complaint 
to  the  Pequots,  76.  Con- 
tinue their  settlements  in 
Connecticut,  82.  Observe 
ill  their  treaty  with  the  Pe- 
quots, 86.  League  with  the 
Narragansetts  against  the 
Pequots,  104.  Destroy  a 
Pequot  village,  131.  Cap- 
ture and  massacre  Pequot 
warriors,  143,  Prosecute 
their  settlements  in  Connec- 
ticut, 161.  Defend  Uncas 
against  the  Narragansetts, 
211. 
Etow  Jack,  a  Mohegan,  ex- 
ploit of,  146. 
Fairfield  Indians,  sell  land, 

167. 
Gallop   John,   revenges  the 

murder  of  Oldham,  87. 
Gardiner  Lieutenant  Lion,  93, 

105,  107,  109,  111,  120. 

Guilford     Indiai:s,    sell     their 

land,  167.     Numbers  of,  in 

1774,  361. 

Hammonassetts,  situation  of, 

52.    Their  country  sold,  182. 

Hermon  Garret,  the  same  with 

Cushawashet  and  Wequash 

Cook,  180.     Collects  a  body 

of  Pequots,  226.     Is  abused 

by  Uncas,  227.     Is  accused 

of  a  plot  against  Uncas.  229. 

Pays  tribute  to  the  English, 

242,  243.  244,  24G  260.     Is 

appointed  governor   of  the 

eastern  band  of  Pequots,  246. 

Indjans,  appearance  and  phys- 

ic:?J    qualities    of,  3,     Agri- 

culture  of,  4.  Their  modes  of 

s anting,  5.    Their  fishing,  8. 


INDEX. 


m 


Their    clothing    and    orna- 
ments,  9.    Their  houses  and 
furniture,    12.      Their    vil- 
lagea,    15.      Their    amuse- 
ments,     16.       The     family 
among  them,  17.     Marriage 
among    them,     17.      Their 
morals    and    character,    18. 
Their  diseases  and  medical 
treatment,  20.   Their  funeral 
ceremonies,  21.     Their  reli- 
gion, 23.     Their  social  dis- 
tinctions, 29.    Their  govern- 
ment,   30.     Their  mode  of 
war,  33.      Their  treatment 
of  prisoners,  37.    Their  lan- 
guage,  38,  491.      Observa- 
tions   on    the     decline    of, 
67,  299,  348.     Physical  and 
moral  condition  of,  in  1683, 
299.      Numbers    in     1680,' 
301.  Restrictions  withdrawn 
from,  349.      Census   of,   in 
1774,  350.    Regulations  con- 
cerning  overseers    of,    351. 
Numbers  of,  in  several  towns, 
363.     See    Laws  and   Mis- 
sionary Efforts. 
Iroquois,  oppress  the  western 
tribes   of    Connecticut,   65, 
Are   defeated  by  the  Pau- 
gussetts,  223.    Are  engaged 
by  the  Narragansetts  to  at- 
tack the  Mohegans,  234.    In- 
vade the  Mohegan  country, 
289.     Hunting  party  of,  in 
New  Hartford,  350. 
Johnson  Joseph,  a  Mohegan 
preacher,  469.     His  efforts 
to  induce  the  New  England 
tribes    to    remove     to    the 
country  of  the  Six  Nations, 
469.    His    appeal   for    as- 


501 


sistance  to  the  Assembly  of 
Connecticut,  470.    Preaches 
in  New  York,  470.     Moves 
to  the   country   of  the   Six 
Nations,    471.     Letter    to, 
from  Washington,  471. 
Johnson    Zachary,    a    Mohe- 
gan,  active  in  the  Mohegan 
troubles  on  the  side  of  the 
colony,  459.   Interesting  an- 
ecdote of,  477.    His  death. 
479. 

KoNCKAPOTANAUH,  sachem  of 
the  Paugussetts,  his  death. 
354. 

Laws,   against     private    pur- 
chases from  the  Indians,  176. 
Forbidding  Indians  to  handle 
fire-arms,  201.     Restricting 
Indians  from  coming  into  the 
settlementg,    202.      Forbid- 
ding Dutch  and  French  ves. 
sels  to  trade  with  the  Indians 
within     the     limits    of   the 
colony,    202.      Interdicting 
the  purchase  of  wood  from 
Indians,   203.      Forbidding 
the  sale  of  ardent  spirits  to 
Indians,  203.     For  the  gov. 
ernment  of  the  Pequots,  247. 
Confining  the  Indians  within 
certain    bounds,   271.      Re. 
straining     them     from    ap. 
preaching    the    settlements, 
271.     For  the   punishment 
of    drunken    Indians,    271. 
For  the   protection   of  In- 
dians against  creditors,  271. 
Concerning   the  Mohegans, 
317,  342.     For  the  regula- 
tion of  overseers  of  Indians, 
351.     For  the  protection  of 
the  Nehantics,  386.    For  the 


502 


INOKX. 


protection  of  the  Groton  Pe- 

quots,  428. 

Machemoodus,   situation   and 

superatitions  of,  55,  56. 
Mahackemo,    sachem    of  the 
Norwalk  and  Stamford  In- 
dians,  sells  land,  177. 
Major     Symon,     a       Pequot 
Achilles;  his  exploits,  285. 
Mamohet,  son  of  Oweneco,  his 

death,  314. 
Mamohet,  son  of  the  last.  318 

321,  323. 
Mason    John,    commands    an 
expedition  against   the  Pe- 
quots,    119.      Commands   a 
second  expedition,  169.   His , 
deahngs  with  regard  to  the 
Mohegan  lands,  293. 
Mason  John,  grandson  of  the 
former,  is   guardian   of  the 
Mohegans,  312.      Petitions 
that   the   costs  of  Dudley's 
court   may  be   repaid   him, 
319.      Becomes     a     school 
teacher    among   the   Mohe- 
gans, 320.     Forms  a  party 
among    the   Mohegans    ad- j 
verse   to    the    colony,    321.' 
Goes  to  England  to  appeal 
to  the  crown  and  dies  there 
323. 

Mauwehu  Gideon,  founder  of 
the    Scatacook    tiibe,    407 
et  seq.  ' 

Mauwehu  Joseph,  see  Chuse. 
Mayn    Mayano,   »  sachem  at 

Stamford,  his  daring  attempt 

and  death,  205. 
Metoxon,  sachem  of  the  Sharon 

and  Salisbury  Indians,  sells 

land,  399. 

Miantinomo,    a    Narragansett 


sachem,  89.    Approvei  the 
expedition   of  Mason,   125. 
Goes  to  Hartford  concerning 
the  conquered  Pequots,  156. 
Makes   a    treaty   with    the 
English  and  Mohegans,  159. 
Accused  of  hostility  to  the 
English,  he   clears  himself, 
184,  185.     Suspicious    con- 
duct  of,  with  regard  to  a  Pe- 
quot assassin,  186,  187.    Ob- 
tains permission  from  Massa- 
chusetts and  Connecticut  to 
makewaronUnca8,188.  In- 
vades the  Mohegan  country, 
189.     Is  defeated  and  taken' 
191.     Is  placed  as  prisoner 
at  Hartford,  193.     Is  tried 
by    the    Commissioners   of 
New    England     and     con- 
demned  to   death,  194.     Is 
executed,  197.   Observations 
on   the  justice  of  his   sen. 
tence,  198. 
Missionary  efforts  among  the 
Indians,  of  Eliot,  252.     Of 
Rev.  Abraham  Pierson,  272. 
Of  Rev.  James   Fitch,  274, 
275.     4mong  the  Mohegans! 
344,482.    Among  the  Wan' 
gunks,    364.      Among     the 
Western     Nehantics,     384 
Among  the  tribes  of  Litch- 
field County,  409.     Among 
the  Pequots,  430. 
Mohegans,  a  clan  of  the  Pe- 
quots,  59.     Rebel   and  are 
expatriated,  84,  85.    Join  the 
English  against  their  breth. 
ren,  119.     Their  rising  en. 
mity  with  the  Narragansetts, 
156.    Their  increasing  num- 
bers, 181.    Kill  and  plunder 


' 


INDEX. 


' 


some  Massachusetts  Indians, 

2.56.     To-nre  a  Narragan- 

settprisa.   .,284.    View  of 

their  land  affairs  from  1640 

to  1683,  291,  et  seq.     ^Z 

tionof;inl683,297.    Quar- 

rel  with  the  people  of  Col- 

Chester   and   New   London 

about  land,  308.    Their  legal 

contests    with    Connecticut, 


503 


Momauguin,  sachem  of  the 
Quinnipiacs,  gives  his  ter- 
"tory  to  the  English,  162. 
lestifies  against  Nepau- 
puck,  173.  ^ 

Mononotto,    a    Pequot    saga- 
niore,  151.    His  wife,  151 

Montowese,  son  of  Sowheag 
his   sachemdom,  55.     Parts 


310    '\9i    Qo/;    o^r>"""'". — ""'        '^'"i  ic  CO  tne  i 


^ar   315.      ^heir   numbers 
f   1704,  316.     Enactments 
*"L   ""^  l^enefit,  317.     The 
Mason     party "     formed 
among    them,    321.     Laws 
concerning  them  from   1722 
to    1743,    342.     Efforts   for 
their  education  and  conver- 
sion,344.  Condition  in  1743, 
d46.    Assist  the  colonists  in 
tne    l*rench    war   of    I755 
4^0.    Mason  party  still  exists' 
among  them,  450.     Efforts 
lor  their  religious  and  edu. 


cational  benefit,  451      Con        f°"^'^y'  212.     Agree  to   a 
tinued  division,  JJ„,,°,™:      TiTl^'^^'^'''  ^13. 


tinned  divisions  among,  459. 

1  iieir  numbers  in  1774,  474 

Fight  for  the  colonies  in  the 

revolution,    475.     Numbers 

"L^'^W^'^. '"  ^^^^  York, 
aII'  ^"'&"^ar  memorial  of, 
Iq,  o  ,  Z''^'^^^"  "f'  i"  1790, 
481  Sabbath  and  day  school 
established  among,  482    A n- 

propriations  for,  by  the  Uni- 
ted States,  484.  Condition 
;^™^^^,«^hoolin  1842  and 
1845,    486.     Present   num 


rious  tribes  of  Connecticut 
^^-       Iheir    situation    and 
numbers,   Q2.     Their  char- 
acter,  64      Form   a  treaty 
with  the  English,  104.    Join 
o«  ^^P^'^^^ion    of  Mason, 
I'^b.   Attempt  to  procure  the 
murder  of  Uncas,  185,236. 
Are  defeated  by  the  Mohe- 
gans,  191,  253.    Attack  Un- 
""fJ^  ^^enge  for  the  death 
ofMiant,nomo,211.  Accuse 
Uncas  of  falsehood  and  dis- 
honesty,  212.     Agree  to   a 


Defeat  the  Mohegans,  215 
War  against  them  resolved 

^"^y^he_  Commissioners, 
<5Jb.     Obtain  peace  on  hard 
conditions,  217.     Unite  with 
the    Pocomtocks    and    Mo- 
havyks  against  Uncas,  234 
Unite  with  the  Pocomtocks 
and     lunxis,   253.       Their 
overthrow    and     ruin,    281 
Theb  country  ravaged"  by 
the  English,  Mohegans  and 
Pequots,  283,  284. 


Cemetery  of  ^^.T:^^"^^^'  ^^^indsor  saga^ 
at  Norwich,  4, )r,.  I     265'  Sells  land,  264, 

45 


504 


INDEX. 


I 


I 


Nehantics,  a  Rhode  Island 
tribe,  61.  Join  the  expedi- 
tUm  of  Mason,  127.  War 
u|"  n  by  the  English,  244. 

Nehantics  Western,  of  Con 
necticut,  early  condition  of, 
57.  A  village  of,  attacked  by 
the  English,  137.  Their  re- 
servation, 381.  A  -v^.,  ressions 
upon,  382.  Condition  in 
1734  and  1736,  383.    Efforts 


for  their  religious  bene- 
fit, 383.  Religious  interest 
among  them,  384.  Difficul- 
ties with  the  whites,  384. 
Their  numbers  in  1761, 
1774  and  1783,  385,  386. 
Their  present  condition,  386. 
Nepaupuck,  a  Pequot  saga- 
more,  unjust  trial  of,  172. 
Execution  of,  174. 
New    Fairfield    Indians,    sell 

their  land,  360. 
Ne_Ar  Milford  Indians,  collec 
tion    of    into    a   tribe,    389. 
Observations  on  their  num- 
bers, 389.  Sell  Wyantenock, 

391.  Sell  other  large  tracts, 

392.  Their  connection  with 
the  neighboring  tribes,  393. 
Their  partial  migration  to 
Scaiacook,  396.  Obtain  an 
appropriation  from  the  As- 
sembly, 397.  Make  another 
migration,  397.  Their  con- 
dition in  1774,  397.  Their 
cemeteries,  398. 

Niuigret,  sacheu:  of  the  Rhode 
Island  Nehantics,  153,  160, 
216,  236,  239,  244,  245, 
246. 

Nipmucks,  or  Nipnets,  their 
early    condition,    57.      Seil 


a  tract  at  Plainfield,  266. 
Make  war  with  the  Narra- 
gansetts,  267.  How  their 
lands  passed  away  from 
them,  376.  Traditions  con- 
cerning them,  377.  Singu. 
lar  tradition  of  theirs,  377. 
Their  intercourse  with  the 
settlers,  378.  Religious  in- 
terest among  them,  380. 
Their  numbers  in  1774,  381. 
Norwalk    Indians,    sell    their 

land,  177. 
OccoM     Samson,     conversion 
and  education  of,  454.     Be- 
comes  a  missionary  among 
the    Long    Island    Indians, 
455.     Is    licensed    and    or- 
dained, 455.     Goes  to  Eng- 
land  and  attracts   great  no- 
tice, 458.     His  oljservations 
on  the  result  of  the  Mohegan 
Case,  463.     His  sermon  at 
the  execution  of  Moses  Paul, 
465.    His  death,  476. 
Oweneco,  oldest  son  of  Uncas, 
leads    a  war    party   against 
Philip,  280.     Leads  another 
against    the    Narragansetts, 
283.      Trustees   his  private 
lands,    290.       Becomes    sa- 
chem of  the  Mohegans,  304. 
Confirms  a  large  tract  to  the 
tribe,    305.      Trustees    the 
Mohegan   land  to  the   Ma- 
sons,   305.     Makes  various, 
sale      and    gifts,    306,    307. 
Engaged     in    a    law     suit 
against      Connecticut,    310. 
His  death,  and  anecdotes  of 
him,  314. 
Pauoussetts,  situation,  num- 
bers  and  fortresses  of,  49. 


Sell  part  of  Milford,  166 
Disturb  the  people  of  Mil.' 
ford    222      i,,,P^,  ^     ^;^- 

of   Mohawks,   223.      Land 

nil,    2G4.      Make    various 

sale«,  269.    Land  laid  out  to 
Jem    in    Huntington,    270. 
1  heir  dispersion,  354.  Num- 
bers at  Golden   Hill  at  va-, 
nous  times,  355.     Ageres. 
sions  upon  the  Golden  Hill 

"Pon  the   band   in  Milford, 

in    M-f/T"^  remnants  of, 
m    Milford   and   Trumbull 
357      Colony  of,   in  Wood- 
bridge,  357. 
Pequots     situation    and  num. 

nr^A^f-    ^^«^«nded  from 
^le    Mohicans    of   Hudson 
River,  59.    Their  settlement 
m  Connecticut,  60.     Their 
early   wars   and    conquests, 
bl.      iheir  enmity  with  the 
JNarragansetts,    62.       Their 
early     sachems,     66.      Sell 
Hartford   to  the  Dutch,  7L 
Make  war  with  the   Dutch, 
73.    Murder  Captain  Stone, 
77.      I  heir    affairs    on    the 
wane,   78.      Make   a  treaty 
with      Massachusetts,    .  80  • 
with  the  Narragansetts,  SL 
Observe  ill  their  treaty  with 
Massachusetts,    86.       Treat 

;^P~^^-I^^ght  with  a  party 
f  English,  99.  Fail  in 
attempting  to  excite  the 
^arragansetts  against  the 
English,  101-loi  Kill 
numbers    of    the    English, 

43 


INDEX. 


505 


105-109.    Parley  with  the 
garrison    at  Say  brook,  111 
i"^^//^'^;'J>ersfield,    J 13." 
Aie  defeated  at  Mystic  and 
then-  fort  burned,  131-133 
Dispezse,   Uo.     Retreat   to' 
i-aiiheld  swamp,  141.     Are 
overtaken  and  defeated,  147 
Seek  refuge  among  the  sur- 
rounding tribes,  152.      Sub-   - 
mit     to    the    English,    155. 
Aie  divided  among  the  Mo- 
Regans,  Nehantics  and  Nar 
ragansetts,      159.       Havinc? 
settled  in  their  ancient  ccuu. 
]^y,    are    driven    out,   169. 
/wo  bands  of  them  collect 
J^  their  ancient  country,  226 
i;iy   from    the  authority  of 
Uncas,  230  .  Petition   to  be 
fieed    from    his    rule,   231. 
Resolute  in  refosing  to  obey 
Uncas,233.      Petit^n  to  be 
governed   by   the    English, 

English,  242,  243,  244,  246, 
^60.     Leave  the   Nehantics 
and  come  in  to  the  E.iglish, 
'^T  .  t^^e    received    under 
colonial  authority  and   pro- 
tection 246.     Governors  ap- 
pointed for  them,  246.  Laws 
made   lor   their   regulation, 
^47.      Quarrel     with      the 
Montauks,  261.     Overseers 
appointed    for    them,    261. 
Their  western   band  settled 
at  Mushantuxet,  262.    Join 
the  English  in  Philip's  war 
280.      Their     situation      in 
1683,297.   Melancholy  char? 
acter  of  their   hi.tor/,  421. 
Observations  on  their  dimi- 


506 


INDEX. 


nution,  421.  Their  early 
governors,  422.  Their  quar- 
rels with  them,  423.  En- 
croachments  on  the  western 
band,  423.  Its  condition  and 
numbers  in  1731,  427.  Its 
lands  in  part  leased,  428. 
Laws  for  its  j.otection,  428. 
Religious  interest  among  the 
Pequots,  430.  Numbers  of< 
the  eastern  band  in  1749, 
432.  Attempted  aggressions 
on  it,  432.  Aggressions  on 
the  western  band,  433.  De- 
prived of  a  large  part  of  its 
lands,  436.  Its  numbers  in 
1762,  437.  Efforts  for  its 
religious  and  educational 
benefit,  437.  Its  numbers  in 
1774,  439.  Numbers  of  Pe- 
quots remove  to  the  Oneida 
country,  440.  Renewed  diffi- 
culties concerning  the  lands 
of  the  western  band,  440. 
President  Dwight's  account 
of  the  eastern  band,  441.  Its 
condition  in  1820,  442.  Con- 
dition of  the  western  band  in 
1832,  443.  In  1849,  444  , 
Condition  of  the  eastern 
band  in  1848,443. 

Philip,  sachem  of  the  Pokano- 
kets,  his  war  commences, 
279.    His  death,  287. 

Pocomtocks,  a  Massachusetts 
tribe,  234,  235.  254,  255. 

Podunks,  situation  and  num- 
bers of,  55.   Their  difficulties 

,  with  Uncas,  249, 257.  Listen 
to  the  gospel  from  Eliot,  252. 
Their    disappearance,   363. 

Potatucks,  situation  of,  51.  Sell 
a  large  tract  of  land,  351. 


Their  condition  in  1710,  ^52, 
Hold  a  great  powwowing, 
352.  Obtain  an  appropriation 
from  the  Assembly,  353. 
Numbers  of  in  1761  and 
1774,  354. 

Powwows,  or  priests,  account 
of,  27. 

QuiNEBAUGS,  see  Nipmucks. 

Quinnipiacs,  situation  and 
numbers  of,  52.  Sell  their 
territory,  162.  Their  reser- 
vation, 360.  Their  last  sa- 
chem, 360.  Their  numbers 
about  1730,  361.  Their  par- 
tial migration  to  Farming, 
ton,  361.  Their  cemeteries, 
362. 

Ram  ipoo  Indians,  of  Ridge 
field,  sell  their  land,  359. 

"  River  Tribes,"  close  connec- 
tion among  anciently,  53. 
Great  sachem  of,  54.  Clo- 
sing  history  of,  363,  et  acq, 

Salisbury  Indians,  see  Sha- 
ron Indians. 

Sassacus,  becomes  sachem  of 
the  Pequots,  73.  Sends 
to  Massachusetts  to  solicit 
peace,  79.  His  courageous 
counsels,  141.  He  retreats 
with  part  of  his  people 
to  Fairfield  swamp,  142. 
Leaves  them  and  flies  to  the 
Mohawks,  150.  Is  murdered 
by  the  Mohawks,  151. 

Scatacooks,  collect  at  Kent, 
407.  A  Moravian  mission 
amongthem,409.  Their  par- 
tial dispersion,  411.  Hold  a 
"  talk "  with  the  commis- 
sioners of  Massachusetts, 
Connecticut  and  New  York, 


h 


t 


INDEX. 


607 


;' 


411.  Their  reservations, 
413.  Sell  part  of  their  ter- 
ritory, 414.  Encroachments 
on  them,  414.  Obtain  land 
from  the  Assembly,  415. 
Difficulties  with  the  whites, 

415.  Curious   petition    of, 

416.  Their  numbers  in 
1774,  417.  Their  lands 
leased  in  1775,  417.  Their 
condition  in  1786,  417. 
A  large  tract  of  their  land 
sold  in  1801,  419.  Their 
present  numbers  and  condi- 
tion, 420. 

Sehat,  a  Windsor  sagamore, 
53,  83. 

Sequassen,  sachem  of  the  River 
Tribes,  54.  Overcome  by 
the  Pequots,  61.  Sells  land 
around  Hartford,  83.  At- 
tacks Uncas,  187.  Is  de. 
feated,  188.  His  singular 
conspiracy,  218.  He  is  im- 
prisoned by  the  English,  222. 
Being  in  exile  is  allowed  by 
the  commissionei's  to  return 
to  his  country,  222.  His 
quarrel  with  the  Podunks, 
249,  ei  seq. 

Sequin,  see  Sowheag. 

Sharon  Indians,  one  tribe  with 
the  Salisbury  Indians,  398. 
Sell  various  tracts  of  land, 
399.  Complain  of  encroach- 
ments and  oppression,  400. 
Sell  their  reservations  in 
Salisbury,  401.  Gradually 
leave  Sharon,  403.  Sell  their 
reservations  in  Sharon,  403. 

Shaumpishuh,  sunk  squaw  of 
the  Guilford  Indians,  52. 
Signs    the    treaty   at    New 


Haven,  164.     Sells  her  land 
at  Guilford,  167. 

Sowheag,  or  Sequin,  sachem 
of  the  Wangunks,  54,  Sells 
the  country  around  Weth 
ersfield,  83.  Wronged  by 
the  Wethersfield  people, 
113.  Induces  the  Pequots 
to  attack  Wethersfield,  113. 
His  quarrel  with  Connec- 
ticut, 168. 

TiMOTHEUS,  a  Sharon  Indian, 
claims  land  there,  and  makes 
disturbances,  403.  Is  bought 
out,  and  leaves,  405. 

Tontonimo,  a  Podunk  sachem, 
quarrels  with  Sequassen  and 
Uncas,  249. 

Tountonemoe,  a  Paugussett 
sachem,  269. 

Tunxis,  situation  and  numbers 
of,  52.  Sell  Farmington, 
175.  Attack  the  Mohegans, 
254.  Fined  therefor,  255. 
Fined  for  a  murder,  263. 
Their  reservation  confirmed 
to  them,  263.  Disappear 
from  Simsbury,  369.  School 
existing  among  them,  370. 
Several  become  freemen  and 
professors  of  religion,  371. 
Aggressions  upon  their 
lands,  371.  Their  numbers 
in  1761  and  1764,  373.  Me- 
morials, &c.,  373.  Their 
disappearance,  375.  A  mon- 
ument to  their  memory,  375 

Uncas,  a  sagamore  among  the 
Pequots,  66.  Related  to  the 
royal  Pequot  family,  66 
Rebels  against  Sassacus,  84. 
Defeated  and  banished,  84. 
His  person  and  character,  86. 


^ff^-JSf^-\ 


II 


]; 


508 


I^TDEX. 


Joins  the  English  against  the 
Pequots,  119.  Defeats  two 
parties  of  Pequots,  120,  121. 
Tortures  a  prisonei,  121. 
Deceitful  conduct  of,  154, 
159.  Joins  in  a  league  with 
Connecticut  and  the  Narra- 
gansetts,  159.  His  increas- 
ing power,  181.  Sells  the 
Hammonassett  country,  182. 
His  deed  of  1G40,  183,  455. 
Is  hated  by  Sequassen  and 
the  Narragansett  sachems, 
184.  Invades  and  defeats 
Sequassen,  188.  Defeats 
Miantinomo,  191.  Executes 
him,  197.  Is  besieged  by 
the  Narragansetts,  213.  In- 
vestigates  an  Indian  murder 
at  Stamford,  224.  Beats  and 
abuses  a  hunting  party  of 
Pequots,  227.  Is  summoned 
before  the  Commission- 
ers, 228.  Other  complaints 
against  him,  228,  231.  Fox- 
on's  defense  of  him,  231.  He 
is  fined,  233.  Is  stabbed  by 
a  Narragansett,  236.  Quar- 
rels with  a  Long  Island  sa- 
chem, 237.  Why  hated  by 
the  other  sachems,  238. 
Complains  to  the  English 
about  Ninigret  and  the 
Dutch,  239.  Quarrels  with 
Tontoiiimo,  a  Podunk  sa- 
chem, 249.  Defeats  the  Nar- 
ragansetts, 253.  Is  attacked 
by  the  Pocomtocks,  T^nxi^: 
and  Narragansetts,  254. 
Quarrels  with  Arramamen't, 
a  Podunk  sachem,  258,  Op-  ^ 
poses  the  gospel,  275.  His 
religious     character,     276. 


Joins  the  English  in  Philip's 
war,  280.     His  death,  296. 

Uncas  Major  Ben,  son  of  the 
last,  his  protest  against  Owe- 
neco's  sales,  313.  Usurps 
the  sachemship  of  Mohegan, 
318.     His  death,  321. 

Uncas  Ben,  son  of  the  last,  be- 
comes sachem  of  Mohegan, 
321.  Is  opposed  to  the  Ma- 
sons, 322.  Releases  Con- 
necticut from  the  claims  of 
the  Mohegans,  321.  His  will 
and  death,  447. 

Uncas  Ben,  son  of  the  last,  he- 
comes  sachem  of  Mohegan, 
448.  Complains  of  the  Ma- 
son party  to  the  Assembly, 
450,  459.     His  death,  460. 

Uncas  Cesar,  sachem  of  Mo- 
hegan, 315.     His  death,  318. 

Uncas  Isaiah,  son  of  Ben 
Uncas,  educated  at  Whee- 
lock's  school,  456.  His  death, 
464. 

Uncas,  the  name  of,  now  prob- 
ably extinct,  481. 

\VAoiii.\AcuT,a  Podunk  saga- 
more, urges  the  English  to 
settle  on  the  Connecticut,  73. 

Won iinnks. their  situation,  54. 
Sell  various  large  tracts,  264, 
265.  Their  reservations, 
663  Labors  of  Richard 
Treat  for  their  education  and 
conversion,  364.  Their  num- 
Lv^rs  and  condition  in  1764, 
367.  Sale  of  tlieir  lands  and 
their  dis[)trsion  and  extinc- 
tion, 368. 

Waierbury  Indians,  sell  their 
land,  268. 

Wcpawaui{3,  see  Paugusaetts. 


' 


i 


INDEX. 


509 


"Wequash,  a  Nehantic  saga- 
more, 130.  His  conversion, 
178.     His  death,  179. 

Wequash  Cook,  see  Hermon 
Garret. 

Weraumaug,  sachem  of  the 
New  Milford  tribe,  sells  a 
large  tract  on  the  Housa- 
tonic,  392.     His  grand  wig- 


wam, 393.  His  conTersion 
and  death,  394.  Singular 
scene  at  his  dealh-bed,  395. 

Wheelock,  Rev.  Eleazer,  in- 
structs Samson  Occom,  453. 
His  Indian  school,  456 — 459. 

Windsor  Indians,  53.  Disper- 
sion  of,  363.  Numbers  of, 
in  1774,  363. 


i 


